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Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.
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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.
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Murray, Jennifer. "Community engagement: Leveraging library online tools to support local historical organizations." College & Research Libraries News 81, no. 6 (2020): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.81.6.298.
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Among Floridians, Jacksonville is known as the “First Coast.” It is a reference to the fact that Northeast Florida has some of the oldest European settlements in North America. The numerous local historical organizations are forever challenged to preserve and share the rich history of “all that is Jacksonville–including early settlers, 19th- and 20th-century urban planning and architecture, civil rights and Black history, city governance, and our national parks heritage.” They often do not have the resources needed, but local academic libraries are rich in resources and tools that can benefit organizations outside the library and help bring more awareness to the organizations and the collections they have. As the role of academic libraries continues to evolve with technological changes, libraries are continuously looking for ways to reinvent themselves and expand their role within their university and throughout the greater community.
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Besozzi, Sheida. "Did a flower grow in hell? Reading the modern history of Iran through the nonviolent participation of women in political struggles." Relaciones Internacionales, no. 51 (October 31, 2022): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2022.51.008.
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This article’s objective is to place the modern history of Iran in relation to nonviolent struggles within the optic of the role of women within them, and to link these episodes with the feminist struggle in Iran. It will cover the years that span from the 1870s until 2021 by placing at the centre of the discussion the role of women in civil resistance struggles. Of particular interest will be national governmental changes, from the monarchic era to a theocratic republic; the presence of Britain and Russia, and later the United States; the mass mobilizations during the end of the nineteenth century and the Iranian Revolution; and gender equality campaigns, as well as more individual acts of resistance through cyber feminist campaigns. This paper aims to show the role of women in these struggles as interconnected with the Iranian feminist movement both inside Iran and in the diaspora. Various episodes in Iranian modern history, such as the Tobacco Protests at the end of the 19th century, the Constitutional Revolution at the beginning of the 20th century and the Iranian revolution of 1979, as well as uprisings that preceded it between 1977 and 1979, have been studied within the civil resistance literature. All of these events showed that ordinary people had the power to topple authoritarian rule in their country through the use of nonviolent strategies. One of the most important references in nonviolent action studies, Gene Sharp, has suggested that 198 methods exist to efficiently overthrow dictatorial regimes around the world, and that these methods and techniques had to be collectively put into practice in order for them to be successful (Sharp, 1973, 2005). Various studies, mostly based on quantitative analysis and historical documentation, have demonstrated that nonviolent strategies have been in many instances much more successful than violence in achieving freedom from authoritarian rule (Chenoweth and Stephan, 2011; Chenoweth, 2021). In the Iranian socio-political context, the three aforementioned civil resistance struggles managed to establish a constitution and the creation of a parliament at the beginning of the 20th century, as well as the ousting of an autocratic leader in 1979. All of these episodes are considered to be examples of civil resistance techniques that have managed to topple the authoritarian regimes present at that time in Iran. All of these struggles included the nonviolent participation of Iranian women, even though that participation has not sufficiently been brought to light in the Iranian history scholarship. The Tobacco Movement and the Constitutional Revolution represent the origins of a feminist conscience in Iran, and of women’s engagement with gender politics (Mahdi, 2004). Policies relating to women’s health, education, work and public life in general were present in both Pahlavi monarchies. However, whilst attempts were made to democratise the image of women, as well as their status, the Pahlavi regime did not achieved gender equality in Iran due to the strengthening of the class divide and its intensification by the persistent presence of British and American interests in the country. With the installing of the Islamic regime in Iran in 1979, the advances in women’s rights that had been accomplished during the previous decades, thanks to the increased presence of women in public life, disappeared in the blink of an eye. The very many risks, nonetheless, have not prevented Iranian women from fighting for their rights through campaigns such as the One Million Signatures Campaign (1MSC) (2006-2009), or more recent internet gender campaigns such as My stealthy Freedom and White Wednesdays. Studies that have connected civil resistance struggles in Iran to women’s rights (see Beyerle, 2008; Davoudi Mohajer et al., 2009) have begun to pave the way for further developments and it is from this standpoint that the paper wants to make its contribution. The field of Resistance Studies where the subfield of civil resistance is located has been getting wider and deeper, incorporating different meanings and types of resistance acts, where collective as well as more individual stands have been taken into consideration. Poststructuralist, postcolonial and feminist outlooks have expanded the subfield of civil resistance, and the Iranian case clearly shows that the civil resistance scholarship can be applied to situations that involve the toppling of authoritarian regimes, internet gender equality campaigns, and also to those perspectives that take into consideration the transnational field. By placing attention on the links between nonviolent action and the Iranian feminist movement this article also shows the continuities and discontinuities of the participation of women in the civil resistance struggles in Iran, which in turn have to do with the different historical circumstances. As the paper will show, one key aspect has to do with the role of Iranian feminists in the diaspora who have supported and sometimes created civil resistance movements for gender equality in Iran. Sharp took the role of third parties into consideration (1973) within civil resistance movements, but it was not until Andrew Rigby’s study on the Palestinian diaspora and civil resistance (2009) that actors such as diasporas have been placed under increasing interest as supporters of civil resistance movements in their countries of origin (Dudouet, 2015; Stephan and Chenoweth, 2021). Part 1 locates the arguments within a theoretical framework that links the subfield of nonviolent action with feminist perspectives from the fields of International Relations and Resistance Studies. Following this first section, the paper is divided into another five sections. Part 2 deals with the civil resistance struggles at the end of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, as well as the role of women in them and the feminist movement. Next, part 3 of the article centres itself on the Pahlavi Monarchy that preceded the Islamic Revolution by looking at the position of women in Iran as well as the Iranian feminist movement. Part 4 looks at the nonviolent orientation of the Iranian revolution and the role of women therein, while part 5 locates the discussion on civil resistance within a more recent period and the conjunction with the Iranian diaspora. The article ends with a section dedicated to concluding remarks where future research lines will be suggested.
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Oikya, Upal Aditya. "Wartime Sexual Acts as Prosecutable War Crimes." DÍKÉ 2020, no. 2 (2021): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2020.04.02.08.
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Human history is littered with the mass rape of women particularly as a military strategy in warfare, dating back centuries from ancient Greek, Roman, and Hebrew concubines through the Middle Ages to the 20th century ‘comfort women’ of the 2nd World War. Ancient literature explicitly refers to rape or the seizure of vanquished women, who were regarded as the enemy’s property, to become wives, servants slaves, or concubines. The plight of women worsened in the twentieth century when civilian women suffered the most consequences of armed conflicts including rape. Rape served as an oppressive and humiliating tool to severe family identity to dominate, demoralize, and destroy the entire enemy society and way of life. In the past, there appeared to be no international law that specifically dealt with rape in armed conflicts. This was caused by the ambivalent relationship between the law of armed conflict and gender-based crimes. Rape was overlooked as an unfortunate yet inevitable by-product of war. Both international humanitarian and human rights laws did not initially recognize rape as a serious war crime and a fundamental breach of human rights. This deafening legal silence and gap are being addressed through an ongoing evolutionary process by criminalizing wartime predatory sexual acts as a war crime, crimes against humanity, and even genocide. However, with the developments of international law and its practice, for the first time in the history, mass rape and sexual enslavement in the time of war be regarded as ‘crimes against humanity’ in a landmark ruling from the Yugoslav War crime tribunal in the Hague on 22 February 2001. But, even before that, some prior legal instruments for example the Lieber Code, promulgated during the American Civil War regarded [wartime] rape as war crime with capital punishment. Thus, this paper aims to analyze how the historical legal instruments have articulated the extend of criminality and culpability of wartime rapes and other sexual violence and their nexus with crimes of humanity, genocide, and war crimes within the corpus of international norms and criminal prohibitions as well as the historical development of wartime sexual acts as prosecutable war crimes.
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Garcia, Matt, and Zaragosa Vargas. "Labor Rights Are Civil Rights: Mexican American Workers in Twentieth-Century America." Western Historical Quarterly 37, no. 3 (2006): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443378.
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Meng, Aaron, Roland Segal, and Eric Boden. "American juvenile justice system: history in the making." International Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health 25, no. 3 (2013): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijamh-2013-0062.
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Abstract The original theory behind separating juvenile offenders from adult offenders was to provide care and direction for youngsters instead of isolation and punishment. This idea took hold in the 19th century and became mainstream by the early 20th century. In the 1950s and 1960s, public concern grew because of a perceived lack of effectiveness and lack of rights. The Supreme Court made a series of rulings solidifying juvenile rights including the right to receive notice of charges, the right to have an attorney and the right to have charges proven beyond a reasonable doubt. In the 1980s, the public view was that the juvenile court system was too lenient and that juvenile crimes were on the rise. In the 1990s, many states passed punitive laws, including mandatory sentencing and blanket transfers to adult courts for certain crimes. As a result, the pendulum is now swinging back toward the middle from rehabilitation toward punishment.
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Alasania, Giuli. "Tbilisi in the 20th Century." Caucasus Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 1 (2023): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.62343/cjss.2018.170.
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After the annexation of Georgia by Russia in the early 19th centurythe term “Sakartvelo” (Georgia) disappeared. The country splitinto two parts: Tbilisi government (eastern Georgia) and Kutaisigovernment (western Georgia). Unification of the country was achallenge for the Georgians dwelling inside and outside Georgia.The term “Sakartvelo” emerged once again in times of the independentRepublic of Georgia (1918-1921).The present paper considers the history of Tbilisi which was traditionallya political, administrative and cultural center of unitedGeorgia, of eastern Georgia, of Caucasus, of the Trans-CaucasianSoviet Federal Socialist Republic (Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armeniauntil 1936), of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Georgia (1936-1991) and Georgia (after proclaiming independence) and reflectedall changing political contexts.The following issues are introduced: the process of urbanization,the demographic situation and the migration processes, as well ascoexistence in the multicultural and multi-religious milieu. Alongwith the constructing activities, industrial, cultural and educationalachievements within the frames of the USSR, the violation ofhuman rights, restriction of the Georgian language, the Georgianchurch, purges, reprisals, civil unrest, nepotism, corruption, theprotests of opposition and the suppression of these protests, andconsequently the bleeding of the nation throughout the 20th centurywhich is still in place, are studied.
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Nguyen Thi, Bich. "History of women: research on the uniqual legal location of American women in modern history (XVI - XIX century)." Journal of Science Social Science 66, no. 2 (2021): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2021-0037.
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Today, the values of human rights, civil rights and especially the issue of gender equality (men and women equal rights) have become an urgent and decisive requirement for social progress. However, throughout the centuries, women's legal discrimination has been a historically common phenomenon on a global scale. Even in a country as proud of its democratic traditions as the United States, women are considered “second-class” citizens and their contributions seem to “disappear” in history. It was not until the 1960s - 1970s, under the influence of the Civil Rights Revolution, that the study of American women's history as an independent field attracted the attention of scholars. Within the scope of the article, the author focuses on analyzing two main issues: understanding the “second-class” status of American women in legal terms and trying to explain what causes inequality to exist. world in such a persistent way throughout the modern period (16th - 19th centuries) in the history of this country. From there, it helps readers to systematically and objectively view the efforts of American women in the struggle for their legal citizenship later.
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Garcia, Claire. "“For a few days we would be residents in Africa”: Jessie Redmon Fausct's “Dark Algiers the White”." Ethnic Studies Review 30, no. 1 (2007): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2007.30.1.103.
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American scholarship on the Harlem Renaissance has, until recently, been strongly U.S.-centric, but the work of many of the important writers of the New Negro-era has an international dimension, as writers attempted to place the African American struggle for political and civil rights and cultural authority in larger, often global, contexts. Recent scholarship has revealed that the term, “Harlem Renaissance,” used as a rubric to characterize the flowering of black culture-building and political activism in the first years of the 20th century is something of a misnomer.
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Schmidt, Christopher W. "Legal History and the Problem of the Long Civil Rights Movement." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 04 (2016): 1081–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12245.
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This essay offers a critical examination of use of the term “long civil rights movement” as a framework for understanding the legal history of the battle against racial inequality in twentieth-century America. Proponents of the long movement argue that expanding the chronological boundaries of the movement beyond the 1950s and 1960s allows scholars to better capture the diverse social mobilization efforts and ideas that fueled the black freedom struggle. While not questioning the long framework's usefulness for studying the social movement dynamics of racial justice activism, I suggest that the long framework is of more limited value for those who seek to understand the development of civil rights, as a legal claim, particularly in the first half of the twentieth century. The tendency of long movement scholars to treat civil rights as a pliable category into which they can put any and all racial justice claims is in tension with historical understandings of the term. Susan Carle's Defining the Struggle: National Organizing for Racial Justice, 1880–1915 suggests an alternative approach. Her detailed and nuanced account of a period in American history when racial justice activists understood civil rights as a relatively narrow subset of legal remedies within a much broader struggle for racial equality indicates the need for an alternate history of civil rights—one that places the evolving, contested, and historically particularized concept of civil rights at the center of inquiry. “Civil Rights” is a term that did not evolve out of black culture, but, rather, out of American law. As such, it is a term of limitation. —Alice Walker (1983)
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Massey, Douglas S. "The Past & Future of American Civil Rights." Daedalus 140, no. 2 (2011): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00076.
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Although American society will not become race-blind anytime soon, the meaning of race is changing, and processes of racial formation now are quite different than those prevailing just two generations ago. Massey puts the present moment in historical perspective by reviewing progress toward racial equality through successive historical epochs, from the colonial era to the age of Obama. He ends by exploring the contours of racial formation in the United States today, outlining a program for a new civil rights movement in the twenty-first century.
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Abdigapbarova, Zh. "Gender Issues in the Kazakh Literature of the Early 20th Century." Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 126, no. 4 (2022): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2022-4/2664-0686.06.
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Women’s rights and fate have always been a significant issue. In the article, the author reviews the gender issues in human history and analyzes the literary theoretical and historical aspects of the problem of women in Kazakh society of the early 20th century with the help of Kazakh intellectuals’ works which were written to solve the problems of women, and literary works and journalistic articles of that time. The Kazakh people valued the role of women, therefore, paid a lot of attention on the upbringing, behavior of a girl and planned her general life. There were times when a Kazakh woman rode a horse, fought the enemy and ruled the country wisely. But over time, the issue of women in Kazakh society has become more complicated. At the beginning of the 20th century, Alash intellectuals, who understood the importance of gender issues in Kazakh society, wrote special articles and works of art to influence people’s consciousness. It was disseminated to the public through the media. The first novel in Kazakh literature was dedicated to the issue of women. Women’s civil rights and their place in society began to find a positive solution in the early 20th century with the intervention of Alash activists. In the research article we analyzed M. Dulatuly’s «Bakytsyz Zhamal» (Poor Zhamal), Zh. Aimauytov’s «Akbilek» novels, also M. Auezov, M. Zhumabayev, N. Kulzhanova’s journalistic articles. In this article, the author examines the origins of the struggle for women’s equality in the early 20th century, and the specific actions of Kazakh intellectuals to protect women’s civil rights. The study is based on historical data and literary and journalistic works. The results of the hard struggle is proven by the works written in that period.
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Suyang, Gao. "An Analysis of Reservation Writing in Where the Pavement Ends from the Perspective of Internal Colonialism." Social Science, Humanities and Sustainability Research 4, no. 5 (2023): p102. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sshsr.v4n5p102.
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William Yellow Robe Jr.’s Where the Pavement Ends: Five Native American Plays is his representative drama collection published in 2000. These five dramas faithfully present Indian’s life in Reservation in the 1970s. Based on the perspective of Internal Colonialism, this paper reveals the economic situation, political rights, and Civil Movement of Indian in Reservation. How does the Reservation System affect Indian in the 20th Century? This essay argues that Indian Reservation is the product of White colonization, and the negative effects brought by Whites’ colonization cannot be eliminated. Even today, Indian still struggles to find their place in American society.
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LeMahieu, Michael. "Post-54: Reconstructing Civil War Memory in American Literature after Brown." American Literary History 33, no. 3 (2021): 635–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajab059.
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Abstract From a cultural fad of Confederate flags to a spate of schools named after Confederate generals, the 1954 Brown v. Board decision revived the memory of the US Civil War. In their collective effort of “massive resistance,” white southerners considered themselves carrying on the legacy of their Confederate ancestors, rebelling against the federal government and insisting upon states’ rights. In response to this revival, many mid-century writers revised Civil War memory. Ralph Ellison, for example, considered the Brown decision as yet another battle in an ongoing Civil War. The works of Black writers such as James Baldwin, Langston Hughes, Pauli Murray, and Margaret Walker, as well as white writers such as Robert Lowell, Carson McCullers, Flannery O’Connor, and Robert Penn Warren, revise Lost Cause cultural narratives as they reconstruct four sites of Civil War memory: monuments, schools, textbooks, and grandparents. Writers in the twenty-first century have extended the interest in Civil War memory, from the essays of Ta-Nehisi Coates to the plays of Suzan-Lori Parks, to the fiction of George Saunders to the poetry of Natasha Trethewey and Kevin Young. The return of Civil War memory in twenty-first-century literature anticipates and represents the resurgence of civil rights protest against ongoing, state-sanctioned racial violence.
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Kallenberg, Vera. "Die Pionierinnen der Pionierin. Zu Gerda Lerners »The Grimké Sisters from South Carolina. Pioneers for Women’s Rights and Abolition« (1967/2004)." Aschkenas 33, no. 2 (2023): 313–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2023-2016.
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Abstract This article traces the history of the double biography »The Grimké Sisters« (1967/2004) by Gerda Lerner, an American Jewish historian who, as a Viennese Jew, escaped Nazi Europe for the United States in 1939. Focusing on the history of the making of »The Grimké Sisters«, the essay analyzes Lerner’s book as ›life writing‹. It demonstrates Gerda Lerner‘s (1920–2013) becoming scholarly persona in the context of her self-interpretation of the Grimké Sisters as her own figures of identification and role model. By showing the nexus of African Americans’ rights and women’s rights in the Grimké sisters’ engagement, Gerda Lerner processed the own in the foreign. In doing so, Lerner’s interest in white abolitionism and the women’s rights movement in the 19th century U.S. echoes her multiple outsider and persecution experiences as a Jewish emigrant, left-wing feminist, and pioneer in Women’s history in the 20th century.
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Labode, Modupe. "“Defend Your Manhood and Womanhood Rights”." Pacific Historical Review 84, no. 2 (2014): 163–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2015.84.2.163.
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This article analyzes African Americans’ protest against the movie The Birth of a Nation in Denver in 1915 and the protest’s impact on the May 1916 municipal election, in which African Americans shifted their support from the Republican to the Democratic mayoral candidate. This essay contributes to the scholarship on African American activism during “the long civil rights movement” and the role of the idea of respectability in that activism. This essay first argues that protests against this film had political as well as cultural significance. African Americans’ political activism in the West furthers our knowledge of black activism in the early twentieth century. Finally, this essay contributes to understanding the local roots of African Americans’ shift from the Republican to the Democratic Party during the early twentieth century.
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Levy, Peter B., and Robert Cook. "Sweet Land of Liberty? The African-American Struggle for Civil Rights in Twentieth Century." Journal of American History 86, no. 2 (1999): 848. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567180.
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Mack, Kenneth W. "Bringing the Law Back into the History of the Civil Rights Movement." Law and History Review 27, no. 3 (2009): 657–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000003941.
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It is a pleasure to comment on Nancy MacLean's hugely important book Freedom is Not Enough: The Opening of the American Workplace as an example of what I might call “bringing the law back in” to the history of the civil rights movement. A generation ago, the idea that law needed to be introduced into this history would have seemed nonsensical. At that time, law provided one of the central touchstones in the historical narrative of the struggle for racial equality in American life. Scholarship in this area built on C. Vann Woodward's pioneering work on the rise of Jim Crow, which itself was written shortly after Woodward's participation in the Brown v. Board of Education litigation. The dominant narrative began with the legal construction of Jim Crow in the late nineteenth century and continued with the founding of the NAACP. Other actors came along at various points in the story, prominent among them New Deal–era racial liberals, World War II–era activists, midcentury social scientists, Southern civil rights leaders and movements, and eventually black power. The end point was marked by the litigation and legislative victories of the 1950s and '60s, which finally wrote back into law what had been taken away by segregationist white Southerners and a compliant Supreme Court in the late nineteenth century. The implicit methodological take on law was that state and federal statutes, as well as court decisions, provided an important impetus, or at the very least a validation, for racial change—first for white Southerners as they created the Jim Crow legal regime and later for segregation's opponents as they reinscribed racial equality onto the core narrative of American life.
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Chenoweth, Erica. "A Discussion of Gospel of Freedom: Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Letter from Birmingham Jail and the Struggle that Changed a Nation By Jonathan Rieder." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 3 (2014): 716–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714001789.
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The U.S. civil rights movement was perhaps the most politically and symbolically important American social movement of the 20th century. And Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail” was a central text of the movement, and arguably one of the most important political texts of the century. Jonathan Rieder’s Gospel of Freedom: Martin Luther King, Jr.’s Letter from Birmingham Jail and the Struggle That Changed a Nation offers a rich and sustained account of the role of King’s letter as a contribution to thinking about race and politics, religion and politics, civil disobedience, political ethics, and the struggle for social justice. This symposium brings together a range of political scientists to comment on Rieder’s book and on the importance of King’s “Letter” more generally, as a contribution both to U.S. political discourse and to political theory.
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Watson, Tim. "An American Studies Dilemma." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 3 (1998): 417–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.3.417.
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Although these two important books deal with different periods in twentieth-century history, their motivation and strength come from strikingly similar analyses of the same moment in the postwar period, namely the rise of the US civil rights movement. Both authors argue that the gains of the 1950s and 1960s were made at the expense of an earlier American politics rooted in transnational solidarities (of both race and class), which was destroyed by the exclusive attention paid to the “American dilemma” of internal racism. James’s and Von Eschen’s revisionary works demonstrate the necessity for, and the potential of, a new post-Cold War, post-civil rights dialogue between US ethnic studies, especially African-American studies, and the more internationally oriented discourses of postcolonial studies and diaspora studies—and it is in the interests of furthering this dialogue that I am reviewing these books here.
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Watson, Tim. "An American Studies Dilemma." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 8, no. 1 (1999): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.8.1.95.
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Although these two important books deal with different periods in twentieth-century history, their motivation and strength come from strikingly similar analyses of the same moment in the postwar period, namely the rise of the US civil rights movement. Both authors argue that the gains of the 1950s and 1960s were made at the expense of an earlier American politics rooted in transnational solidarities (of both race and class), which was destroyed by the exclusive attention paid to the “American dilemma” of internal racism. James’s and Von Eschen’s revisionary works demonstrate the necessity for, and the potential of, a new post–Cold War, post–civil rights dialogue between US ethnic studies, especially African-American studies, and the more internationally oriented discourses of postcolonial studies and diaspora studies—and it is in the interests of furthering this dialogue that I am reviewing these books here.
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Tanenhaus, David S. "Between Dependency and Liberty: The Conundrum of Children's Rights in the Gilded Age." Law and History Review 23, no. 2 (2005): 351–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000000328.
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The Civil War, by abolishing chattel slavery, launched a revolutionary era in American constitutionalism during which lawmakers debated what liberty, dependency, and good governance would mean in the new nation. Although historians have made a convincing case for the significance of legal developments in the 1870s and 1880s, they have not focused much attention on the problem of children's rights in the age of slave emancipation. This is largely due to the assumption that the history of children's rights did not begin until the U.S. Supreme Court's landmark decisions in Brown v. the Board of Education (1954) and In re Gault (1967). This article, however, builds on the work of scholars, such as Joseph Hawes and Mary Ann Mason, who have demonstrated that the ideas and practices central to the modern children's rights movement of the late twentieth century have deep roots in American history. I argue that a sophisticated conception of children's rights existed in the late nineteenth century and investigate how lawmakers in Illinois articulated it through their attempts to define the “rights” of “dependent children.”
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Gallon, Kim. "The Blood Demonstration: Teaching the History of the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization." Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 139, no. 1 (2015): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pmh.2015.a923339.
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Abstract: Despite a growing body of scholarship that documents civil rights activism in the North during the 1950s and 1960s, college educators continue to rely on traditional understandings of African Americans' struggle for civil rights as being rooted in the South. Moreover, history professors continue to privilege a male-centered narrative that tends to define the civil rights movement through mass marches and protests. In an effort to challenge this pedagogy, this article describes a method for teaching the history of women's role in the struggle for social justice in the 1960s through their participation in the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization (PWRO). Through the use of primary sources such as the Philadelphia Tribune and the PWRO's newsletter along with secondary sources such as Lisa Levenstein's A Movement Without Marches , this article offers a way to expand and complicate students' understanding of the civil rights and women's movements of the late twentieth century. Just as importantly, it assists teachers in stressing the significance of African American women's fight for equality in Pennsylvania history. Supplemental resources are posted on the journals' web pages.
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Williams, Charnan. "The Bridgwater Family: A History of an African American Family in the American West from Slavery to the Civil Rights Era." Western Historical Quarterly 51, no. 4 (2020): 349–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whaa115.
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Abstract The Bridg(e)water Family Papers is a substantial archive that details the history of an African American family who left the American South in the late nineteenth century for freedom in the American West. In the early twentieth century, the family eventually arrived in Montana, where they experienced both degrees of freedom and unfortunate forms of racial discrimination. Both the family matriarch and her daughter—Mamie and Octavia Bridgwater, respectively—were the main architects of the family archive. These two Black women constructed a collection that provides insight into the history of the Black West. Utilizing their archive, this article shows how the Bridgwaters departed from the South in search of social and economic advancement through participation in the military, membership in Black organizations, and landownership. Although they were out of the South, the Bridgwaters still encountered racially discriminatory practices that are indicative of the African American experience throughout the United States. The struggle of the Bridgwater family and their descendants to navigate this ambivalent terrain in the West is the consistent theme of their archive.
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Cross, Graham. "From Reform to Rights: The American Culture of the Citizen Soldier and the Transformation of the Crusading Metaphor, 1917–1945." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 41, no. 2 (2021): 208–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-bja10024.
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Abstract The “crusading” imagery attached to American soldiers in the 1917–1945 period performed an important function in assigning meaning to the wars of the United States. This was the result of a complex interplay between “official” and “vernacular” culture. The doughboys of the First World War at times fought a romantic “crusade” to reform the nation, world and themselves from a morally privileged position. In the post-war era, the romantic “crusade” survived but was more in tune with the conservative corporatism of Republican administrations. By the Second World War, gi s had become the agents of a very different “crusade”. Americans now embraced statist common effort in a realist prospective vision for human rights. This fundamental change in the meaning of “crusade” attached to the experiences of American soldiers suggests a protean nature to the metaphor and problematises notions of an ideologically cohesive American “crusade” in the world during the 20th century.
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SWARTZ, DAVID R. "Christ of the American Road: E. Stanley Jones, India, and Civil Rights." Journal of American Studies 51, no. 4 (2017): 1117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816001420.
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This article, which emphasizes the importance of transnational history, tracks the influence of E. Stanley Jones, a missionary to India in the early twentieth century, on evangelicals in the United States. It contends that global encounters pushed Jones to hold integrated ashrams, conduct evangelistic crusades, and participate in the Congress on Racial Equality. During his time abroad, he discovered that racial segregation at home hurt the causes of missions and democracy abroad. Using this Cold War logic, Jones in turn provoked American evangelicals to consider more fully questions of racial inequality.
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Kantrowitz, Stephen. "Jurisdiction, Civilization, and the Ends of Native American Citizenship: The View from 1866." Western Historical Quarterly 52, no. 2 (2021): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whab003.
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Abstract Most nineteenth-century political debates over U.S. citizenship revolved around the claims of people, often African Americans or immigrants, who aspired to that status. But Native American citizenship’s genealogy began instead with the United States assertion of the right to purchase or conquer the territory of its Indigenous neighbors, to replace them as its sole or primary inhabitants, and to make policy for the people thereby dispossessed. These very different histories of citizenship collided in 1866, when the U.S. Senate considered how to codify that status in the Civil Rights Act and Fourteenth Amendment. This article interprets these debates as the collision of an array of distinct and divergent settler colonial processes and experiences. It argues that the ultimate resolution—a half-articulated commitment to let local settler communities decide—both contradicted the ostensible purposes of the Civil Rights Act and accurately reflected how the era’s settler colonial society understood the purposes and functions of Native citizenship.
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McDonagh, Eileen L. "The “Welfare Rights State” and the “Civil Rights State”: Policy Paradox and State Building in the Progressive Era." Studies in American Political Development 7, no. 2 (1993): 225–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001103.
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An enduring contribution of the new institutionalism is its affirmation of the significance of the Progressive era. As a result, we have learned not only how the “big bang” explosion of welfare legislation in the New Deal rests upon structures and precedents set in the early twentieth-century decades, but also how this early reform period continues to influence contemporary policies and politics. Alan Dawley, Bruce Ackerman, and Morton Keller, for example, point to an activist state established in the Progressive era to check a laissez-faire governing system as the foundation of subsequent New Deal accomplishments upon which reformers built “where progressives had left off.” Theda Skocpol adds a cross-national perspective, showing how the American welfare state instituted in the early twentieth century evidenced a distinctive “maternalist” dynamic oriented toward addressing women's economic needs, in contrast to “paternalistic” norms in Western European nations assisting male workers.
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Muñoz, Laura K. "Civil Rights, Educational Inequality, and Transnational Takes on the U.S. History Survey." History of Education Quarterly 56, no. 1 (2016): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12155.
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InMexicans in the Making of America, historian Neil Foley reconceptualizes Manifest Destiny, not as the glorious westward push of European Americans, but as their arrival on the doorstep of Mexican America. He argues that the United States came to Mexico, and we must reimagine this moment as an entry into an established New World where negotiation, conquest, and possession were already in play among various peoples and nations. The diversity of this nineteenth-century world is often absent in the ways that we have been trained to teach students in our first-year courses, and this absence, in turn, extends into our twentieth-century and contemporary discussions of race and race relations where binary comparisons dominate. Using educational and legal case studies from a variety of communities has allowed me to expand analyses in the U.S. history survey and to broaden students' conceptualizations from a singular white or binary black/white experience into a unified multilingual, multicultural, and transnational America. More importantly, this shift creates space for diverse groups of students to reconsider their own historical significance in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands and the relevance of local historical narratives in the scope of American history.
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Longhurst, James. "Reconsidering the Victory Bike in World War II: Federal Transportation Policy, History, and Bicycle Commuting in America." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 2672, no. 13 (2018): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0361198118794288.
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The largest federal intervention in bicycle transportation policy in the 20th century damaged the popularity and prospects of adult cycling in the United States. But in contemporaneous publications and in historical accounts, the World War II “Victory Bike” program has been described positively and fondly, even by bicycle advocates. Using the methodology of the discipline of history, this paper contrasts published literature on the Victory Bike against the unpublished, archival records of the federal government’s Revised Ration Order 7 of July, 1942. A first-ever close analysis of month-by-month rationing demonstrates the deeply restrictive nature of that program, which contradicts both early promises and later accounts. By the end of the war, civilian bicycle production and sales had halted completely, the industry had been decimated, and adult cycling was increasingly associated with wartime sacrifice and deprivation. Recovering this 20th century policy history is a necessary part of understanding American bicycle culture in the 21st, partially explaining the comparative lack of adult bicycle commuting today.
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Greene, Larry. "Patterson, Martin Luther King, Jr., And The Freedom Movement,." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 17, no. 2 (1992): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.17.2.97-98.
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Martin Luther King, Jr. died more than twenty years ago and it has been more than a quarter of a century since the passage of the historic Voting Rights Act of 1965. Since that time, scholarly works on the civil rights movement and King have been published at a rapidly accelerating rate as those turbulent years recede into historical memory. For secondary school and college students, the civil rights years have a fascinating and even romantic quality that generates interest in American history surveys and in specialized courses either on the movement itself, or on the 1960s.
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Stulov, Yuri V. "James Baldwin’s Quest for Ethics Echoing Leo Tolstoy." Literature of the Americas, no. 13 (2022): 282–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2022-13-282-294.
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The paper deals with the ethical principles of James Arthur Baldwin, an outstanding US writer of the mid-20th century, which echo the moral imperatives of Leo Tolstoy. African American writers traditionally displayed great interest in Russian literature, which is connected with the figure of A.S. Pushkin who along with A. Dumas was regarded as a symbol of talent of a person with African roots; visits to Soviet Russia of African American writers, especially of Langston Hughes who significantly influenced Baldwin’s worldview; and their search for creative ideas which they found in Russian literature, like Richard Wright, his mentor in literature. James Baldwin knew literature very well, including Russian literature, and through Martin Luther King, Jr., his friend and leader of the Civil Rights movement, was greatly affected by Tolstoy’s theory of non-resistance to evil, which he not only advocated but also tried to put into practice. The analysis of some of his works shows certain similarities with Leo Tolstoy. This is especially characteristic of his essays and the artistic world of his novels. The comparison of the great Russian writer’s views with the ideas of the most popular African American writer of the mid-20th century can help understand Leo Tolstoy’s role in forming the ideological platform of African American literature more deeply, and, on the other hand, get an insight into the creative laboratory of the writer who became a prophet for his generation whose voice was important for millions of his compatriots.
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Blanton, Carlos Kevin. "Civil Rights and Beyond: African American and Latino/a Activism in the Twentieth-Century United States." Journal of American History 104, no. 2 (2017): 552–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jax280.
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Hirota, Hidetaka. "Transpacific Connections in the Civil War Era." Journal of the Civil War Era 13, no. 4 (2023): 431–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2023.a912396.
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Abstract: This essay introduces the special forum on transpacific connections in the Civil War era. The forum investigates how US interaction with Asia and the Pacific shaped race relations, gender ideology, diplomacy, and legal rights in the United States during the second half of the nineteenth century. By examining the first Japanese diplomatic mission to the United States, the experience of Black migrants in Japan, Chinese women's habeas corpus litigations, and the naturalized citizenship of Chinese Americans, the forum integrates Asia and the Pacific into Civil War–era scholarship. Conceptually, the forum is informed by three strands of historiography: the international history of the Civil War era, the American West during the Civil War era, and the history of the Pacific World.
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Collins, William J. "Race, Labor Markets, and Social Disorder in Twentieth-Century America." Social Science History 29, no. 2 (2005): 235–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012931.
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In 1900, approximately 10 percent of African Americans resided in central cities; by 1970, nearly 60 percent did, far higher than the corresponding proportion of whites. This geographic redistribution was central to the twentieth-century African American economic experience, with connections radiating in innumerable directions: to labor markets, housing markets, educational systems, the civil rights movement, and public policy responses to discrimination and poverty. Although migration patterns are not their focus, each essay in this special section is closely connected to the black population's historic redistribution.
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Dickerson, Dennis C. "African American Religious Intellectuals and the Theological Foundations of the Civil Rights Movement, 1930–55." Church History 74, no. 2 (2005): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700110212.
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Among the innumerable warriors against legalized racial segregation and discrimination in American society, the iconic Martin Luther King, Jr. emerged as a principal spokesman and symbol of the black freedom struggle. The many marches that he led and the crucial acts of civil disobedience that he spurred during the 1950s and 1960s established him and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference as rallying points for civil rights activities in several areas in the American South. King's charisma among African Americans drew from his sermonic rhetoric and its resonance with black audiences. Brad R. Braxton, a scholar of homiletics, observed that King as a black preacher “made the kinds of interpretive moves that historically have been associated with African American Christianity and preaching.” Braxton adds that “for King Scripture was a storybook whose value resided not so much in the historical reconstruction or accuracy of the story in the text, but rather in the evocative images, in the persuasive, encouraging anecdotes of the audacious overcoming of opposition, and in its principles about the sacredness of the human person.” Hence, King's use of this hermeneutical technique with scriptural texts validated him as a spokesman for African Americans. On a spectrum stretching from unlettered slave exhorters in the nineteenth century to sophisticated pulpiteers in the twentieth century, King stood as a quintessential black preacher, prophet, and jeremiad “speaking truth to power” and bringing deliverance to the disinherited.
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Purnell, Brian. "Freedom North Studies, the Long Civil Rights Movement, and Twentieth-Century Liberalism in American Cities." Journal of Urban History 42, no. 3 (2016): 634–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216635149.
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Latypova, Nataliya. "Discussion on the Causes of the American Civil War (1861–1865): Periodization of Historiography." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.1.
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Introduction. The Civil War in the United States (1861–1865) has been of considerable interest to historians, lawyers, economists, and political scientists for more than 150 years. The internal political struggle that broke out in the middle of the 19th century between the two regions of the young democratic state seems to be a valuable object of research. However, scientific approaches to the study of the causes of the “inevitable conflict”, their transformation and rebirth depending on the historical period and the political situation are of even greater interest. This article attempts to summarize the main trends in the historiography of the causes of the Civil War in the United States, mainly in foreign historiography. Methods of research and materials. The methodological basis of the study was made up of general scientific and private scientific methods. The historical-legal, comparative method, as well as sociological, concrete-historical and systemic methods are used. The theoretical basis of the study was the work of mainly foreign historians, lawyers, political scientists and state historians. Analysis. Without denying the centrality of slavery among the causes of the Civil War, researchers identify religious, economic, political and social factors as the key determinants of the separatist movement in the South. A special place in American studies is occupied by the consideration of the role of African Americans in inciting conflict, the personality factor of A. Lincoln, as well as the influence of the abolitionist movement and journalists on the growing confrontation between the North and the South. At the same time, all directions, one way or another, boil down to the fact that it was slavery that was the fundamental cause of the Civil War. The peculiarities of the formation of each of the scientific directions were determined by the socio-economic and political conditions that took place in a particular historical period. Results. The periodization of scientific approaches to the study of the causes of the Civil War in the United States in the historical and legal literature can be carried out by dividing the research into three main periods: the “confrontational” (second half of the 19th century); the “socio-economic” (beginning – middle of the 20th century); the “industrial” (middle of the 20th century – the beginning of the 21st century). In the period from the beginning of the 21st century to the present, there is an obvious consensus on the central role of slavery among the determinants of war, but approaches to this problem in recent years have been characterized by interdisciplinarity, complexity, taking into account completely different sides of the conflict. Each of these areas has contributed to the formation of a holistic view of the causes of the Civil War, allowing us to realize the complex, multifaceted nature of the causes of the conflict and to reject two-dimensional approaches to their understanding. Key words: American Civil War, causes of the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln, slavery in the United States, the Missouri Compromise, abolitionists, history of the USA.
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Kyrchanov, Maksim. "Memory of American Civil War in the Historical Imagination of Consumer Society." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.3.
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Introduction. The author analyzes the features of the historical memory of the American Civil War in American pop culture as a form of historical memory that dominates in the consumer society. Methods and materials. The problems of imagination and invention of images of the civil war are analyzed in the contexts of cultural history, as well as intellectual history and the history of ideas. Analysis. The author presumes that 1) the historical memory of the U.S. Civil War in modern American identity is heterogeneous; 2) various forms of culture, including “high”, “mass” and “popular”, actualize the images of the civil war; 3) “high” culture became the first form of imagination of the civil war in American identity; 4) in the 20th century, various forms of consumer society culture (“mass” and “popular”) assimilated images of the civil war; 5) “popular” culture presents a “transitional” (from “high” to “mass”) version of the memory of the war. Results. Analyzing the transformation of the Civil War memory in the pseudo-documentary film “C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America” (directed by Kevin Willmott), the author presumes that 1) popular culture reduced the civil war to a minor event in the history of the Confederation; 2) the film offers an alternative version of American historical memory, actualizing the possible trajectories of the “invention” of images of the civil war in the reality where South won; 3) the film is integrated into the intellectual history and archeology of American mass-cult ideas; 4) some texts by American intellectuals belonging to the discourse of alternative history, became cultural stimuli for the project of Kevin Willmott; 5) the transformation of the memory of the Civil War in American pop-culture actualizes the crisis of memory in society, which wasn’t successful in its attempts to overcome the historical trauma of racism and racial discrimination.
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Kates, Susan. "Literacy, Voting Rights, and the Citizenship Schools in the South, 1957-70." College Composition & Communication 57, no. 3 (2006): 479–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ccc20065050.
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This essay examines the history of a massive literacy campaign called the Citizenship School Program that began as a response to the racist literacy tests that disenfranchised countless African American voters throughout the Southern United States between 1945 and 1965. The Citizenship Schools prepared thousands of African Americans to pass the literacy test by using materials that critiqued white supremacism and emphasized the twentieth-century struggle for civil rights.
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Kim, Natalya N. "Historical Policy of the Roh Moo-hyun’s Government in South Korea: Seeking Reconciliation with the Past." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (2021): 305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-2-305-315.
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Historical policy was one of the main directions of the domestic policy of the Roh Moo-hyuns government (2003-2008). The ideological justification of revising the 20th century history of Korea was the idea of building a new Korean society based on the principles of democracy and the rule of civil rights and freedoms. Through the implementation of a new historical policy the Roh Moo-hyuns government tried to prove that the creation of such a society was impossible without revealing the truth about the historical past, in which the state repeatedly neglected civil rights and committed crimes. Increased attention to issues of restoration of the historical justice is typical for the current government of Moon Jae-in, the political successor of Roh Moo-hyun. Based on the analysis of the governmental documents, legislation this paper reveals the main disagreements between political parties of the Republic of Korea around the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, identifies the key results of its activities.
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Gabdrafikova, Liliya R. "Review of the monograph: Matiev T.Kh. The Mountain National Movement in Revolutions and the Civil War in the North Caucasus (1917–1921) (Nazran, 2020)." Historical Ethnology 6, no. 2 (2021): 355–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/he.2021-6-2.355-362.
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This article focuses on the analysis of the monograph by T.Kh. Matiev ”Mountain national movement in revolutions and the Civil War in the North Caucasus (1917–1921)”, published in 2020 in Nazran. This study presents an original and comprehensive approach and addresses one of the most difficult cases in the history of the North Caucasus of the 20th century – the origins of the Mountain Republic. The driving force behind the idea of a federation and the protection of the rights of mountain peoples was the young intellectuals of the North Caucasus. In this regard, the reviewer sees parallels with Jadidism in the Volga-Ural region, the activity of the Tatar intellectual youth of the early 20th century, the ideas of national and cultural autonomy. The Muslim peoples of the North Caucasus and the Tatars had much in common: one religious culture, a desire for modernization from educated groups and contradictions in society. Monograph by T.Kh. Matiev shows the multiethnic world of the Russian Empire, at the same time it points to the commonality of many issues and the need for their further scientific study.
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Newman, Richard. "Early Black Thought Leaders and the Reframing of American Intellectual History." Journal of the Early Republic 43, no. 4 (2023): 631–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2023.a915166.
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Abstract: This essay examines the broad impact of African American thought leadership on early American intellectual history. Though marginalized in many mainstream histories of American intellectual life–which often focus on the emergence of Black philosophers and Black professional historians later in the 19th century -- early national Black thinkers helped shape public understanding of critical ideas in American society and politics, including the meaning of citizenship and civil rights, emancipation and equality, and racial justice. African Americans also influenced public discourses on other key topics in American intellectual life, including the nature of human dignity and spiritual redemption in the Second Great Awakening, the meaning of Romanticism and Transcendentalism in American reform culture, and the authority of science and technology in antebellum society. Using the concept of thought leadership as a framing device to understand the power and impact of early Black ideas, I follow recent trends in the field of African American intellectual history that focus on that way that African American men and women became public authorities on key ideas and issues in American culture between the American Revolution and Civil War. Though they did not often occupy positions of educational, institutional, or legal power (the main provinces of intellectual leadership), Black thought leaders had a significant impact on early American intellectual history.
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Fonju, Dr Njuafac Kenedy. "The Challenges of Afro-Caribbean and African American Diasporas within the Celebrated Lynching Mechanisms in the New Status as Sub-Set of Human Beings 19th and 20th Centuries." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 9, no. 11 (2021): 553–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2021.v09i11.002.
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The present paper brings out clear evidence of what constitute the essential challenges of Afro-Caribbean and African American challenges and popular slogans from the late 19th to the mid- 20th Centuries which actually de-humanised the Black race whose ancestors were harshly used as slaves in the opening and development of the Americas plantations between 1619 and 1850. In spite of their long efforts in the struggle for racial equality and granting of full civil rights, different secret societies were formed alongside open police actions to frequently terrorised other races in the American Continent. The phenomenon became wide spread across the 20th Century which also suffered from the aftermaths of the two world Wars while prominent African Americans also kept American authorities busy in their struggle to end segregationist practices of the Century. Our findings show that police kill African Americans more than twice as often as the general population. Across all racial groups, 65.3 percent of those killed possessed a firearm at the time of their death. In addition, Millions of African Americans live in communities that lack access to good jobs and good schools and suffer from high crime rates. African American adults are about twice as likely to be unemployed as whites, black students lag their white peers in educational attainment and achievement, and African American communities tend to have higher than average crime rates. These issues have been persistent problems. A bronze statue called ‘Raise Up’, part of the display at the National Memorial for Peace and Justice, a memorial to honor thousands of people killed in lynchings, in Montgomery, Alabama. Therefore, the scrutiny of specialized sources and other related documentations enable us to use historical analytical methods to bring out evidences as changed of status from slavery to Afro-Caribbean and African America path the way forward to legalized segregationist system.
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Perkins, Linda. "The African American Female Elite: The Early History of African American Women in the Seven Sister Colleges, 1880–1960." Harvard Educational Review 67, no. 4 (1997): 718–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.67.4.136788875582630j.
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The Seven Sister colleges are well known for producing some of the nation's most successful women. At the turn of the century, they were recognized as the leading institutions for elite White women. In this article, Linda Perkins outlines the historical experiences of African American women attending the Seven Sister colleges from the institutions' founding to the civil rights era of the 1960s, a period during which approximately five hundred Black women graduated from these institutions. Through an exploration of university archives, alumni bulletins, and oral interviews with alumnae, Perkins shows that the Seven Sister colleges were not a monolithic entity: some admitted African American women as far back as the turn of the century, while others grudgingly, and only under great pressure, admitted them decades later. Perkins illustrates how the Seven Sister colleges mirrored the views of the larger society concerning race, and how issues of discrimination in admissions, housing, and financial aid in these institutions were influenced by, and had an influence on, the overall African American struggle for full participatory citizenship.
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Tucker-Price, Cori. "Household Gods on the Altar of Freedom." Pacific Historical Review 92, no. 3 (2023): 406–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2023.92.3.406.
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In the nineteenth century, the American West was imagined as a place brimming with opportunity and prosperity. While many found material success in places like Gold Rush era California, the relationship that Black Americans had to the region and to what they hoped would be afforded to them in the West was marked by racial exclusion. Drawing upon primary sources that include newspaper clippings and Colored California Convention reports, this article considers the various strategies of resistance that Black western arrivants waged to not only attain material wealth but also agitate for their civil rights. “Household Gods” argues that Black western arrivants used religion and religious rhetoric as an adaptive and subversive strategy to shape conceptions of citizenship discourse, which contributed to how Black westerners sought to make space for themselves within a multiethnic society. This article is part of a special issue of Pacific Historical Review, “Religion in the Nineteenth-Century American West.”
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Suleymanli, Mubariz. "Modernization and culture in Azerbaijan: second half of the XIX century: beginning of the XX century." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S1 (2021): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns1.1324.
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The end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, characterized by the expansion of enlightenment, development of education, press and art in Azerbaijan, marked by many cultural events, went down in history as the formation of national thought and national statehood. But these facts have been ignored for many years, and were presented from a subjective and biased point of view during the Soviet times. However, the cultural heritage of that period, especially the reforms implemented in 1918-1920 to give equal rights to all citizens, regardless of ethnic, religious and political affiliation, gender, state attributes and reforms in education, science and culture, restored the state independence of the Azerbaijan people. In this sense, the study of cultural processes and modernization in Azerbaijan, including cultural reforms during the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (1918-1920) is relevant both in the terms of studying historical experience and the successful implementation of cultural construction and integration into the world in modern times. The main purpose of the study is to explore the cultural basis of the process of historical renewal and modernization in Azerbaijan, to use the results of this experience in building a modern democratic civil society.
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Wieboldt, Dennis J. "Civil Rights and Prophetic Indictment: A Discursive History of Jesuit Superior General Pedro Arrupe’s On the Interracial Apostolate." Journal of Catholic Social Thought 21, no. 1 (2024): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcathsoc20242116.
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In 1967, the superior general of the Society of Jesus, Pedro Arrupe, sent a memorandum on the American “racial crisis” to the Jesuit priests, brothers, and social institutions of the United States. Through appeals to the American legal and Catholic moral traditions, On the Interracial Apostolate articulated why Jesuits should strive to achieve racial equality, initiating a historic period of expansion in Jesuit civil rights programs. Given scholars’ limited engagement with On the Interracial Apostolate’s distinctive rhetorical features, this article explains why the document was framed within the discursive framework of prophetic indictment by uncovering the influence of William J. Kenealy, a Jesuit legal scholar, on the document’s drafting. In light of this drafting history, this article concludes by suggesting that the emergence of twentieth-century “Jesuit anti-racism” can, in part, be explained by how questions about racial equality came to be understood as discrete expressions of broader debates about the American legal tradition’s moral foundations.
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Providence, Kennedy-Jude. "The Influence of American Hegemony on Revolutionary thought." Caribbean Quilt 6, no. 1 (2022): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i1.36945.
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In May 2020, two months after the COVID-19 pandemic struck the world, forcing humans stationary...at home...and unable to work and carry out routine, everyday activities, the brutal murder of George Floyd was captured on camera and broadcast on social media. Largely peaceful protests against police brutality and systemic racism erupted over- night, beginning in Minneapolis, and rapidly growing all over the United States. The Black Lives Matter (BLM) Movement’s quickfire blaze continued to spread from Minneapolis all the way to the West Indies within a week. The longstanding relationship between the United States and the Caribbean region is evident, leading to the populariza- tion of the regional idiom, “when the US sneezes, the Caribbean catches a cold.” The impact of the BLM Move- ment on the Caribbean is comparable to that of the Civil Rights and Pan Africanism movements of the latter half of the 20th century and reminds the world of the significance of regional revolutions such as the Grenada Revolution. One year into a crippling pandemic, the irony of this article will explore the aforementioned influences, comment on US intervention in Grenada and contextualize the adage- “When the US sneezes, the Caribbean catches a cold.”
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Robinson, Aaron J. "Lisa M. Bowens, African American Readings of Paul: Reception, Resistance, & Transformation." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 32, no. 1 (2023): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-32010012.
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Abstract Reception history is gaining popularity as an interpretive approach to Scripture. The dearth of extant primary sources in biblical interpretation from the African American community before the Civil Rights Era can present challenges for hearing black voices in reception history. In her remarkable monograph, Lisa Bowens examines sermons, letters, public addresses, and essays from African Americans, as early as the eighteenth century, surveying their engagement and interpretation of Pauline texts and Paul as a biblical figure. Her work elevates the voices of African Americans, while presenting an exceptional model of reception history at work. Her research demonstrates early African Americans using Scripture, particularly the letters and life of Paul, for rebuttal and reform of social injustices.