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1
Ashrafi, Sayed Ahmad Rashid, e Vishwanatha Kalaiah. "TREND, DIRECTION AND PERFORMANCE OF AFGHANISTAN’S INTERNATIONAL TRADE". Australian Finance & Banking Review 5, n.º 1 (10 de abril de 2021): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/afbr.v5i1.1069.
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Afghanistan is at a strategic location which acts as an important corridor in Asia and connects powerful industrial economies such as India and China to Northern Asia and to Europe via dry and seaways and vice versa through the Lapis Lazuli Corridor, Chabahar port and other corridors. The study asses to perceive the performance and trend of Afghanistan’s export and import. Moreover, the study points out to the destinations of Afghanistan's exports by regions and origin of Afghanistan’s imports by regions. The paper descriptively concentrates on direction, trend, and performance of the Afghanistan trade. The data is retrieved from numerous secondary sources encompass National Statistic and Information Authority and Ministry of Trade and Industry of Afghanistan. The period selected is from 2002 to 2018. Moreover, the research is based on quantitative data and descriptive statistics have been used to analyze the trend and direction of the Afghanistan trade. The study shows that there is an ascending direction of Afghanistan's export to Emerging and Developing Asian Economies majorly includes Pakistan, India and Bangladesh, while it indicates a descending export direction to Advanced Economies, Commonwealth Independent States, Middle East, and European Nations. Furthermore, Afghanistan's import shared with the regions is in an unstable form.
JEL Classification Codes: F1, F10, F19.
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Faheem, Farrukh, Sajjad Hussain e Muhammad Tariq Rasheed Qmar. "The US withdrawal from Afghanistan and its impacts on the Pak-Afghan relationship". Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 3, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2022): 540–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/3.1.37.
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How to fix Afghanistan's challenges is one of the most talked-about issues of the 21st century. With its incredible nature and immense scale of being a safe haven for terrorists, the Afghanistan conundrum warrants all the thought it gets. The US hasty attack and abrupt withdrawal from Afghanistan affected the neighbouring states somehow and others. Pakistan is the most affected among these countries because of its chaotic past relationship. In the latest situation since the US retreat from Afghanistan, bordering countries have been trying to pull Afghanistan out of its misery. To achieve this goal, Pakistan had been trying to peacefully give passage to the US to leave and help the Taliban to assume control of Kabul. This is an uphill task because other regional and global powers have agendas to reshape Afghanistan’s future. On the other hand, for Afghanistan, common players, for instance, Pakistan, India, China, and Russia, have consistently been reconsidering their ways of meeting their national points of interest or terminations. This study investigates the Afghan harmony procedure and regional and global players waiting for the US withdrawal procedure and how it would affect Pakistan's future relationship with Afghanistan.
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Aslami, Alyas. "Role of Natural Gas in Producing Electricity in Afghanistan". International Journal of Multidisciplinary Approach Research and Science 2, n.º 01 (21 de dezembro de 2023): 397–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.59653/ijmars.v2i01.505.
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This article depicts the role of natural gas reserves in Afghanistan in the production of electricity in the country. Also, this study estimates the impacts of electricity generation from natural gas on imported electricity. Afghanistan has 62nd position in the world's gas reserves, 79th position in the production of natural gas, and 104th position in the consumption of natural gas. Afghanistan has 1,750,000 million cubic feet of natural gas reserves, 6,675 million cubic feet of production of natural gas per year, and 5,163 million cubic feet of consumption of natural gas per year. Afghanistan's position in imports and exports of natural gas is zero in the world. Afghanistan’s natural gas reserves are 16.2 trillion cubic feet, located in the northern Amu-Darya and Afghan-Tajik regions, and they can respond to the energy demand of Afghanistan’s people. At present, the imports of electricity from neighboring countries are 4,900 GWh per year. To carry out this study, we have used secondary data that was collected from reliable academic sources. Descriptive analysis and a quantitative approach are used for analyzing the data. The result shows that electricity generation from the natural gas reserves of Afghanistan is 1,260.45 GWh per year. This amount can reduce the imported electricity from 4,900 GWh to 2,592.55 GWh.
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Khan, Taimur Azam. "Prohibition on Opium Poppy Cultivation in Afghanistan:". Central Asia 91, Winter (20 de janeiro de 2023): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-91.182.
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Afghanistan is home to the largest illicit drug industry in the world. The depth, influence, and impact of its narco-economy remain unparalleled. Illicit drug production has become a dominant feature of Afghanistan’s landscape. The opium economy is pervasive and deeply entrenched. Afghanistan's opium economy has become the source of security rather than the state. Therefore, the degree of dependence on the opium economy has thus become unprecedented in the modern history of drug production. The dependence means any immediate attempt toward opium poppy prohibition/eradication will result in political and socioeconomic crises not only in Afghanistan but the transit states in the region as well. In context of narco-economy, this paper expostulate that the construction of security in traditional and nontraditional discourse are linear, i.e. detached from reality or suffers from moralistic constraint, and therefore, needs to be revisited in line with ground reality of Afghanistan and transit states at large. Deviating from conventional literature on drug-security nexus, the paper argues that a complete prohibition of poppy cultivation in Afghanistan is by far a larger security concern than its retention. This research paper, therefore, takes a cursory examination of the security implications and challenges that may ensue as a result of a diminished production capacity of Afghanistan’s opium economy either experienced through complete prohibition, eradication programs or through natural calamity.
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Lan, Jiang, e Jiang Lan. "Review of Afghanistan's National Education Strategic Plan (2017-2021)". Pacific International Journal 5, n.º 3 (30 de setembro de 2022): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55014/pij.v5i3.183.
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The Afghanistan National Education Strategic Plan (2017-2021) is the third strategic plan for education development issued by the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan since its establishment. The Ministry of Education of Afghanistan, in accordance with the Constitution of Afghanistan and the provisions of various sectors, provides an in-depth analysis of the current situation of education in Afghanistan and sets the direction for the development of education in Afghanistan from 2017 to 2021. The Afghanistan National Education Strategic Plan (2017-2021) is divided into three main parts:quality and relevance, equitable access, and efficient and transparent management. The goal of Afghanistan's National Education Strategic Plan (2017-2021) is to develop skilled and capable Afghan citizens through the Afghan education system to sustain Afghanistan's socio-economic development and social cohesion.
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Alizai, Ghulam Shah Adel. "UNDERSTANDING LEGAL BARRIERS TO FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN AFGHANISTAN: A CASE STUDY IN HERAT INDUSTRIAL ZONE". International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 8, n.º 12 (28 de dezembro de 2020): 80–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i12.2020.2515.
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Since a century ago, there have been many efforts to attract foreign investment in Afghanistan. These efforts include the codification of laws and policies and the provisionof facilities for participation of foreign companies in the Afghan economy through partnership with the government and partnership with private sector in this country. Since 2001, with the support of the market economy system in Afghanistan's constitution and the reform of some governmental institutions, these efforts have been accelerating, hoping thatencouraging foreign investors and their presence in the market will improve the economic situation. Unfortunately, these efforts have failed to meet the market expectations and the Afghanistan’s government purposes in order to attract foreign investment in Afghanistan. Even in 2014, and after that, the outflow of capital (domestic and foreign) has also beenreported from the economy of Afghanistan. Various variables can be considered as an obstacle to the development of foreign investment in Afghanistan, war, corruption, lack ofinfrastructure, lack of energy, lack of trained workforce and non-accountability of the legal system are in this category. In this research, it was assumed that the existing challenges in different sectors of legal framework of foreign investment in Afghanistan are the main obstacles to the growth of foreign investment in this country. In order to prove the hypothesis, the study was carried out using the experimental research method by referring to the investors and experts in the economic zone of Herat in western Afghanistan. The research results indicate that in some sectors, the legal system needs to be reformed, but in general and by comparing the legal system with other variables, the measure of investors' satisfaction is satisfactory, and regulations are not as the main obstacle to the growth of foreign investment in Afghanistan, thus based on the analysis of data, the existing challenges in the laws and policies is not the main obstacle to the growth of foreign investment in Afghanistan. Therefore, it is necessary for Afghanistan's government to take into account the challenges such as security problems, corruption, lack of infrastructure, lack of energy and lack of trained workforce and take steps to address them.
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Cunningham, Nathan W. "Drawing Down Bribery Risks: Complying with the FCPA While Doing Business in Afghanistan in 2014 and Beyond". Global Trade and Customs Journal 9, Issue 10 (1 de outubro de 2014): 464–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2014057.
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Changes in Afghanistan's security environment present challenges for western companies operating in Afghanistan; many will see an increased reliance on local partners, a higher tolerance of dangerous environments, and greater exposure to corruption risks. Given Afghanistan's entrenched culture of corruption, companies must minimize the corresponding risk under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act ("FCPA"). This article provides a primer on the FCPA's provisions to give compliance personnel guidance. It contains a description of certain payments demanded by the Afghan government from companies supporting U.S. government operations in Afghanistan to illustrate certain difficulties with doing business in Afghanistan as well as a description of the general characteristics of doing business in Afghanistan. It concludes with recommendations for companies doing business in Afghanistan.
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Zhang, Chunfang. "The Impact of Afghanistan's Changed Situation on India's Geo-environment". Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 7, n.º 6 (1 de junho de 2022): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v7i6.1206.
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Afghanistan's changed situation was one of the biggest international changes in 2021, causing violent shocks to the world. As an important neighboring country of Afghanistan, India has significant economic and security interests in Afghanistan. The change in Afghanistan has not only directly affected the bilateral relations between India and Afghanistan, but also has triggered a new round of regional power games involving India, Pakistan, Russia, Iraq and other countries. At the same time, the change in Afghanistan is also related to the adjustment of United States’ global strategy. As a result, the situation in Afghanistan has had a profound and extensive impact on India's geo-environment.
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Maley, William. "Afghanistan in 2011". Asian Survey 52, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2012): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.88.
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Abstract Afghanistan confronted further turbulence in 2011, involving the assassinations of prominent figures, tense regional relations, and uncertainty about where the draw down of foreign forces in Afghanistan might lead. Popular confidence in Afghanistan's future direction remains weak, and President Hamid Karzai has had little success in boosting his government's standing.
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Khurami, Hafiza. "Afghanistan and United States foregin relation after September 11th 2001". Technium Business and Management 3 (6 de janeiro de 2023): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/business.v3i.8273.
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The incident of 11 September 2001 played an important role the relations between Afghanistan and the United States. After that Afghanistan was the axis of attention to US foreign policy. The US Military presence in Afghanistan has different reason. Afghanistan is a tool for the United States to achieve its goal, because Afghanistan has a special geopolitical position through which it can achieve its ideological goals, one of these reasons could be the struggle against Islam. because the Middle East countries are the cradle of Islam. And the United States considers these countries to be the source of terrorism, which is the enemy of the United States. And to achieve its political goals by establishing military bases in Afghanistan under the influence of powers such as Russia, China and Iran. Afghanistan's proximity to the Middle East and Central Asia, which are rich in oil and gas resources, is also economically important to the United States. So Afghanistan's geopolitical position could be a good platform to achieve these US goals.
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Akhtar, Imranullah, e Nazifullah Niazi. "Government of Afghanistan Republic from Revolution to Collapse: A Realist Perspective on Political Dominance". American Journal of Law and Political Science 2, n.º 4 (29 de novembro de 2023): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.58425/ajlps.v2i4.218.
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Aim: The aim of this study was to explore the collapse of the Republic of Afghanistan’s government, and to identify the main factors contributing to its collapse. By analyzing a variety of political and historical factors, the research seeks to find the underlying causes of the collapse of the government.
Methods: This research used a qualitative research design, including document and articles analysis. The sources of data included books, academic articles, and reports. The data was analyzed using a realist framework to identify the underlying causes of the collapse of the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan.
Result: The collapse of the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan between 1973 and 2021 was mainly due to the lack of inclusive and stable administrations representing national interests; external interference, media propagandas, internal conflicts and economic instability have contributed to the collapse. Lessons learned include the need for political engagement, regional collaboration, economic development and international support to prevent future collapses and promote a sustainable and inclusive model of government in Afghanistan.
Conclusion: This study offers recommendations for future governance in Afghanistan, taking into account the complex situation.
Recommendation: In order to ensure Afghanistan's future stability and prosperity, it is essential that inclusion, representation and political stability are given priority. This includes actively involving marginalized groups and communities in the decision-making process and supporting an inclusive political environment.
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Nawid, Senzil. "The State, the Clergy, and British Imperial Policy in Afghanistan during the 19th and Early 20th Centuries". International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, n.º 4 (novembro de 1997): 581–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065211.
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The political and dynastic history of Afghanistan during the 19th and the early 20th centuries is well known. So is British imperial policy toward Afghanistan. However, very little attention has been paid to the role of the clergy, the guardians of the Islamic order and the representatives of the civil society in Afghanistan. They played a major role in domestic politics and in Afghanistan's challenges with foreign powers. This paper attempts to fill the gap in information about the ulama by detailing their role in defending Afghanistan's territorial integrity and by examining the conflict over jihad between the ulama and Afghanistan's rulers, a conflict that adversely affected the legitimacy of successive regimes.
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Safranchuk, Ivan. "Afghanistan’s Political Future and Its Role in Eurasian Cooperation". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 75, n.º 1 (22 de janeiro de 2019): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418821467.
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While it is widely admitted that Afghanistan can contribute to connectivity in Eurasia, one may not also deny that Afghanistan’s regional role is dependent on regional conditions. This article takes Afghanistan’s security and geostrategic trends in Eurasia as the two major variables, defining conditions for Afghanistan’s regional role. They are reviewed and then synthesised as dependent and independent variables to form taxonomy of possible regional roles for Afghanistan.
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Wishnick, Elizabeth. "Post-2014 Afghanistan Policy and the Limitations of China’s Global Role". Central Asian Affairs 1, n.º 1 (18 de abril de 2014): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00101009.
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Although China is Afghanistan’s neighbor, strategic partner, and one of its largest foreign investors, it has kept a low profile overall on Afghanistan compared to other states in the region. This article seeks to understand China’s Afghanistan policy within the context of the Chinese government’s overall approach to foreign affairs. A review of China’s Afghanistan policy show a reluctant involvement, with domestic economic and security interests leading and foreign policy following. A final section examines the uncertain policy environment that China faces in devising an Afghanistan policy and some of the scenarios that Chinese scholars envisage for Afghanistan post-2014.
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Khan, Hameed Ullah, e Amna Mahmood. "The Stabilizing Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Afghanistan". Central Asia 92, Summer (2 de fevereiro de 2024): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-92.200.
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Terrorism is one of the main reasons contributing to Afghanistan's insecurity. The fragile peace in Afghanistan has given terrorist groups much freedom to manoeuvre and grow. These situations require the countries in the region to assume greater responsibility to stabilise the country. Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) member states and Afghanistan relations are based on historical friendship and shared interests. The SCO's involvement in Afghanistan is facilitated by the common interests of Pakistan, China, Russia, and other neighbouring countries. The withdrawal of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) from Afghanistan gave the SCO more room to advance in Afghanistan. This article highlights the concrete steps that the SCO has taken to stabilise Afghanistan, as well as the interests of member countries and their peace efforts. In this study, the theories of the Regional Security Complex Theory and Liberal Institutionalism were used. The current economic crisis and political disruption following NATO's withdrawal from Afghanistan highlight the role of the SCO in the situation. Collaboration to boost Afghanistan's economy and growth would be beneficial. Reconstruction, development, governance, and humanitarian assistance are not only the responsibility of the countries in the region but also of the international community and organizations. The economic crisis and the rapid international recognition of the Taliban pose great challenges to the SCO.
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Samarqandi, Muzhgan. "Afghanistan, the Taliban and the liberation narrative: Why it is so vital to be telling our own stories". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 28, n.º 1 & 2 (31 de julho de 2022): 162–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v28i1and2.1238.
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Commentary: In the context of a liberation narrative, an Afghanistani broadcaster and cultural affairs adviser now living in Aotearoa New Zealand, examines the problems with this narrative when applied to the recent controversy of a pregnant New Zealand journalist in Afghanistan and her conflict with the government and the MIQ system. Firstly, this narrative relies on the assumption that ‘there isn’t anyone in Afghanistan who can write in English and tell the stories of Afghanistan to the world’. It also relies on the assumption that a foreigner, with no lived experience of our reality, can tell Afghanistan’s story. Secondly, to the extent that it creates an expectation of unconditional gratitude on the part of its ‘beneficiaries’, this narrative denies the value of immigrants in society. The author argues she personally contributes to building social cohesion in New Zealand’s multicultural environment. More generally, New Zealand’s economy and workforce rely on immigrants, as has become increasingly apparent in the face of COVID-19 restrictions. The media’s liberation narrative fails to do justice to the value and importance of this contribution. The author argues the antidote is a narrative characterised by diversity and solidarity, that builds up and builds on the voices, experiences and wisdom of Māori and Indigenous, minorities and immigrants.
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Dadabaev, Timur. "Afghanistan in 2018". Asian Survey 59, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2019): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.114.
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Three aspects symbolize the state of affairs in and around Afghanistan in 2018: the fragmentation of domestic political actors, the increasing desecuritization of rhetoric with respect to Afghanistan by neighboring countries, and the diversification of Afghanistan’s global partners. While the US strategy showed signs of stalling amid increasing violence and the fragmentation of local actors, there are changes in the attitude of neighboring states.
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Parveen, Dr Saima. "CHINA GEO-POLITICAL CONTOURS IN AFGHANISTAN". Journal of Pakistan-China Studies (JPCS) 3, n.º 1 (1 de dezembro de 2022): 102–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.55733/jpcs.v3i1.37.
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Afghanistan as pivotal in this region as it provides a land bridge between Greater Central Asia northern and southern parts and between Middle East and Greater Central Asia as well. The US intervention in Afghanistan has opened a channel for Beijing geo-political objectives in Afghanistan. China’s economic interests are connected with Afghanistan and investing in Afghanistan’s infrastructure development but threats from Islamic extremism has inundated the region which has been infested into Xinjiang province with enhanced drug trade. This research investigates the interests of China through analytical and qualitative approaches. China’s interests in Afghanistan revolve around various geo-political imperatives. China has longer presence and investment plans in Afghanistan because Afghanistan has huge oil and natural gas reserves in northern part. Besides, China wants an access to natural gas supply of Central Asia and Afghanistan. China is interested in stable Afghanistan that has military capability to secure its borders. For regional aspiration China is to counter United States hegemonic designs. Besides, the other significant contour is having foothold in Pakistan especially through strategic designs in Balochistan.
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Rahmany, Gulab Mir. "Social Development Through International Relations". Khazanah Sosial 3, n.º 1 (22 de fevereiro de 2021): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v3i1.10711.
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With the horrific incident on September 11 in the US, the US armed forces entered Afghanistan to shut the door to terrorism. Now, Afghanistan opens a new page for Afghanistan's internal and external political system. Afghanistan as a country that has pursued regional cooperation from neighboring countries, especially from India. India is the most promising country for Afghanistan's foreign policy and diplomatic relations in areas such as economic, cultural, technical, capacity building, military and other growth. The purpose of this study is to examine the development process of the two countries India and Pakistan in an effort to establish international relations. With a qualitative approach This research resulted in India being one of the countries which, after September 11, 2001, and the leadership of the Taliban, succeeded in gaining more opportunities for the people of Afghanistan. His non-hostile contributions to Middle Eastern and Middle Eastern countries have created a special place for the people of Afghanistan. India after independence in 1947, started friendly relations with Afghanistan two years later, until now, has enthusiastically and dedicably made their contribution to Afghanistan. The people of Afghanistan in this case get many benefits from India's bilateral relations, namely the construction of the Salma Dam in Herat, Delaram Road Development, Allotment of 1000 Afghan Student Scholarships in Human Resource Development per year, the Repair of the Afghan Foreign Minister Complex, the establishment of the Afghan Parliament Building, the Opening of Chabahar Port, Strengthening the Equipment of the Afghan Military Forces, Air Corridors, and India's efforts to get Afghanistan to gain Membership in Regional Cooperation Bodies such as SAARC, BRICS, Asia Heart 'Istanbul Process'.
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Mazloum Yar, Fayaz Gul, Ihsan Ullah Ihsan e Mohammad Shafiq Hafiz. "Analyzing the Role of Great Powers in Creating the Durand Line and Its impact on Afghanistan-Pakistan Relations". Randwick International of Social Science Journal 3, n.º 4 (31 de outubro de 2022): 673–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v3i4.551.
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The existence of countries based on borders is the product of the second half of the nineteenth century, and Afghanistan is the first country to be established on this basis. Afghanistan's current political borders are imposed, largely influenced by the political struggles and rivalries of the British and Tsarist Russia in the 19th century and during the Great Game to prevent a direct confrontation between the two powers in Central Asia. They set up a barrier between themselves and established the country's political borders through several treaties. Meanwhile, the Durand Line and the issue of Pashtunistan are very important, because the developments in Afghanistan after the signing of the Durand Line entered a new phase, and with the passage of time and some major changes such as Britain's withdrawal from the subcontinent and India's independence, not only failed, but the advent of Pakistan and the conflict of interests between the two neighboring countries has led to the complexity of events which has been on the rise and continues to this day. The present study, using descriptive-analytical methods and citing reliable library sources, seeks to examine the role of major powers such as Britain and Russia in shaping Afghanistan's political borders, especially the Durand Line, and its negative consequences for Afghanistan and its role in creating differences between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The results show that regional and supra-regional powers, especially Britain, played a role in shaping Afghanistan's borders, and Durand's mystery is one of the leftovers of British-Indian colonialism, which has now become a source of discord between Afghanistan and Pakistan and its negative consequences to Afghanistan includes land closures and lack of access to open waters, support and rise of political instability in Afghanistan
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Tarzi, Amin. "Islam and Constitutionalism in Afghanistan". Journal of Persianate Studies 5, n.º 2 (2012): 205–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341244.
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Abstract A constitution is adopted to regulate the relationship between political authorities and the people in a society. Traditionally, this relationship was very loose in Afghanistan; over time, however, as amirs sought to consolidate political and social authority over their society, the establishment of a constitutional framework became a priority for each new leader. This article chronicles Afghanistan’s state formation and constitutional history, beginning with Amir Dust Mohammad Khan’s state consolidation efforts in 1838, and considering all of the constitutions of the country beginning in 1923 continuing to the present. It details the central role both Islam and Afghanistan’s ethno-sectarian diversity have played in constitutional efforts throughout Afghanistan’s history and emphasizes the need for both to ensure a representative, inclusive society in Afghanistan.
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Ahady, Shambalid, Nirendra Dev e Anubha Mandal. "An overview of the opportunities and challenges in sustaining the energy industry in Afghanistan". E3S Web of Conferences 173 (2020): 03006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202017303006.
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Energy access is not only crucial for economic growth but also important for any strategy to improve the health and social welfare of a nation. Afghanistan’s energy industry is in poor condition due to many years of war and negligence. Despite international agencies’ support and energy policies adopted in the last few years, Afghanistan has no universal access to power. Besides, the residences suffer from an irregular distribution of power supply. There is a growing gap between demand and supply, and the current predictions of demand do not show reality due to hindered economic growth. Afghanistan’s domestic power transmission is limited, which must be extended for the country to enjoy a stable and sustainable energy supply. Sustainability and security of Afghanistan’s power sector would rely on its ability to become self-reliant in power generation. Overall, the objective of this paper is to summarize the current energy status of Afghanistan and to identify energy opportunities for self-sufficiency and challenges in various aspects of energy sources. To meet energy demand, Afghanistan can develop its autochthonous hydrocarbon and renewable energy resources. By improving its domestic energy potential from natural resources, Afghanistan can fulfill its primary energy requirement. Further, along with policy formulation, appropriate and planned implementation of renewable energy policy, energy efficiency targets, and strategies, Afghanistan can reach energy self-sufficiency goals with socio-economic development.
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Qayum, Huma, Syed Umair Jalal e Uroosa Ishfaq. "CHINAS GROWING STRATEGIC INTERESTS IN AFGHANISTAN". Global Political Review 3, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2018): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).10.
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China is giving a push to the reconciliation process among the Taliban and the Afghan government. As well as working on trilateral relations of Pakistan, Afghanistan, and China. China is looking for CPEC expansion to Afghanistan through Pakistan, for which China seeks to explore the ways of reconciliation in Afghanistan among the Taliban and the Afghan government. US wants his long stay in Afghanistan to check the regional power of China and Russia, while China is taking interest in the Afghan peace process to smooth the way for US complete withdrawal. China along with other regional powers in Afghanistan supporting the Taliban demand of the US comprehensive drawdown timeline. The paper will bring into light Chinas role in Afghan peace and reconciliation, especially with the Taliban. It will also analyze Chinas role in Afghanistans infrastructure and development.
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Fayzullaev, Aziz. "EVOLUTION OF AFGHAN-TURKISH RELATIONS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY". American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 6, n.º 7 (1 de julho de 2024): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue07-04.
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The initiatives of Atatürk and Amonullah Khan, the first charismatic leaders of these countries, played a major role in the establishment of hundred-year-old warm relations between Afghanistan and Turkey. This article shows the importance of the Turkish model in the modernization of Afghanistan, the role of Turkish specialists in the development of the education, health and military sectors in Afghanistan. Turkey's participation and initiatives in Afghanistan's membership of international agreements are highlighted.
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Mbaeze, Netchy Christian, Kingsley Chukwuka Ezechi e Felix Vincent Nnamani. "The Role of International Law and Diplomacy in Inter-State Relations: Implications for Afghanistan and American War Relations". European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 2, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2024): 513–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2024.2(1).44.
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This study examines the role of international law and diplomacy in interstate relations, with implications for American-Afghanistan relations. Specifically, the study sets out to interrogate whether US war relations on terror in Afghanistan has reduced terrorism in the country; ascertain how US counter-terrorism strategic relations in Afghanistan undermined jus in bello principles of proportionality and discrimination; and determine how US strategy failure in its Afghanistan’s relations undermined its reconstruction and peace-building efforts. By adopting the Just War Theory (JWT), the paper analysed the dynamic nature of US-Afghanistan relations, following the 9/11 attacks, with findings revealing that the US had an incoherent strategy in its war relations in Afghanistan, which ultimately led to its failure to restore peace, promote democracy and human rights.
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Malik, Tasleem, Faizullah Jan e Zia Ullah. "The epistemicide in Afghanistan: an analysis of Taliban’s policies towards national and cultural symbols". Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 7, n.º 2 (31 de dezembro de 2023): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/7.2.4.
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After taking over Kabul for the second time when the US-led NATO forces left Afghanistan in 2021, the Taliban resumed their past practices. To run the affairs of Afghanistan, the Taliban use political Islam, the way they understand and interpret it, as the nodal point around which they articulate the signs and symbols in a chain of equivalence. This paper analyses the Taliban’s policies regarding Afghanistan's historical, national, and cultural symbols. Using epistemicide as an analytical device, we argue that in the name of Puritanism and the reconstitution of Afghanistan, according to Sharia, the Taliban discovered and erased all symbols of historical Afghanistan. This tends to serve as a case of epistemicide of the Afghan culture and wipes the slate of Afghan history clean. This paper explains how the Taliban silenced, devalued, and consequently moved to eradicate Afghanistan's cultural memory and knowledge system. This paper provides an account of what the Taliban’s policies convey by silencing Afghanistan's historical texts, histories, and narratives. The Afghan society is faced with internal colonisation, which refuses that knowledge production is a social practice that takes into cognisance the history and culture of the Afghan people, among other factors.
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Saboor, Abdul, Sardar Ahmed e Taha Shabbir. "Post Withdrawal Situation of us Troops from Afghanistan: Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)". Global International Relations Review IV, n.º IV (30 de dezembro de 2021): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2021(iv-iv).05.
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The study of international relations has been re-examined in light of a global perspective on politics since the conclusion of World War 2 and the September 11 terrorist attacks. Examining Afghanistan's connection with the SCO is a relatively new subject of study. Between 2001 and 2011,China intervened strategically and economically in Afghanistan in the Bonn talks between Afghanistan, China, and the SCO. Afghanistan was awarded observer status by the SCO in 2012 in order to facilitate the integration of the broader area into the SCO and diminish US-NATO influence in the nation where Russia's key geostrategic interests lay. For China, Afghanistan's natural riches are particularly valuable. Despite the United States' exit from Afghanistan, the Taliban maintains total control of the country, and international governments refuse to recognize them.The country's position is deteriorating due to the government's lack of legitimacy. Both Moscow and Beijing want to put an end to the situation.
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Atta, Ali Imran, Taimoor Akbar Chaudhury e Mustansar Abbas. "Taliban Annexation of Kabul and the End of US Involvement: Opportunities and Challenges for Islamabad". Contemporary Issues in Social Sciences and Management Practices 4, n.º 4 (31 de dezembro de 2023): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.61503/cissmp.v2i4.100.
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Since the middle of the 1990s, Pakistan and the Taliban have maintained a positive relationship. Pakistan's aggressive actions as Afghanistan's eastern neighbor have contributed to the Taliban's recent takeover. After the Afghan government left office, there was a rise in anti-Pakistan sentiment. It is likely that India will end its structural presence and turn its borders against Pakistan. This study seeks to offer a thorough analysis of the effects of Pakistan's post-Taliban rule in Afghanistan. Pakistan is in a precarious position as a result of Afghanistan's quickly changing scenario and worries that terrorist bloodshed would increase if the Taliban are unable to unite other Afghan ethnicity and political parties to form a strong and stable government. For stability and peace in the region, Afghanistan must be stable as the peaceful, prosperous and stable Afghanistan ensures the collective security and stability of a whole South Asia and in particular, Pakistan. Moreover, the study put emphasis on the fact that Indian unnecessary involvement in Afghanistan is acting as a trouble maker to bring peace and stability in Afghanistan. Under the Taliban regime it is more likely that Indian involvement in Afghanistan will be minimized. Secondly when it comes to the geopolitical competition, international powers, in particular China and America will need to act wisely in the international affairs of South Asia.
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Akhter, Muhammad Nauman. "New Perspectives on China's Evolving Relations with Afghanistan". Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, n.º II (30 de junho de 2021): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-ii).10.
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Afghanistan lies within the second and third of four-concentric security circles of China and is very important as the region for stability in the western part of China. The post 9/11 periods marked by the shifts in policies generally by the world and particularly by neighboring countries of Afghanistan: China, Iran, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, India, and Tajikistan. By reviewing China’s non-interventionist policy, the question arises here: what is China’s engagement policy towards Afghanistan?The research intends to address the question by analyzing Sion-Afghanistan’s economic, diplomatic and security relations. The research finds that China’s policy evolves very slowly from calculated indifference to aggressive engagement in Afghanistan.
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Aria, Asadullah, Mohammad Bilal Tayeb e Abuzar Khpalwak Zazai. "China's New Approach to Neighborhood Diplomacy: Analyzing the Economic and Political Relations with Afghanistan in the Post-2014 Period". Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 5, n.º 8 (23 de agosto de 2023): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2023.5.8.11.
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In recent years, Sino-Afghan relations have seen unprecedented growth, with China actively involving itself in Afghanistan's political transformation due to its longstanding friendly ties with the country. This marks China's efforts to play a proactive role in Afghanistan. The gradual withdrawal of NATO and US forces since 2014 has prompted China to adopt a new geopolitical approach towards the region. The new phase of Afghanistan-China relations has the potential to transform China from a mere observer into a constructive and intervening force in Afghanistan. This article aims to shed light on China's new diplomatic strategy in Afghanistan by examining its characteristics and implications. It is predicated on the belief that constructive engagement with Afghanistan will yield strategic, economic, and security benefits for China, which directly impact its national security risks and economic opportunities.
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Yuldashev, Anvar E., e Ulugbek A. Saidov. "THE FACTOR OF AFGHANISTAN IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF UZBEKISTAN". Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals 4, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2024): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/jsshrf-04-01-05.
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This article examines the significance of Afghanistan in shaping the foreign policy of Uzbekistan. The geopolitical proximity of Uzbekistan to Afghanistan has had a profound impact on its foreign policy decisions, particularly in the realms of security, trade, and regional cooperation. Since the emergence of an independent Uzbekistan in 1991, the country has recognized the strategic importance of fostering stable and cooperative relations with its southern neighbor, Afghanistan. This article delves into the historical context of Uzbekistan-Afghanistan relations and analyzes the evolving dynamics in the wake of changing geopolitical landscapes, such as the withdrawal of international forces from Afghanistan and the subsequent power shift in Kabul. Furthermore, it explores the implications of Afghanistan's internal developments on Uzbekistan's security concerns, economic interests, and regional integration efforts. The study also sheds light on Uzbekistan's role in facilitating peace and stability in Afghanistan, as well as its engagement in regional initiatives aimed at fostering economic connectivity and security cooperation. By analyzing the multifaceted interplay between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan, this article aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how Afghanistan factors into the foreign policy calculus of Uzbekistan and the implications for regional dynamics in Central Asia.
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Cao, Tianyi. "An Analysis of Afghanistan's Postwar Condition and How to Use AI Technology to Address It". American Journal of Trade and Policy 10, n.º 1 (27 de fevereiro de 2023): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajtp.v10i1.648.
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In August 2021, President Biden announced the withdrawal of the US army from Afghanistan. As the final armed force withdrew on August 30th, 2021, the long-term direct interference of the US army in Afghanistan ended. Since the Afghanistan War in 2001, US-led forces have sought to eliminate insurgencies and reestablish social and political orders. In the past 20 years, the US has spent considerable effort and funds to assist in the recovery and development of Afghanistan. The reappearance of the Taliban in power in Afghanistan and the retreat of US forces from the nation revealed that all the efforts the US had previously made did not meet the expectation they should have. Thus, the inefficiency of counterinsurgency in Afghanistan could be a sign that the currently existing methods might not be able to provide an effective solution for the situation in Afghanistan. Inspired by the development of novel technologies such as Artificial Intelligence, this article argues that the current usage and development of such technologies can foreshadow possible solutions to Afghanistan's various problems.
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Akram, Saira, e Muqarrab Akbar. "US Withdrawal from Afghanistan: Emerging Challenges and Future Prospects". Global Foreign Policies Review VI, n.º I (30 de março de 2023): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(vi-i).09.
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The US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 marked the end of almost two decades of military presence in the country. However, the withdrawal has created significant challenges and opportunities for Afghanistan, the region, and the international community. The Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan following the US withdrawal has raised concerns about security, human rights, governance, and the economic situation in the country. The international community needs to work together to ensure that Afghanistan remains stable, peaceful, and prosperous. Future prospects for Afghanistan include regional stability, diplomatic engagement, reconstruction and development, and counter-terrorism efforts. Regional stability is essential for Afghanistan's stability, and the international community needs to work with neighbouring countries to ensure peace and stability in the region. Diplomatic engagement with the Taliban is necessary to ensure adherence to international norms and standards, particularly in the areas of human rights and governance. Reconstruction and development efforts are crucial to help Afghanistan recover from the economic crisis and become self-sufficient.
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Felbab-Brown, Vanda. "Afghanistan in 2013". Asian Survey 54, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2014): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.1.165.
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Uncertainties about the 2014 security, political, and economic transitions pervaded Afghanistan in 2013. The failure in 2013 to sign a U.S.-Afghan security agreement permitting the presence of U.S. troops after 2014 deepens those anxieties. As ISAF forces continued to withdraw from Afghanistan, Afghan security forces now have primary responsibility for Afghanistan’s security but still face critical challenges and an undefeated Taliban. Peace negotiations have been stalled. Politics were dominated by the upcoming 2014 presidential election that can renew the legitimacy of the existing political system or throw the country into turmoil.
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Maley, William. "Images of Afghanistan". Review of International Studies 13, n.º 4 (outubro de 1987): 311–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113543.
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The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 has prompted a large number of scholars and journalists to embark on the analysis of Afghan affairs. Even before the invasion, much valuable material was available in Western languages to the interested reader. The internal politics of Afghanistan had been studied by Louis Dupree, Vartan Gregorian, Hasan Kakar, Leon B. Poullada, and Richard S. Newell; Maxwell J. Fry and Gilbert Etienne had analysed the Afghan economy; and Afghanistan's international relations had been examined in detail by Ludwig W. Adamec. Indeed, a recent bibliography of works on Afghanistan has listed no fewer than 1,611 items dealing with Afghan history and politics. None the less, had it not been for the Soviet invasion, the study of Afghanistan would surely have remained the province of a few cognoscenti. In the wake of the invasion, however, a large body of literature on Afghanistan has been published, containing works varying in quality from the outstanding to the atrocious. An appraisal of the relative merits of some of the more widely cited studies therefore seems to be in order.
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WANG, Jin. "China’s Policies and Challenges in the Taliban’s Afghanistan". East Asian Policy 14, n.º 01 (janeiro de 2022): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000083.
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With the US withdrawal and the return to power of the Afghan Taliban, the situation in Afghanistan has transformed significantly. China closely monitors the development in Afghanistan and highlights to the Afghan Taliban its redline over terrorism and extremism. It also develops ties with the Afghan Taliban to assist the Afghan people and the country in setting up a positive international image. However, given the complexities of the situation in Afghanistan and China’s inadequate knowledge of and influence in Afghanistan’s domestic affairs, China has faced tremendous challenges.
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Jabarkhail, Sami, e Larry M. Dooley. "Human Resource Development: Why It Matters in the National Context of Afghanistan". South Asian Journal of Human Resources Management 6, n.º 2 (24 de novembro de 2019): 292–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322093719886390.
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Afghanistan’s recent history has been shaped largely by conflict. As a developing country transitioning away from its heavy reliance on foreign aid, Afghanistan is facing unprecedented challenges and opportunities in building its untapped treasure, namely human resources. Afghanistan recognizes the need for countrywide human resource development (HRD) efforts since its first national development strategy was devised in 2005. In this article, we explore the status of HRD in the national context of Afghanistan by providing insight into HRD history, identifying challenges and discussing opportunities.
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Tasleem, Alia, Javed Akhtar Salyana e Muhammad Shafiq. "The Great Powers Interests in Afghanistan: Impacts on Pakistan Post - 9/11". Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, n.º II (30 de junho de 2021): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-ii).08.
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Afghanistan has a unique politico-strategic position on the world map. There are multiple reasons that always draw the attention of regional and foreign players for their national interests. The event of 9/11 again turned Afghanistan into an arena of competition for self-interests of regional and international powers. The study observes the great powers USA, China and Russia’s convergence and divergence of interests in Afghanistan in the merrier of “Offensive Realism” theory. This aim of the study is to analyze the involvement of great powers in Afghanistan and its impacts on Pakistan.This qualitative research work analyze through content analysis. The study finds out that Afghanistan’s good and bad situation always affects Pakistan.
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Sugara, Robi. "Upaya dan Kontribusi Indonesia dalam Proses Perdamaian di Afghanistan Melalui Bina-Damai". MUKADIMAH: Jurnal Pendidikan, Sejarah, dan Ilmu-ilmu Sosial 5, n.º 1 (7 de fevereiro de 2021): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30743/mkd.v5i1.3414.
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This paper aims to explain the efforts and contributions made by the Government of Indonesia in assisting the peace process in Afghanistan. This study focuses on peacebuilding efforts undertaken by the Government of Indonesia for Afghanistan. This qualitative research with literature studies explains that the peace process in Afghanistan has been going on for a long time, as the conflict has occurred and has involved many parties. The peace process in Afghanistan involves the United Nations (UN), Afghanistan's neighboring countries, major countries, and other international communities including Indonesia. Indonesia's role in the Afghan peace process is not only by garnering support from the international community to continue to help peace in Afghanistan, but also primarily through peace-building through cooperation in the development and capacity building of the government and the people of Afghanistan. Indonesia's efforts to promote peace in Afghanistan also have the support of the international and domestic Afghan community. Peace-building efforts through various capacity building programs in several fields carried out by Indonesia are one of the important steps as a strategy to prevent conflict from returning and which are oriented towards sustainable and long-term peace building in post-conflict Afghanistan. This is Indonesia's contribution to helping create Afghanistan as a safe, democratic and prosperous country as well as for world peace.
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Mahmood, Tahir, Afaq Ali Muluk e Seema Zubair. "Afghanistan’s Food Security: Evidence from Pakistan and Afghanistan Wheat Price Transmission using Threshold Vector Error Correction Model (TVECM))". Journal of Applied Economics and Business Studies 5, n.º 1 (30 de março de 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.34260/jaebs.511.
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Afghanistan's food security mainly depends on Pakistan's wheat prospect, circumstances, agriculture policies, and market price dynamics. This study explores the price transmission mechanism of the wheat flour and wheat grain between Pakistan and Afghanistan using monthly price pairs from January 2003 through October 2017. The paper investigates the existing knowledge of how Pakistan’s agricultural policy and wheat market affects the wheat market and food security of Afghanistan. The results confirm that the wheat flour price of Pakistan is found to be driving the price of wheat flour of Afghanistan. This implies that wheat flour price of Pakistan evolves independently, and that wheat flour price of Afghanistan balances any divergence in the long-run relationship between the two markets prices. The policy implication is to eradicate transaction costs as well as procuring timely wheat grain and flour, in order to maintain price stability between Pakistan and Afghanistan wheat markets.
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Ahmad, Suhrab, e Nelofar Ihsan. "ANALYZING THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF TALIBAN IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE RE-EMERGENCE OF TALIBAN AND FUTURE PROSPECTS FOR NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES". Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, n.º 01 (31 de março de 2021): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i01.190.
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Afghanistan has been a focal state when it comes to international politics. With the advent of Taliban in Afghanistan, it has become central point of attention. The whole world is oblivious to Taliban’s strategic moves. Therefore, it is imperative to comprehend that Afghanistan's socio-politico circumstances since the very start were dampened by the connectivity issue, which aggravated the political landscape of Afghanistan in order to understand the current scenario. This paper is an attempt to comprehend the current situation through a historical lens of understanding the emergence of Taliban in the first place. This paper shall also identify the historical emergence through chronological order and then shall see Taliban emergence and changing dynamics of neighboring countries. Keywords: Taliban, Perspective, Afghanistan, Strategic view, Neighboring Countries
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Felbab-Brown, Vanda. "Afghanistan in 2012". Asian Survey 53, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2013): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.1.22.
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As the 2014 transition of the U.S. out of Afghanistan approaches, progress has been made in weakening the Taliban insurgency and strengthening Afghan forces’ capacity. But the Taliban still remains entrenched, negotiations have not taken off, the Afghan government suffers from a profound legitimacy crisis, and Afghanistan’s economic future seems fraught with instability.
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Yang, Xiuqin, e Ling Guo. "A Study of the Extension of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan in the Context of the Taliban’s Return to Power: A Response from Sichuan". World Journal of Social Science Research 9, n.º 2 (27 de abril de 2022): p43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v9n2p43.
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On August 15, 2021, the Taliban overthrew the Ghani government and returned to power. The Afghan Taliban government’s ability to govern and its foreign policy are still unclear. China, as a neighboring country of Afghanistan, has always been friendly with the Afghan people and has no historical hatred. As a neighbor of Afghanistan, China can play a constructive role in the smooth transition of the situation in Afghanistan by taking advantage of being a neighbor. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a key mechanism for China to develop China-Afghanistan economic and trade relations. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor has achieved remarkable results in Pakistan. With the return of the Taliban to power and the return of calm in Afghanistan after the U.S. withdrawal, the extension of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan has become a common goal promoted by China, Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, it remains to be seen where the Taliban government returns to power, and the international community is cautious about its attitude. On March 30-31, 2022, Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi hosted the third meeting of foreign ministers of Afghanistan’s neighbors in Tunxi, Anhui Province, attended by the foreign ministers or representatives of Pakistan, Iran, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Wang Yi also hosted the “Afghanistan Neighbors + Afghanistan” Foreign Ministers’ Dialogue and invited Acting Foreign Minister Mottaki of the Taliban government to attend. This is a new starting point for China-Afghanistan cooperation and friendship. Sichuan can take advantage of its distance and infrastructure to contribute to the Sino-Afghan friendship.
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Mushair, Hasibullah, D. Murugananthi, A. Rohini e R. Vasanthi. "Export performance and direction of trade of dried apricot from Afghanistan". INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS AND STATISTICS 11, n.º 2 (15 de setembro de 2020): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15740/has/irjaes/11.2/132-136.
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Apricot is one of the most delicious refreshing and nourishing fruits. Afghanistan produces 1.09 lakh tonnes of apricot during 2018 (Afghanistan statistical year book). It is one of the important commodities in export basket of Afghanistan. The major export markets for Afghan dried apricot are India and USA. The present study aims to quantify the export performance and changing structure of dried apricot exports from Afghanistan. Secondary data on area, production and country wise quantity of exports of dried apricot was collected from FAO statistics, ITC and APEDA for a period of 13 years from 2006 to 2018. Compound Annual Growth Rate was computed for studying the trend in area, production, yield, export quantity and export value for dried apricot. Markov chain analysis was attempted to assess the direction of change in exports. Markov chain analysis results showed that, India is the stable market for Afghanistan’s dried apricot and USA is less stable markets India is the main country to import dried apricot in the next five years. It shows high value in terms of quantity and percentage which is more than 50 per cent of all Afghanistan’s dried apricot export.
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Nematullah Husainpoor. "The Role of the United States of America and the Peace Process in Afghanistan". International Journal for Research in Applied Sciences and Biotechnology 9, n.º 2 (10 de março de 2022): 279–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31033/ijrasb.9.2.22.
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The aim of the international community in Afghanistan was to fight terrorism and ensure lasting stability. Now, more than a decade and a half after the military and political presence, the prospect of peace and security does not look very clear and promising. The mechanism for security and stability in Afghanistan now defined in bringing peace through the Taliban. Afghanistan's ambassador to the United States, Zalmai Khalilzad has met with Pakistani and Afghan officials for the first time. U.S. pressure on Pakistan and consultations with countries such as UAE and Saudi Arabia have helped accelerate peace efforts in Afghanistan.
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Lhost, Elizabeth. "Of Horizontal Exchanges and Inter-Islamic Inquiries". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2021): 257–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127180.
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Abstract In 1924, the government of Afghanistan wrote to the Jam‘iyat ‘Ulama-yi Hind looking for legal justifications to support Emir Aman Allah Khan's (r. 1919–29) proposed reforms—particularly those relating to female education. Known for securing Afghanistan's independence from the British, and now recognized as a pioneering modernizer and renegade constitutional monarch, Aman Allah introduced a series of reforms during his reign that Faiz Ahmed has recently characterized as “a burgeoning model of Islamic legal modernism.” Yet the story of Afghanistan's experiments with Islamic legal modernism are greater and extend beyond the history of a single state. Taking the above claim about Afghanistan seriously, and in response to Ahmed's Afghanistan Rising this essay offers a close reading of the exchange between Kabul and Delhi to interrogate ideas about Islamic legal reform, Islamic modernity, and inter-Islamic circulations at the time of waning empires and rising nation-states.
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Susilowati, Ida, S. Thoriq Musthofa Ahmad, Sepana Virqiyan e Azzam El Zahidin. "Analisa Kebijakan Ekonomi Politik Russia Terhadap Pemerintahan Afghanistan Pasca Kemenangan Taliban Tahun 2021". SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i 9, n.º 2 (31 de março de 2022): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjsbs.v9i2.22788.
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This paper analyzes Russia's foreign policy toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The Taliban armed group's successful takeover of the Afghan government in Kabul without resorting to violence has sparked global political interest today. Numerous comments from countries around the world, including Russia, began to surface. The purpose of this study is to provide an in-depth examination of Russia's economic and political actions toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The study's findings indicate that the Russian government's policy toward the Taliban government is reasonably supportive, despite the fact that Russia has not officially recognized the Taliban leadership in Afghanistan. Russia financially and diplomatically supports the Taliban in order for the Taliban's authority over Afghanistan to be acknowledged by other countries and the international community. Russian policy is inextricably linked to Russia's political and economic interests in Afghanistan, which are based on Afghanistan's geostrategic and geopolitical importance to Russia.Keywords: Russian foreign policy, Taliban victory, Russia-Afghanistan Bilateral Relations AbstrakPenelitian ini membahas tentang analisis kebijakan luar negeri Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghansitan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Aksi kelompok milisi Taliban yang berhasil mengambil alih pemerintahan Afghanistan di Kabul tanpa adanya pertumpahan darah, menjadi isu yang cukup menarik perhatian politik global saat ini. Berbagai respon dari negara-negara di dunia mulai muncul, termasuk di antaranya negara Rusia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis secara mendalam kebijakan ekonomi dan politik Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghanistan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan kebijakan pemerintah Rusia yang relatif mendukung pemerintahan taliban, meskipun Rusia belum mengakui secara resmi pemerintahan Taliban di Afghanistan. Rusia mendukung Taliban baik secara ekonomi maupun politik, agar pemerintahan Taliban atas Afghanistan di akui oleh negara-negara lain dan masyarakat global. Kebijakan Rusia tidak terlepas dari kepentingan politik dan ekonomi Rusia di Afghanistan berdasarkan letak geostrategis sekaligus geopolitik Afghanistan bagi Rusia.Kata Kunci: kebijakan luar negeri Rusia, Kemenangan Taliban, Hubungan Bilateral Russia-Afghanistan
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Safitri, Alya Ananda, Sefriani Sefriani e Amalina Ghaisani. "Legal Protection of Women’s Rights in Afghanistan During the Taliban Regime of 2021-2022 and the State Responsibility". Lambung Mangkurat Law Journal 9, n.º 1 (24 de março de 2024): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32801/abc.v9i1.154.
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This paper discusses women’s rights in Afghanistan during the Taliban regime from 2021 to 2022. Having seized power in Afghanistan by the Taliban in August 2021, a wide range of regulations seem to discriminate against women. The discriminatory restrictive regulations enforced by the Taliban have prevented women and girls in Afghanistan from receiving the same rights as men, such as access to education, employment, and access to public facilities. This is clearly inconsistent with The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Given that Afghanistan ratified CEDAW in 2003, it guarantees the protection of women’s rights, it means that Afghanistan has become a state party, then Afghanistan has the responsibility to comply with this convention. This research uses the type of normative legal research - searching for material in the form of library materials or secondary data as sources in writing research. The purpose of this study is to find out how the legal protection of women’s rights during the Taliban regime considering that Afghanistan has ratified CEDAW. Furthermore, to find out whether Afghanistan can be held responsible for the restrictions on women’s rights imposed by the Taliban. The approach used in this study is the conceptual approach and the statute approach. This research also uses a historical approach and a case approach. This study finds the legal protection that Afghanistan has provided for women’s rights based on the ratification of CEDAW, namely the Law on Elimination of Violence against Women (EVAW). The Islamic Republic of Afghanistan’s Constitution also protects women’s rights. However, the EVAW law has not been enforced at all since the Taliban took over. It indicates that Afghanistan can be held responsible.
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Dałek, Przemysław. "Why do «neighbouring» powers help? India, China, Russia, and their approaches to development in 2001–2021 Afghanistan". Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 3 (21 de setembro de 2023): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17703.1.
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The paper identifies the development approaches of China, India, and Russia towards 2001–2021 Afghanistan, and investigates the complex mechanism of their impact on international relations in the region of wider Central Asia. The main finding is that only India has tried to incorporate Afghanistan into its regional economic initiatives. For China and Russia, Afghanistan has been a ‘troubled neighbour’, and they acted as free riders benefiting from the US security and economic presence there, regardless of their claims. Despite its minor activity in Afghanistan, China is becoming the most dominant actor in the region by cooperating with Pakistan. Therefore, India tended to oppose Chinese efforts by providing huge funding to Afghanistan to balance Chinese influence. Meanwhile, Russia was increasingly limiting its activity, both in Afghanistan and the region, and tried to balance the influence of other powers by diplomatic means. The article also proves that, despite their membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and their association in the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) Group, emerging donors in fact did not cooperate for Afghanistan’s development, and also did not try to compete with Western donors in this regard.
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Salangi, Mohammad Mullah. "The Mistakes of Super Powers in Afghanistan". IJLHE: International Journal of Language, Humanities, and Education 5, n.º 2 (14 de dezembro de 2022): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.52217/ijlhe.v5i2.1064.
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Afghanistan’s strategic location and lying at the crossroad linking the Central Asian States with South Asian region motivated major powers to take interest and competing with each other for the purpose of dominance. This paved the way for making Afghanistan battleground of different powers. So, Afghanistan is a country with a myriad history inflicted with conflicts of interests among regional and international powers. Therefore, Afghanistan has a deep history of insurgency, resistance and wars that shapes the perceptions of the people who live there. For instance, Taliban propaganda portrayed Afghanistan’s President Hamid Karzai as an American Shah Shuja, a cutting reference to the king the British brought to power in 1839 during the First Anglo-Afghan War (1839-42). When British troops deployed to southern Afghanistan in 2006, residents feared they had been sent to take revenge for the Afghan victory at the Battle of Maiwand which took place there during the Second Anglo-Afghan War in 1880. In addition, plans for withdrawing international forces from Afghanistan, immediately make Afghans recall the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 that began a slide to civil war. However, the super powers interferences in the internal affairs (cultural and religious values) of the Afghans lead to wars and political turmoil so much so that the country cannot be turned to a stable state. The paper examines the mistakes of major powers and their destruction role in the continuing civil war and miserable situations of the Afghan people.