Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "222/.1107"

AbstractThe response of finishing Blackface lambs (mean initial live weight 29·6 kg) to shearing and level of concentrate supplementation on a silage-based diet was examined in two experiments. Silage intake decreased as concentrate level increased at mean rate of 0·13 and 0·26 g silage dry matter (DM) per g concentrate DM, in experiments 1 and 2 respectively, with no significant differences between unshorn and shorn lambs. Lambs gained 36, 97, 135, 193 and 224 g/day (s.e. 9·1; P < 0·001) in experiment 1 and 97,133,170,185 and 222 g/day (s.e. 9·9; P < 0·001) in experiment 2 when 0, 200, 400, 600 g/day and concentrate ad libitum were offered respectively. Shearing increased silage DM intake from a mean of 0·50 to 0·56 kg/day (s.e. 0·016; P < 0·05) in experiment 1, and from 0·80 to 0·90 kg/day (s.e. 0·013; P < 0·001) in experiment 2. There was no interaction between shearing and the level of concentrate offered. Despite higher DM intakes by shorn lambs, their live-weight gains were lower than those of unshorn lambs. Gains of unshorn and shorn lambs averaged 153 and 120 g/day (s.e. 5·8; P < 0·001) in experiment 1 and 162 and 161 g/day (s.e. 5·7; P > 0·05) in experiment 2 respectively. This appears to have resulted because shorn lambs could not fully compensate for their increased energy requirements after shearing, by increasing their DM intake. Shearing did not significantly influence carcass characteristics.It was calculated that with lambs gaining 150 g/day, concentrate requirement was increased from 286 to 335 g/day and total DM intake from 965 to 1107 g/day as a result of shearing.

Vignettes depicting a person living with a fictitious fatal illness were presented to 222 undergraduates. Manipulated variables in a completely randomized 3×2×2 factorial design were method of transmission of the illness (genetic/contagious/infectious), the population likely to become ill (anyone/primarily marginal persons), and the amount of suffering (little/much). Subjects reported on perceptions of ease of transmission of the illness, danger of contact with the ill person, blame, support of sanction, and social distance. Multivariate analysis of covariance showed that the manipulated variables affected the dependent variables considered together. Greatest prejudice was shown toward persons suffering greatly from an infectious illness that affected primarily marginal persons. Results are discussed relative to HIV.

AbstractCarlosbarbosaite, ideally (UO2)2Nb2O6(OH)2·2H2O, is a new mineral which occurs as a late cavity filling in albite in the Jaguaraçu pegmatite, Jaguaraçu municipality, Minas Gerais, Brazil. The name honours Carlos do Prado Barbosa (1917–2003). Carlosbarbosaite forms long flattened lath-like crystals with a very simple orthorhombic morphology. The crystals are elongated along [001] and flattened on (100); they are up to 120 μm long and 2–5 μm thick. The colour is cream to pale yellow, the streak yellowish white and the lustre vitreous. The mineral is transparent (as individual crystals) to translucent (massive). It is not fluorescent under either long-wave or short-wave ultraviolet radiation. Carlosbarbosaite is biaxial(+) with α = 1.760(5), β = 1.775(5), γ = 1.795(5), 2Vmeas. = 70(1)º, 2Vcalc. = 83º. The orientation is X || a, Y || b, Z || c. Pleochroism is weak, in yellowish green shades, which are most intense in the Z direction. Two samples were analysed. For sample 1, the composition is: UO3 54.52, CaO 2.07, Ce2O3 0.33, Nd2O3 0.49, Nb2O5 14.11, Ta2O5 15.25, TiO2 2.20, SiO2 2.14, Fe2O3 1.08, Al2O3 0.73, H2O (calc.) 11.49, total 104.41 wt.%; the empirical formula is (□0.68Ca0.28Nd0.02Ce0.02)Σ=1.00[U1.44□0.56O2.88(H2O)1.12](Nb0.80Ta0.52Si0.27Ti0.21Al0.11Fe0.10)Σ=2.01 O4.72(OH)3.20(H2O)2.08. For sample 2, the composition is: UO3 41.83, CaO 2.10, Ce2O3 0.31, Nd2O3 1.12, Nb2 O5 14.64, Ta2O5 16.34, TiO2 0.95, SiO2 3.55, Fe2O3 0.89, Al2O3 0.71, H2O (calc.) 14.99, total 97.43 wt.%; the empirical formula is (□0.67Ca0.27Nd0.05Ce0.01)Σ=1.00[U1.04□0.96O2.08(H2O)1.92] (Nb0.79Ta0.53Si0.42Ti0.08Al0.10Fe0.08)Σ=2.00O4.00(OH)3.96(H2O)2.04. The ideal endmember formula is (UO2)2Nb2O6(OH)2·2H2O. Calculated densities are 4.713 g cm-3 (sample 1) and 4.172 g cm-3 (sample 2). Infrared spectra show that both (OH) and H2O are present. The strongest eight X-ray powder-diffraction lines [listed as d in Å (I)(hkl)] are: 8.405(8)(110), 7.081(10)(200), 4.201(9)(220), 3.333(6)(202), 3.053(8)(022), 2.931(7)(420), 2.803(6)(222) and 2.589(5)(040,402). The crystal structure was solved using single-crystal X-ray diffraction (R = 0.037) which gave the following data: orthorhombic, Cmcm, a = 14.150(6), b = 10.395(4), c = 7.529(3) Å, V = 1107(1) Å3, Z = 4. The crystal structure contains a single U site with an appreciable deficiency in electron scattering, which is populated by U atoms and vacancies. The U site is surrounded by seven O atoms in a pentagonal bipyramidal arrangement. The Nb site is coordinated by four O atoms and two OH groups in an octahedral arrangement. The half-occupied tunnel Ca site is coordinated by four O atoms and four H2O groups. Octahedrally coordinated Nb polyhedra share edges and corners to form Nb2O6(OH)2 double chains, and edge-sharing pentagonal bipyramidal U polyhedra form UO5 chains. The Nb2O6(OH)2 and UO5 chains share edges to form an open U—Nb—φ framework with tunnels along [001] that contain Ca(H2O)4 clusters. Carlosbarbosaite is closely related to a family of synthetic U–Nb–ϕ framework tunnel structures, it differs in that is has an (OH)-bearing framework and Ca(H2O)4 tunnel occupant. The structure of carlosbarbosaite resembles that of holfertite.

The most common method to eliminating Z-shaped profiles twisting during roll forming process is described. Relation between profile thickness and twisting is shown. Also, relations between required section rotation angle in foming rols and profile thickness to eliminating twisting are presented.

Voice synthesising software Vocaloid (Yamaha Corporation) is a popular tool for professional and amateur music production. At the time of writing, there are over 770,000 videos tagged ‘vocaloid’ on Niconico; karaoke chain Karatez displays the top five thousand tracks on its Website (Karatetsu); Hatsune Miku Wiki has over 59,000 pages, while the Vocaloid Lyrics Wiki has over 90,000. Vocaloid is part of Japan’s unique media mix, comprising of the software and music but also official collaborations and a significant amount of fan culture. However, while there is academic research on the way that Vocaloid music is produced and consumed (Sousa; Hamasaki et al.; Leavitt et al.; Kobayashi and Taguchi), there is a lack of research into the content of Vocaloid songs and music videos: that is, what kinds of themes and messages are present and what this might suggest for producers and consumers. This article highlights the importance of the content of Vocaloid music. To this end, I have focussed on Vocaloid composer/producer Neru’s 2018 album CYNICISM. Not to be confused with the Vocaloid Akita Neru, Neru’s music tends to focus on negative affect such as depression, loneliness, and anxiety. Documenting such themes helps to illustrate some of the struggles that producers and consumers experience. I provide a brief explanation of Vocaloid, followed by a reflection on their personas and functioning as a Body without Organs (Annett; Lam; Deleuze and Guattari, Anti-Oedipus). Then I introduce Small’s concept of musicking to provide a framework for the way that music transmits certain affects. In the second half of the article, I unpack Neru’s album and its use of imagery, lyrics, and sound. Vocaloids Voice synthesising software Vocaloid was initially released in 2004, the result of a collaboration between Japan’s Yamaha Corporation and Spain’s Pompeu Fabra University (Voctro Labs; Yamada 17). This software allows the user to create singing audio, drawing from recordings of real people called “voicebanks”. These voicebanks are produced by third-party companies, and are typically provided with a persona with an appearance and personality. For instance, the most well-known Vocaloid is Hatsune Miku, while Kagamine Rin and Kagamine Len are those most used by Neru. Essentially anyone who uses the Vocaloid software can become producers – the term used in Vocaloid cultures for composer. Vocaloid is an example of Japan’s “unique media mix”, where the media are produced not just by “the original company”, but also via “commercial collaborations with media franchises”, and “by a creative collective of individuals on the internet” (Leavitt et al. 204 & 211; see also Steinberg). As well as producers there are songwriters, lyricists, tuners, illustrators, and animators. Some people edit Vocaloid videos, creating compilations, ranking them, and so on (Hamasaki et al. 166). There is also a vibrant fan culture of database managers, fan translators, artists, and fiction writers, as well as human cover artists (utaite), such as Mafumafu, who became popular in part due to his covers of Neru’s music. Official corporate production mostly involves Hatsune Miku, and includes concerts, video games, and collaborations for consumer products. Such branding and collaboration illustrates the creation of a complex Vocaloid narrative. Accordingly, most researchers who examine Vocaloid discuss the complex relationships between various content creators and their methods of collaboration (Yamada), as well as Vocaloid as fan-generated media, examining issues such as commercial interest and exploitation (Bell; Sousa; Jørgensen et al.; To; Kobayashi and Taguchi). However, in this article I am interested in why fans strongly enjoy Vocaloid music and find meaning in it; as I will explore below, such fan collaboration is both a symptom and a cause. Personas and Bodies without Organs Although Vocaloid has a crowd-sourced and collaborative production environment, its use of digital voicebanks and significant consumer culture has led to criticism. For instance, Lam (1110–11) describes voicebanks as being “devoid of originality”, suggests that “all Vocaloid works are derivative”, and also that Vocaloid simply allows users “to indulge … within the virtual space of fabricated authenticity and depthlessness”. However, it is evident from comments on Niconico, YouTube, Reddit, the aforementioned Wikis, Vocaloid Discord servers, and any other space where fans socialise that listeners are emotionally moved by Vocaloid music. Zaborowski, for instance, describes two Japanese boys enthusiastically singing to ryo/Supercell’s Melt. Strikingly, Zaborowski (107) noted that the boys repeatedly told him that “precisely because the voice is the same, the listener can appreciate the quality of the melody and the lyrics”, and that a Vocaloid “sounds different when you are sad. Or when you are away from home”. Listeners are experiencing something when they engage with Vocaloid music, and it would be hasty to simply dismiss their experiences as “depthless”. One factor that makes Vocaloid music particularly authentic and affective for its audiences is the attachment of crowdsourced, constructed personas to Vocaloids. Authenticity here is not necessarily evaluated by the virtual nature of the artist (or instrument) itself, but the producers’ effort to create the work (Zaborowski 107). In this sense there is a need to consider the people involved in producing and listening to Vocaloid music, who find meaning in the songs and characters. Aside from Vocaloids, producers and utaite often also establish a character or imagery as a persona. Neru for instance is recognisable through his avatar—a closed eye with eyelashes and a single tear, and the various characters featured in his videos. The practice of creating a persona for non-human items is unique to Japanese culture, visible in the way that yuru kyara or “wobbly characters” are created to represent entities such as events, corporations, locations, policies, and so on (Occhi 77). These characters can be human-like or creature-like, drawing on Shinto’s anthropomorphism (Jensen and Blok 97). Kyara help minimise the separation between humans and nature, as well as humans and technology (Occhi 80–81). The attachment of kyara to voicebanks, which would otherwise have no face, helps to facilitate a sense of humanisation and connection with the software. It may be that the synthetic nature of the music as well as the use of personas in Vocaloid music means that the listener feels that the song is sung by the Vocaloid, but also processes the creator’s emotion. Kenmochi (4), for instance, suggests that since synthetic voices hold less emotion, it is the persona that functions as a symbol to connect the creator and listener. The producer is able to “impose their own values and perceptions on the virtual character” (Lam 1111), and in doing so, the persona functions as what Deleuze and Guattari call a Body without Organs (Anti-Oedipus 9; A Thousand Plateaus 151). That is, the persona has “no fixed identity” (Lam 1117), and can stratify or destratify, depending on what people do with it (Annett 172). They can become whatever the listener or creator wants, and so there is an emotional connection. Vocaloid music is meaningful to listeners, then, not despite its digital, virtual, constructed nature, but in fact because of what these elements facilitate. Musicking Christopher Small’s work Musicking also provides a framework useful to consider the emotional impact of Vocaloid music. Small argues that “the fundamental nature and meaning of music lie not in objects … but in action”, and therefore proposes a definition of ‘musicking’; to “take part, in any capacity, in a musical performance” (8–9, emphasis omitted). Importantly, for Small (77) simply listening to a recording is to take part in music, and “we may be sure that somebody's values are being explored, affirmed, and celebrated in every musical performance”. Small’s comments here provide a framework for focussing on the experiences of the people involved in producing and listening to Vocaloid music, rather than getting caught up in negative beliefs around the digital nature of production. Further, reflecting on remix, a significant aspect of Vocaloid music, Small (214) notes that relationships are “open to reinterpretation over and over again as listeners create new contexts for their reception and their ritual use of it”. Further, Small (134) suggests that the act of musicking functions as a powerful “means of social definition and self-definition”. Small’s suggestions here that music can be recycled, reinterpreted, and used for self-definition aligns with many aspects of Vocaloid music; tracks are frequently covered by producers using other Vocaloids, or utaite; the meanings of lyrics are frequently discussed in comment sections of YouTube videos and Wikis, and fans often align themselves with certain Vocaloids or producers that they enjoy and relate to. Such self-definition is an important theme to keep in mind when I consider Neru’s CYNICISM album as it touches on societal issues such as loneliness, nihilism, and low self-esteem. CYNICISM Vocaloid producer Neru, also known as z’5 or Oshiire-P, is quite popular. At the time of writing, he has 124,000 followers on Japanese video-sharing site Niconico (Neru, "Neru"), 242,000 on Chinese video-sharing site BiliBili (Neru, "Neru_Official"), 388,000 monthly listeners on Spotify (Spotify), and 560,000 subscribers on YouTube (Neru, "Neru OFFICIAL"). He released his first Vocaloid song in 2009, and to date has three major albums. CYNICISM is the latest, released in 2018. The standard edition contains 14 tracks, and all aside from one use the Vocaloids Kagamine Rin or Kagamine Len. Fig. 1: CYNICISM standard edition, illustrated by Sudou Souta (Apple Music) Fig. 2: Tracklist All quotes from songs are my own translations from the original Japanese. The CYNICISM album communicates a strong sense of nihilism. Nihilism is an ambiguous concept (Nietzsche 76; Diken 6; Marmysz 61). However, Marmysz (71) summarises that nihilists have three claims: that humans are alienated from the world; that this should not be the case; and that “there is nothing we can do” about this situation. As explored below, Neru’s nihilism appears to align with Kant’s “existential nihilism (believing that life has no meaning)” (Gertz, ch. 2, emphasis omitted). It is worth noting that Neru’s music has some commonalities with other genres. For instance, Prinz (584–85) suggests that punk music is irreverent, challenging social norms, and is nihilistic, reflecting on themes such as “decay, despair, suicide, and societal collapse”. As explored below, CYNICISM projects feelings including disappointment with society, poor self-esteem, and themes of irreverence. Irreverence and Society The namesake of the album is important to note within the context of nihilism, as cynicism can be understood as “a passive nihilist affect” (Diken 61). Cynicism is the attitude that comes about when one has failed “to come to terms with loss”, “to realize that something has been lost”, or understand exactly what has been lost. It incited a state of melancholy, trapping the cynic, who suffers an “utterly debilitating sense of disappointment, the root cause of which it cannot identify or move beyond” (Allen, ch. 7). In numerous ways Neru exhibits a lack of faith in humanity and society. Just the title of the track What a Terrible Era communicates a sense of hopelessness, particularly the line “強いて言うとするなら人類は失敗作だった” (“if I had to say, humanity was a work of failure”). The album’s lyrics repeatedly refer to the negative state of the world; “本日の世界予報向上性低迷後退” (“today’s world forecast: Progress is stagnant and regressing”) (Hey, Rain). SNOBBISM asks “バグ塗れの人類のデバッグはいつ終わる” (“humanity is stained with bugs; when will debugging end?”). Neru repeatedly laments the state of humanity and his disappointment with the world. Further, cynicism is an attitude of scorn towards “sincerity and integrity”, which are viewed as “a cover for self-interest” (Allen, ch. 1). In line with this, reflecting the cynic’s embrace of untruthfulness (Gertz, ch. 3), in SNOBBISM Neru states “一生、ブラフを威すがいいさ” (“it’s okay to threaten to bluff through your entire life”). Further, Diken (59) suggests that “capitalism is the age of cynicism”, and the Law-Evading Rock (Neru OFFICIAL, "Law-Evading Rock") music video, illustrated and animated by Ryuusee, exhibits such a critique of capitalism. The video is quite chaotic, designed to appear as a Japanese TV channel. Meme-style characters are superimposed onto photographic backgrounds to depict absurd advertisements and news programmes with flashing and dancing, as the lyrics call for the viewer to escape from reality. The character in this video, Datsu, appears to enter a state of nirvana when Neru’s CD is inserted into him. Here we can see how personas are particularly affectual in Vocaloid music, with fans stating that they relate to Datsu, among other forms of affectation, in comments on his Wikia page (Neru Wikia). Further, CYNICISM frequently calls for the self-identified ‘losers’ to band together, breaking the norms of society. Whatever Whatever Whatever, with its upbeat tune, bright colours, and proclamation of “能天気STYLE” (“Carefree STYLE”) exhibits a strong sense that ‘nothing matters so do whatever’. Let’s Drop Dead’s “僕等はきっとあぶれ者” (“we are surely hooligans”), Law-Evading Rock’s “負け犬になって 吠えろ 吠えろ” (“become a loser, roar, roar”) indicate a sense of knowing that one is ‘useless’ but attempting to take pride in or band together in spite (or indeed, because of this). These lyrics ascribe to a nihilistic notion that nothing matters, but are also a call to arms in a sense – a call for losers to band together for strength, and to act with irreverence. Some encourage the listener to become someone unfit for society (Law-Evading Rock), or to turn back on and break away from morals that are designed to get one into heaven (March of Losers). The music video for SNOBBISM (Neru OFFICIAL, "SNOBBISM"), illustrated and animated by Ryuusee, features Bizu, a demon man wearing a formal suit and top hat. The video has a retro style and is bright but muted with blurry backgrounds, streaking, and graininess. Bizu appears to take on a retro rubber hose animation style, dancing and sometimes hitting objects while calling on the viewer to “make a scene”; to be irreverent and break the norms of society. Personal Failure CYNICISM also in numerous ways refers to personal failures and a lack of faith in the future. Some lyrics refer to a plan or manual (SNOBBISM, Song of Running Away), or a future being wrecked or torn (Spare Me My Inferiority, What a Terrible Era). Corresponding with the nihilistic tone of the album, Whatever Whatever Whatever describes being lazy today, and putting effort in tomorrow, while Let’s Drop Dead simply states “明日はくたばろうぜ” (“tomorrow let’s drop dead”). Yet continuing forward into the future seems mandatory, as in Whatever Whatever Whatever Neru describes himself as being too much of a wimp to commit suicide, and March of Losers repeats the refrain “進め進め” (“forward, forward”), calling for the losers to continue even though “this kind of life has no meaning”. Some tracks indicate a more raw or vulnerable state, with Nihil and the Sunken City’s “もっとちょーだい ちょーだい 承認をちょーだい” (“more, give it to me, give it to me, please give me approval”). Importantly, Neru identifies himself as a loser, engaging in self-irreverence, making fun of himself (Kroth 104), referring to himself and his social group as ‘losers’. The music videos for Whatever Whatever Whatever (Neru OFFICIAL, "Whatever Whatever Whatever") and Let’s Drop Dead (Neru OFFICIAL, "Let’s Drop Dead"), illustrated and animated by Terada Tera, exhibit self-irreverent themes. The former uses vapourwave aesthetics, and both exhibit bright colours, with cartoonish characters I and Yaya dancing and drinking alcohol. I wears a Space Invaders jacket and grill glasses, while Yaya wears a t-shirt featuring a marijuana leaf and a pink animal-eared beanie; together in the video they communicate a ‘slacker’, partying attitude. What is particularly interesting here is the way that nihilistic lyrics have been employed alongside upbeat, catchy, pop-style music and flashy colours. Such dissonance is attention-grabbing and also reflects a sarcastic, careless sense of cynicism, one that is “irreverent” and “playful” – a style that Nietzsche adopted (Allen, ch. 7). Relatedly, Marmysz (4) suggests that humour is a useful response to nihilism because it shatters expectations. It is important to understand CYNICISM within the Japanese context. Discussing the Meiji Period, Nishitani (175) points out that Buddhism and Confucianism lost their power, and that with modernisation Japan became Europeanised and Americanised to the extent that there is a spiritual void. More recently, various economic crises and disasters throughout the 1990s and 2000s have contributed to national trauma (Roquet 89). Due to significant societal pressure, many Japanese people feel anxiety, sensitivity, vulnerability, and alienation (Ren 29). Accordingly, much Japanese anime engages with feelings of nihilism (Lozano-Méndez and Loriguillo-López; Tsang). In some respects Vocaloid culture is interrelated with hikikomori, a form of social withdrawal associated with various psychological, social, and behavioural factors (Li and Wong 603). Much academic literature exists on hikikomori, which in many ways is a Japanese phenomenon, being influenced by “culture, society and history”, and having come about in Japan during a period of “very rapid socioeconomic changes” (Kato et al. 1062). Many Vocaloid producers and utaite identify as hikikomori, including Mafumafu. However, studies on hikikomori outside Japan have shown that feelings of isolation, anxiety, and social exclusion are a global concern (Krieg and Dickie 61; Kato et al. 1062), contributing to Neru’s popularity among English-speaking audiences Conclusion My goal in this article is to point out that a significant number of people find Vocaloid music relatable and affectual, and it would be hasty to dismiss such music as “depthless” due to its use of voicebanks and connection to consumer culture. Vocaloid music is particularly affective in part due to the way that Vocaloids, producers, and utaite make use of personas which function as bodies without organs: something that listeners are able to project their own feelings onto. Further, Small’s concept of musicking encourages us to pay attention to what producers are saying as well as what listeners and fans are engaging with: what values are being explored and how they are being used for self-definition. It is important to consider not just the economic aspects of participatory culture and the networks of production surrounding Vocaloid, but the content of the music and the meanings that listeners get out of it. Neru’s CYNICISM album is particularly interesting in this regard. The combination of upbeat music, bright and garish imagery, and nihilistic lyrics communicates a strong sense of disappointment with society and a lack of self-worth in a dissonant manner – there is a sense of playfulness that is attention-grabbing and uses humour to communicate these negative themes. Given the breadth of Vocaloid content that is produced, further research into other producers, fan groups, and pieces of media will provide insight into this varied and rich phenomenon. References Allen, Ansgar. Cynicism. Cambridge: MIT P, 2020. Annett, Sandra. "What Can a Vocaloid Do? The Kyara as Body without Organs." Mechademia 10 (2017): 163–77. Bell, Sarah A. "The dB in the .Db: Vocaloid Software as Posthuman Instrument." Popular Music and Society 39.2 (2016): 222–240. Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus. Trans. Brian Massumi. 11th ed. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2005. ———. Anti-Oedipus. Trans. Robert Hurley et al. 10th ed. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2000. Diken, Bulent. Nihilism. London: Routledge, 2009. Gertz, Nolen. Nihilism. Cambridge: MIT P, 2019. Hamasaki, Masahiro, et al. "Network Analysis of Massively Collaborative Creation of Multimedia Contents – Case Study of Hatsune Miku Videos on Nico Nico Douga." Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Designing Interactive User Experiences for TV and Video (UXTV '08). New York: Association for Computing Machinery, 2008. 165–168. Hatsune Miku Wiki. Page List [ページ一覧]. 15 Mar. 2024 <https://w.atwiki.jp/hmiku/list>. Jensen, Casper Bruun, and Anders Blok. "Techno-Animism in Japan: Shinto Cosmograms, Actor-Network Theory, and the Enabling Powers of Non-Human Agencies." Theory, Culture & Society 30.2 (2013): 84–115. Jørgensen, Stina Marie Hasse, et al. "Hatsune Miku: An Uncertain Image." Digital Creativity 28.4 (2017): 318–331. Karatetsu. Vocaloid Monthly Karaoke Ranking TOP5,000 [ボカロ月間カラオケランキング TOP5,000]. 15 Mar. 2024 <https://www.karatetsu.com/vocala/pickup/ranking.php>. Kato, Takahiro A., et al. "Hikikomori: Multidimensional Understanding, Assessment, and Future International Perspectives." PCN Frontier Review 73 (2019): 427–440. Kenmochi, Hideki. "VOCALOID and Hatsune Miku Phenomenon in Japan." Proceedings of the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Singing Voice (InterSinging 2010) (2010): 1–4 <https://www.isca-speech.org/archive/intersinging_2010/kenmochi10_intersinging.html>. Kobayashi, Hajime, and Takashi Taguchi. "Virtual Idol Hatsune Miku: Case Study of New Production/Consumption Phenomena Generated by Network Effects in Japan’s Online Environment." Markets, Globalization & Development Review 3.4 (2018): 1–17. Krieg, Alexander, and Jane R. Dickie. "Attachment and Hikikomori: A Psychosocial Developmental Model." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 59.1 (2013): 61–72. Kroth, Michael. "Irreverence." 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