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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "20th century american history - civil rights"
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Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations". Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, n.º 1 (19 de abril de 2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.
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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.
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Murray, Jennifer. "Community engagement: Leveraging library online tools to support local historical organizations". College & Research Libraries News 81, n.º 6 (11 de junho de 2020): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.81.6.298.
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Among Floridians, Jacksonville is known as the “First Coast.” It is a reference to the fact that Northeast Florida has some of the oldest European settlements in North America. The numerous local historical organizations are forever challenged to preserve and share the rich history of “all that is Jacksonville–including early settlers, 19th- and 20th-century urban planning and architecture, civil rights and Black history, city governance, and our national parks heritage.” They often do not have the resources needed, but local academic libraries are rich in resources and tools that can benefit organizations outside the library and help bring more awareness to the organizations and the collections they have. As the role of academic libraries continues to evolve with technological changes, libraries are continuously looking for ways to reinvent themselves and expand their role within their university and throughout the greater community.
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Besozzi, Sheida. "Did a flower grow in hell? Reading the modern history of Iran through the nonviolent participation of women in political struggles". Relaciones Internacionales, n.º 51 (31 de outubro de 2022): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2022.51.008.
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This article’s objective is to place the modern history of Iran in relation to nonviolent struggles within the optic of the role of women within them, and to link these episodes with the feminist struggle in Iran. It will cover the years that span from the 1870s until 2021 by placing at the centre of the discussion the role of women in civil resistance struggles. Of particular interest will be national governmental changes, from the monarchic era to a theocratic republic; the presence of Britain and Russia, and later the United States; the mass mobilizations during the end of the nineteenth century and the Iranian Revolution; and gender equality campaigns, as well as more individual acts of resistance through cyber feminist campaigns. This paper aims to show the role of women in these struggles as interconnected with the Iranian feminist movement both inside Iran and in the diaspora. Various episodes in Iranian modern history, such as the Tobacco Protests at the end of the 19th century, the Constitutional Revolution at the beginning of the 20th century and the Iranian revolution of 1979, as well as uprisings that preceded it between 1977 and 1979, have been studied within the civil resistance literature. All of these events showed that ordinary people had the power to topple authoritarian rule in their country through the use of nonviolent strategies. One of the most important references in nonviolent action studies, Gene Sharp, has suggested that 198 methods exist to efficiently overthrow dictatorial regimes around the world, and that these methods and techniques had to be collectively put into practice in order for them to be successful (Sharp, 1973, 2005). Various studies, mostly based on quantitative analysis and historical documentation, have demonstrated that nonviolent strategies have been in many instances much more successful than violence in achieving freedom from authoritarian rule (Chenoweth and Stephan, 2011; Chenoweth, 2021). In the Iranian socio-political context, the three aforementioned civil resistance struggles managed to establish a constitution and the creation of a parliament at the beginning of the 20th century, as well as the ousting of an autocratic leader in 1979. All of these episodes are considered to be examples of civil resistance techniques that have managed to topple the authoritarian regimes present at that time in Iran. All of these struggles included the nonviolent participation of Iranian women, even though that participation has not sufficiently been brought to light in the Iranian history scholarship. The Tobacco Movement and the Constitutional Revolution represent the origins of a feminist conscience in Iran, and of women’s engagement with gender politics (Mahdi, 2004). Policies relating to women’s health, education, work and public life in general were present in both Pahlavi monarchies. However, whilst attempts were made to democratise the image of women, as well as their status, the Pahlavi regime did not achieved gender equality in Iran due to the strengthening of the class divide and its intensification by the persistent presence of British and American interests in the country. With the installing of the Islamic regime in Iran in 1979, the advances in women’s rights that had been accomplished during the previous decades, thanks to the increased presence of women in public life, disappeared in the blink of an eye. The very many risks, nonetheless, have not prevented Iranian women from fighting for their rights through campaigns such as the One Million Signatures Campaign (1MSC) (2006-2009), or more recent internet gender campaigns such as My stealthy Freedom and White Wednesdays. Studies that have connected civil resistance struggles in Iran to women’s rights (see Beyerle, 2008; Davoudi Mohajer et al., 2009) have begun to pave the way for further developments and it is from this standpoint that the paper wants to make its contribution. The field of Resistance Studies where the subfield of civil resistance is located has been getting wider and deeper, incorporating different meanings and types of resistance acts, where collective as well as more individual stands have been taken into consideration. Poststructuralist, postcolonial and feminist outlooks have expanded the subfield of civil resistance, and the Iranian case clearly shows that the civil resistance scholarship can be applied to situations that involve the toppling of authoritarian regimes, internet gender equality campaigns, and also to those perspectives that take into consideration the transnational field. By placing attention on the links between nonviolent action and the Iranian feminist movement this article also shows the continuities and discontinuities of the participation of women in the civil resistance struggles in Iran, which in turn have to do with the different historical circumstances. As the paper will show, one key aspect has to do with the role of Iranian feminists in the diaspora who have supported and sometimes created civil resistance movements for gender equality in Iran. Sharp took the role of third parties into consideration (1973) within civil resistance movements, but it was not until Andrew Rigby’s study on the Palestinian diaspora and civil resistance (2009) that actors such as diasporas have been placed under increasing interest as supporters of civil resistance movements in their countries of origin (Dudouet, 2015; Stephan and Chenoweth, 2021). Part 1 locates the arguments within a theoretical framework that links the subfield of nonviolent action with feminist perspectives from the fields of International Relations and Resistance Studies. Following this first section, the paper is divided into another five sections. Part 2 deals with the civil resistance struggles at the end of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, as well as the role of women in them and the feminist movement. Next, part 3 of the article centres itself on the Pahlavi Monarchy that preceded the Islamic Revolution by looking at the position of women in Iran as well as the Iranian feminist movement. Part 4 looks at the nonviolent orientation of the Iranian revolution and the role of women therein, while part 5 locates the discussion on civil resistance within a more recent period and the conjunction with the Iranian diaspora. The article ends with a section dedicated to concluding remarks where future research lines will be suggested.
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Oikya, Upal Aditya. "Wartime Sexual Acts as Prosecutable War Crimes". DÍKÉ 2020, n.º 2 (11 de março de 2021): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2020.04.02.08.
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Human history is littered with the mass rape of women particularly as a military strategy in warfare, dating back centuries from ancient Greek, Roman, and Hebrew concubines through the Middle Ages to the 20th century ‘comfort women’ of the 2nd World War. Ancient literature explicitly refers to rape or the seizure of vanquished women, who were regarded as the enemy’s property, to become wives, servants slaves, or concubines. The plight of women worsened in the twentieth century when civilian women suffered the most consequences of armed conflicts including rape. Rape served as an oppressive and humiliating tool to severe family identity to dominate, demoralize, and destroy the entire enemy society and way of life. In the past, there appeared to be no international law that specifically dealt with rape in armed conflicts. This was caused by the ambivalent relationship between the law of armed conflict and gender-based crimes. Rape was overlooked as an unfortunate yet inevitable by-product of war. Both international humanitarian and human rights laws did not initially recognize rape as a serious war crime and a fundamental breach of human rights. This deafening legal silence and gap are being addressed through an ongoing evolutionary process by criminalizing wartime predatory sexual acts as a war crime, crimes against humanity, and even genocide. However, with the developments of international law and its practice, for the first time in the history, mass rape and sexual enslavement in the time of war be regarded as ‘crimes against humanity’ in a landmark ruling from the Yugoslav War crime tribunal in the Hague on 22 February 2001. But, even before that, some prior legal instruments for example the Lieber Code, promulgated during the American Civil War regarded [wartime] rape as war crime with capital punishment. Thus, this paper aims to analyze how the historical legal instruments have articulated the extend of criminality and culpability of wartime rapes and other sexual violence and their nexus with crimes of humanity, genocide, and war crimes within the corpus of international norms and criminal prohibitions as well as the historical development of wartime sexual acts as prosecutable war crimes.
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Garcia, Matt, e Zaragosa Vargas. "Labor Rights Are Civil Rights: Mexican American Workers in Twentieth-Century America". Western Historical Quarterly 37, n.º 3 (1 de outubro de 2006): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443378.
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Meng, Aaron, Roland Segal e Eric Boden. "American juvenile justice system: history in the making". International Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health 25, n.º 3 (1 de setembro de 2013): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijamh-2013-0062.
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Abstract The original theory behind separating juvenile offenders from adult offenders was to provide care and direction for youngsters instead of isolation and punishment. This idea took hold in the 19th century and became mainstream by the early 20th century. In the 1950s and 1960s, public concern grew because of a perceived lack of effectiveness and lack of rights. The Supreme Court made a series of rulings solidifying juvenile rights including the right to receive notice of charges, the right to have an attorney and the right to have charges proven beyond a reasonable doubt. In the 1980s, the public view was that the juvenile court system was too lenient and that juvenile crimes were on the rise. In the 1990s, many states passed punitive laws, including mandatory sentencing and blanket transfers to adult courts for certain crimes. As a result, the pendulum is now swinging back toward the middle from rehabilitation toward punishment.
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Alasania, Giuli. "Tbilisi in the 20th Century". Caucasus Journal of Social Sciences 11, n.º 1 (2 de novembro de 2023): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.62343/cjss.2018.170.
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After the annexation of Georgia by Russia in the early 19th centurythe term “Sakartvelo” (Georgia) disappeared. The country splitinto two parts: Tbilisi government (eastern Georgia) and Kutaisigovernment (western Georgia). Unification of the country was achallenge for the Georgians dwelling inside and outside Georgia.The term “Sakartvelo” emerged once again in times of the independentRepublic of Georgia (1918-1921).The present paper considers the history of Tbilisi which was traditionallya political, administrative and cultural center of unitedGeorgia, of eastern Georgia, of Caucasus, of the Trans-CaucasianSoviet Federal Socialist Republic (Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armeniauntil 1936), of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Georgia (1936-1991) and Georgia (after proclaiming independence) and reflectedall changing political contexts.The following issues are introduced: the process of urbanization,the demographic situation and the migration processes, as well ascoexistence in the multicultural and multi-religious milieu. Alongwith the constructing activities, industrial, cultural and educationalachievements within the frames of the USSR, the violation ofhuman rights, restriction of the Georgian language, the Georgianchurch, purges, reprisals, civil unrest, nepotism, corruption, theprotests of opposition and the suppression of these protests, andconsequently the bleeding of the nation throughout the 20th centurywhich is still in place, are studied.
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Nguyen Thi, Bich. "History of women: research on the uniqual legal location of American women in modern history (XVI - XIX century)". Journal of Science Social Science 66, n.º 2 (maio de 2021): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2021-0037.
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Today, the values of human rights, civil rights and especially the issue of gender equality (men and women equal rights) have become an urgent and decisive requirement for social progress. However, throughout the centuries, women's legal discrimination has been a historically common phenomenon on a global scale. Even in a country as proud of its democratic traditions as the United States, women are considered “second-class” citizens and their contributions seem to “disappear” in history. It was not until the 1960s - 1970s, under the influence of the Civil Rights Revolution, that the study of American women's history as an independent field attracted the attention of scholars. Within the scope of the article, the author focuses on analyzing two main issues: understanding the “second-class” status of American women in legal terms and trying to explain what causes inequality to exist. world in such a persistent way throughout the modern period (16th - 19th centuries) in the history of this country. From there, it helps readers to systematically and objectively view the efforts of American women in the struggle for their legal citizenship later.
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Garcia, Claire. "“For a few days we would be residents in Africa”: Jessie Redmon Fausct's “Dark Algiers the White”". Ethnic Studies Review 30, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2007): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2007.30.1.103.
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American scholarship on the Harlem Renaissance has, until recently, been strongly U.S.-centric, but the work of many of the important writers of the New Negro-era has an international dimension, as writers attempted to place the African American struggle for political and civil rights and cultural authority in larger, often global, contexts. Recent scholarship has revealed that the term, “Harlem Renaissance,” used as a rubric to characterize the flowering of black culture-building and political activism in the first years of the 20th century is something of a misnomer.
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Schmidt, Christopher W. "Legal History and the Problem of the Long Civil Rights Movement". Law & Social Inquiry 41, n.º 04 (2016): 1081–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12245.
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This essay offers a critical examination of use of the term “long civil rights movement” as a framework for understanding the legal history of the battle against racial inequality in twentieth-century America. Proponents of the long movement argue that expanding the chronological boundaries of the movement beyond the 1950s and 1960s allows scholars to better capture the diverse social mobilization efforts and ideas that fueled the black freedom struggle. While not questioning the long framework's usefulness for studying the social movement dynamics of racial justice activism, I suggest that the long framework is of more limited value for those who seek to understand the development of civil rights, as a legal claim, particularly in the first half of the twentieth century. The tendency of long movement scholars to treat civil rights as a pliable category into which they can put any and all racial justice claims is in tension with historical understandings of the term. Susan Carle's Defining the Struggle: National Organizing for Racial Justice, 1880–1915 suggests an alternative approach. Her detailed and nuanced account of a period in American history when racial justice activists understood civil rights as a relatively narrow subset of legal remedies within a much broader struggle for racial equality indicates the need for an alternate history of civil rights—one that places the evolving, contested, and historically particularized concept of civil rights at the center of inquiry. “Civil Rights” is a term that did not evolve out of black culture, but, rather, out of American law. As such, it is a term of limitation. —Alice Walker (1983)
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "20th century american history - civil rights"
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Martin, Ruth Ellen. "American civil liberties, fear and conformity, 1937-1969". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648218.
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Vipperman, Justin LeGrand. ""On This, We Shall Build": the Struggle for Civil Rights in Portland, Oregon 1945-1953". PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3124.
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Generally, Oregon historians begin Portland Civil Rights history with the development of Vanport and move quickly through the passage of the state's public accommodations law before addressing the 1960s and 70s. Although these eras are ripe with sources and contentious experiences, 1945 to 1953 provide a complex struggle for civil rights in Portland, Oregon. This time period demonstrates the rise of local leaders, wartime racial tensions, and organizational efforts used to combat inequality. 1945 marked a watershed moment in Portland Civil Rights history exhibiting intergroup collaboration and interracial cooperation converging to eventually provide needed legislation. Although discrimination continued after 1953, the era between 1945 and 1953 provided an era of change upon which subsequent movements in Portland were based. My thesis uses material from various collections to piece together the early struggle for civil rights in Portland, and more broadly, Oregon. These documents show that the local struggle started before the classical phase of the Civil Rights Movement, usually defined as Brown v. Board of Education to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. By focusing on the classical phase of civil rights, historians miss the building of a strong foundation for Portland's Civil Rights history. My research proves the existing nuances of the fight for equality by looking at local movements rather than the national struggle. This study demonstrates the nuances by focusing on rising racial tension, the efforts to document them, and the strategies used to combat discrimination.
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Nelson, Katherine EIleen. ""On the Murder of Rickey Johnson": the Portland Police Bureau, Deadly Force, and the Struggle for Civil Rights in Oregon, 1940 - 1975". PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4434.
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On March 14, 1975, twenty-eight year old Portland Police Officer Kenneth Sanford shot and killed seventeen-year-old Rickie Charles Johnson in the back of the head during a sting operation. Incredulously, Johnson was the fourth person of color to be shot and killed by Portland police within a five-month period. Due to his age and surrounding circumstances, Johnson's death by Sanford elicited extreme reactions from varied communities of Portland. Unlike previous deaths of people of color by the police in Portland, Johnson's death received widespread attention from mainstream media outlets. In response, some white citizens decried Johnson's death as unjustified police brutality. Still, several white citizens defended the Portland Police Bureau and their actions. Members of Portland's African American community, however, firmly believed that Johnson's death was just another instance in the PPB's long history of police brutality within Portland's black neighborhoods.
Johnson's death motivated young black activists in Portland, Oregon to form the advocacy group the Black Justice Committee (BJC). The BJC, along with several pre-established advocacy groups in Portland, demanded that the city host its first public inquest to investigate Johnson's death. A public inquest is a public "trial" that usually occurs after a sudden or unexpected death. Black citizens felt this public inquest would hold the city accountable for repeated mistreatment of the city's communities of color; whereas, the nearly all white city government believed a public inquest would quell racial unrest within Portland. Mayor Neil Goldschmidt and District Attorney Harl Haas agreed to host the inquest, at which assistant District Attorney John Moore questioned Officer Sanford's motivations and actions. Despite the advocacy efforts before the public inquest, the jury voted 4-1 for Sanford's innocence. The only black jury member casted the sole vote against Sanford's innocence.
Heralded for its progressivity, the city of Portland, Oregon is contemporarily viewed as a liberal mecca where all are welcome to speak their truth and "Keep Portland Weird." However, communities of color have experienced widespread repression, oppression and discrimination since the establishment of the city. Whereas some may see Portland as a city that cherishes individuality, Portland's black community has been robbed of autonomy for generations. Police surveillance, harassment and brutality have plagued Portland's black community for years and continues to be a contentious issue within the city.
This project focuses on the history of Portland's black community, the history of the Portland Police Bureau, and the relationship between the two. Starting with World War II and ending with Officer Sanford's public inquest in April 1975, this thesis showcases the unassailability of Portland's black activist community and the city's continued denial of culpability for police actions. Despite the inquest's results, Johnson's death and the advocacy surrounding the incident fueled the motivations of activists at both the national and state level, and encouraged the city to acknowledge the wrongdoings of the Bureau.
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Harvey, Matt. "Bread, Bullets, and Brotherhood: Masculine Ideologies in the Mid-Century Black Freedom Struggle, 1950-1975". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1248506/.
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This thesis examines the ways that African Americans in the mid-twentieth century thought about and practiced masculinity. Important contemporary events such as the struggle for civil rights and the Vietnam War influenced the ways that black Americans sought not only to construct masculine identities, but to use these identities to achieve a higher social purpose. The thesis argues that while mainstream American society had specific prescriptions for how men should behave, black Americans were able to select which of these prescriptions they valued and wanted to pursue while simultaneously rejecting those that they found untenable. Masculinity in the mid-century was not based on one thing, but rather was an amalgamation of different ideals that black men (and women) sought to utilize to achieve communal goals of equality, opportunity, and family.
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Bryan, Joshua Joe. "Portland, Oregon's Long Hot Summers: Racial Unrest and Public Response, 1967-1969". PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/995.
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The struggles for racial equality throughout northern cities during the late-1960s, while not nearly as prevalent within historical scholarship as those pertaining to the Deep South, have left an indelible mark on both the individuals and communities involved. Historians have until recently thought of the civil rights movement in the north as a violent betrayal of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s vision of an inclusive and integrated society, as well as coinciding with the rise, and subsequent decline, of Black Power. But despite such suppositions, the experiences of northern cities immersed in the civil rights struggle were far more varied and nuanced.
The explosion of racial violence throughout American cities in the late-1960s bred fear among many in the white political establishment who viewed the cultural shifts inherent in racial equality as threatening to undermine their traditional racial dominance. Partially the result of feelings of increased powerlessness, and partially in an effort of self-preservation, many in the ranks of government and law enforcement worked to oppose the seismic changes underfoot. This thesis makes a concerted effort to examine and evaluate the role that race played in the Albina community of Portland, Oregon in the late-1960s, with a particular emphasis on the motivations, impact, and legacy of two racial disturbances that occurred there in the summers of 1967 and 1969. It asserts that while racial prejudice and bigotry were certainly prevalent among members of both the city's political and law enforcement community, and did play a significant role in the deterioration of their relationship with the black community, there were many other factors that also contributed to the police-community discord in late-1960s Albina. Moreover, it asserts that the reactions of the white and African-American communities to the disturbances were, contrary to conventional wisdom, not monolithic, but rather diverse and wide-ranging.
The goal of this narrative history is not merely to analyze the racial unrest and public response to the disturbances, but also to integrate and link the experiences of Portland's African-Americans into the broader dialogue of the civil rights movement of the late-1960s. In short, the study of late-1960s Portland allows us to reach a greater understanding of racial inequality in America during this period.
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Tisdale, John Rochelle 1958. "Medgar Evers (1925-1963) and the Mississippi Press". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278976/.
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Medgar Evers was gunned down in front of his home in June 1963, a murder that went unpunished for almost thirty years. Assassinated at the height of the civil rights movement, Evers is a relatively untreated figure in either popular or academic writing. This dissertation includes three themes. Evers's death defined his life, particularly his public role. The other two themes define his relationship with the press in Mississippi (and its structure), and his relationship to the various civil rights organizations, including his employer, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Was the newspaper press, both state and national, fair in its treatment of Evers? Did the press use Evers to further the civil rights agenda or to retard that movement, and was Evers able to employ the press as a public relations tool in promoting the NAACP agenda? The obvious answers have been that the Mississippi press editors and publishers defended segregation and that Evers played a minor role in the civil rights movement. Most newspaper publishers and editorial writers slanted the news to promote segregation but not all newspapers editors. The Carters of Greenville, J. Oliver Emmerich of McComb and weekly editors Ira Harkey and Hazel Brannon Smith denounced the segregationist groups. Evers, too, is not easily defined. His life's work produced few results but his mere presence in the most racist state in the country provided other civil rights organizers with an example of personal strength and fortitude unmatched in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The dissertation reviewed the existing primary and secondary source material, and included personal interviews with primary participants in the Jackson boycotts of 1963. Evers compares with Abraham Lincoln in that both received little credit for their accomplishments until more than thirty years after their assassinations. Both represented the democratic philosophy of the common man's ability to achieve deeds not possible in a caste system.
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Torrubia, Rafael. "Culture from the midnight hour : a critical reassessment of the black power movement in twentieth century America". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1884.
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The thesis seeks to develop a more sophisticated view of the black power movement in twentieth century America by analysing the movement’s cultural legacy. The rise, maturation and decline of black power as a political force had a significant impact on American culture, black and white, yet to be substantively analysed. The thesis argues that while the black power movement was not exclusively cultural it was essentially cultural. It was a revolt in and of culture that was manifested in a variety of forms, with black and white culture providing an index to the black and white world view. This independent black culture base provided cohesion to a movement otherwise severely lacking focus and structural support for the movement’s political and economic endeavours. Each chapter in the PhD acts as a step toward understanding black power as an adaptive cultural term which served to connect and illuminate the differing ideological orientations of movement supporters and explores the implications of this. In this manner, it becomes possible to conceptualise the black power movement as something beyond a cacophony of voices which achieved few tangible gains for African-Americans and to move the discussion beyond traditional historiographical perspectives which focus upon the politics and violence of the movement. Viewing the movement from a cultural perspective places language, folk culture, film, sport, religion and the literary and performing arts in a central historical context which served to spread black power philosophy further than political invective. By demonstrating how culture served to broaden the appeal and facilitate the acceptance of black power tenets it is possible to argue that the use of cultural forms of advocation to advance black power ideologies contributed significantly to making the movement a lasting influence in American culture – one whose impact could be discerned long after its exclusively political agenda had disintegrated.
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Smith, James G. "Before King Came: The Foundations of Civil Rights Movement Resistance and St. Augustine, Florida, 1900-1960". UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/504.
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In 1964, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called St. Augustine, Florida, the most racist city in America. The resulting demonstrations and violence in the summer of 1964 only confirmed King’s characterization of the city. Yet, St. Augustine’s black history has its origins with the Spanish who founded the city in 1565. With little racial disturbance until the modern civil rights movement, why did St. Augustine erupt in the way it did?
With the beginnings of Jim Crow in Florida around the turn of the century in 1900, St. Augustine’s black community began to resist the growing marginalization of their community. Within the confines of the predominantly black neighborhood known as Lincolnville, the black community carved out their own space with a culture, society and economy of its own. This paper explores how the African American community within St. Augustine developed a racial solidarity and identity facing a number of events within the state and nation. Two world wars placed the community’s sons on the front lines of battle but taught them to value of fighting for equality. The Great Depression forced African Americans across the South to rely upon one another in the face of rising racial violence. Florida’s racial violence cast a dark shadow over the history of the state and remained a formidable obstacle to overcome for African Americans in the fight for equal rights in the state. Although faced with few instances of violence against them, African Americans in St. Augustine remained fully aware of the violence others faced in Florida communities like Rosewood, Ocoee and Marianna.
St. Augustine’s African American community faced these obstacles and learned to look inward for support and empowerment rather than outside. This paper examines the factors that vii encouraged this empowerment that translates into activism during the local civil rights movement of the 1960s.
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Siff, Sarah Brady. "Evolution and Race in Mid-Twentieth-Century America". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1314282392.
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Cole, Laura A. "Civil-military relations in Guatemala during the Cerezo presidency". FIU Digital Commons, 1992. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2404.
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In 1986 Guatemala experienced a transition from authoritarian rule. Many issues affected the democratization process, but I argue that an essential aspect was civil- military relations. Thus, the principal question answered in this thesis is: How have civil-military relations determined the extent and nature of transition towards democracy in Guatemala from 1986-1990?
Adopting Alfred Stepan’s model to examine civil-military relations, the prerogatives and contestation of the Guatemalan military were examined. Prerogatives exist when the military assumes the right to control an issue, while contestation involves open articulated conflict with civilian government. High military prerogatives and low contestation indicate a situation of unequal civilian accommodation, where civilians do not effectively control the military.
Civil-military relations in Guatemala from 1986-1990 reflect a pattern of unequal civilian accommodation. This illustrates the lack of civilian control over the military and continued military dominance of the political system in Guatemala.
Livros sobre o assunto "20th century american history - civil rights"
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Venable, Rose. The Civil Rights Movement. Chanhassen, MN: Child's World, 2002.
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Hamer, Fannie Lou. Fannie Lou Hamer, 1917-1977: Papers, 1966-1978. New Orleans, La: Amistad Research Center, 1985.
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Adams, Janus. Freedom days: 365 inspired moments in civil rights history. New York: Wiley, 1998.
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Fiorelli, June Estep. Fannie Lou Hamer: A voice for freedom. Greensboro, NC: Avisson Press, 2005.
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Diamond, Barbara. Fannie Lou Hamer: The little light of mine. Columbus, Ohio: Zaner-Bloser, 2000.
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Donovan, Sandra. Fannie Lou Hamer. Chicago: Raintree, 2004.
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Armstrong, Julie. American Civil Rights Literature. Cambridge University Press, 2015.
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Debating the Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1968 (Debating 20th Century America). 2a ed. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2006.
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Williams, Rhonda Y. Concrete Demands: The Search for Black Power in the 20th Century. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.
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Williams, Rhonda Y. Concrete Demands: The Search for Black Power in the 20th Century. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "20th century american history - civil rights"
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Lerner, Gerda. "Nonviolent Resistance: The History of an Idea". In Why History Matters, 59–73. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195046441.003.0005.
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Abstract The concept of nonviolent resistance in the 20th-century United States has been taught and practiced in the civil rights movement and the modern peace movement. In the media and the public mind the practice is generally linked with the names of Martin Luther King, Mohandas Gandhi and Henry David Thoreau. According to the general view, Thoreau furnished the ideas in his essay Civil Disobedience, which in time, influenced the two great practitioners of the concept, Gandhi and King. In fact, the history of the idea of nonviolent resistance is much more complex; its roots run deep in the American past; its practice was tested and developed in American soil before it traveled around the world and, almost a century later, returned to the ground from which it sprang.
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Holt, Thomas C. "Before Montgomery". In The Civil Rights Movement: A Very Short Introduction, 7—C1P40. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780190605421.003.0002.
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Abstract Although the Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1955 is generally agreed to be the starting point of the “classic” Civil Rights Movement, it built on a century-long history of African American protests of segregated transportation. Beginning with challenges to racially discriminatory treatment on horse-drawn streetcars in the decade before the Civil War and continuing with boycotts in the 1890s and street protests of racial violence and employment discrimination over the first five decades of the 20th century, African Americans in the North and South never relented in their demands for equal justice. The founding of the NAACP in 1909 provided the organizational means for sustained legal challenges as well as occasional street protests against racial segregation and discrimination. By the 1940s, other, more militant organizations joined the struggle and pursued more direct challenges to the Jim Crow laws.
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Perrotta, Katherine A., e Mary F. Mattson. "Using Counterstories and Reflective Writing Assignments to Promote Critical Race Consciousness in an Undergraduate Teacher Preparation Course". In Advocacy in Academia and the Role of Teacher Preparation Programs, 42–64. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2906-4.ch003.
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On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white patron on a Montgomery bus. Her act of resistance sparked the Montgomery Bus Boycott and ushered in the mid-20th century Civil Rights Movement. Although Parks occupies a prominent place in United States history, she was not the first to challenge racial segregation. Elizabeth Jennings was an African American schoolteacher who was ejected from a streetcar in New York City in 1854. Her lawyer, future President Chester A. Arthur, sued the streetcar company and won. Jennings' and Parks' stories serve as examples of counterstories that can raise critical race consciousness to matters of racial inequity in historical narratives and school curricula. Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to examine whether students in an undergraduate teacher preparation course at a major university in a metropolitan region of the Southeast demonstrated critical race consciousness with reflective writing assignments by analyzing the counterstories of Elizabeth Jennings and Rosa Parks.
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Perrotta, Katherine A., e Mary F. Mattson. "Using Counterstories and Reflective Writing Assignments to Promote Critical Race Consciousness in an Undergraduate Teacher Preparation Course". In Research Anthology on Empowering Marginalized Communities and Mitigating Racism and Discrimination, 737–59. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-8547-4.ch035.
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On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white patron on a Montgomery bus. Her act of resistance sparked the Montgomery Bus Boycott and ushered in the mid-20th century Civil Rights Movement. Although Parks occupies a prominent place in United States history, she was not the first to challenge racial segregation. Elizabeth Jennings was an African American schoolteacher who was ejected from a streetcar in New York City in 1854. Her lawyer, future President Chester A. Arthur, sued the streetcar company and won. Jennings' and Parks' stories serve as examples of counterstories that can raise critical race consciousness to matters of racial inequity in historical narratives and school curricula. Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to examine whether students in an undergraduate teacher preparation course at a major university in a metropolitan region of the Southeast demonstrated critical race consciousness with reflective writing assignments by analyzing the counterstories of Elizabeth Jennings and Rosa Parks.
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Williams, Chad. "W. E. B. Du Bois and World War I". In The Oxford Handbook of W.E.B. Du Bois. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190062767.013.67.
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Abstract World War I stands as one of the most significant events in W. E. B. Du Bois’s life and career. From the start, Du Bois understood the significance of the war as a watershed moment in the history of the modern world and the future of people of African descent. Going against his pacifist principles, he controversially supported the United States and Allied war effort, believing that loyalty and patriotism would lead to civil rights for African Americans and the broader expansion of democracy. He placed his faith in the service and sacrifice of Black troops as heroic examples of African American citizenship. However, the resiliency of white supremacy, domestically and globally, quickly tempered Du Bois’s hopes for change. Throughout the interwar period and beyond, Du Bois wrestled with the disillusionment of the war and its troubling legacy on both a scholarly and deeply personal level. Through his writings and his activism, Du Bois sought to understand the historical meaning of the war, its relationship to the present, and implications for the future. World War I is central to understanding Du Bois’s political, intellectual, and moral evolution during the 20th century.
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Marino, Katherine M. "History and Human Rights". In Feminism for the Americas, 225–36. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649696.003.0010.
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The Epilogue demonstrates how the UN Charter’s women’s and human rights promises inspired feminists throughout the Americas, and how the Cold War stifled the movement and largely erased the historical memory of inter-American feminism. Paulina Luisi and Marta Vergara helped organize an inter-American feminist meeting in Guatemala in 1947 that articulated broad meanings of inter-American feminism and global women’s and human rights. However, the Cold War’s pitched battle between communism and capitalism narrowed both “feminism” and “human rights” to mean individual political and civil rights. The Cold War also contributed to historical amnesia about this movement. The epilogue explores how Cold War politics affected each of the six feminists in the book. Each woman sought in different ways to archive the movement and write inter-American feminism into the historical record. The epilogue also provides connections between their movement and the global feminist and human rights movements that emerged in the 1970s through the 90s. It argues that the idea that “women’s rights as human rights” was not invented in the 1990s; rather, it drew on the legacy of early twentieth-century inter-American feminism.
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Ndounou, Monica White. "Slavery Now". In Black Cultural Production after Civil Rights, 72–93. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042775.003.0004.
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This chapter insists that films are the most visible monuments to slavery in the United States and that memories of slavery crucially shape African American identity formation. Miniseries like Roots and The Book of Negroes also demonstrate the possibilities of capturing the complexity of slavery from the perspective of enslaved Africans rather than white slavers. Ed Guerrero recognizes that this shift in viewpoint gained mainstream momentum due to the Black Power movement with studios attempting to attract black audiences with cinematic adaptations like Mandingo (1975), Drum (1976) and Roots. Independent filmmaker Haile Gerima filmed Sankofa (1993) over a twenty-year period starting in the 1970s. This chapter shows how post-20th century films about slavery can benefit from cinematic adaptations of the 1970s. It examines the format, economic data, narrative focus, casting, reception, and genre of a sampling of films to demonstrate how exploring or exploiting the perspective of the enslaved may affect subsequent films.
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Griffith, Sarah M. "Epilogue". In The Fight for Asian American Civil Rights. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041686.003.0008.
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Liberal Protestant resistance to anti-Asian discrimination evolved over the first half of the twentieth century to become a powerful force for social change. Through their various institutions and organizations, liberal Protestants worked to change the way Americans and policy makers thought about racial difference and inclusion. The interracial coalitions that liberal Protestants built during WWII continued to impact the fight for minority civil rights in the early Cold War era. The 1952 McCarran Walter Act embodied the racial liberalism of liberal Protestants when it lifted the decades-long ban on Asian immigration. Understanding the history of liberal Protestant activism comes at an important time as the nation continues to struggle over the meaning of inclusion and searches for ways to achieve racial equality.
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Friedman, Lawrence M. "The Growth of the Law". In A History of American Law, 661–702. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190070885.003.0023.
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This chapter discusses changes in American law in the twentieth century, covering welfare, workers’ compensation, tort law, civil rights, First Nations, Asian Americans, Hispanics, freedom of speech, and religion. One of the most striking developments in the twentieth century was the so-called liability explosion: the vast increase in liability in tort, mostly for personal injuries. The nineteenth century—particularly the early part—had built up the law of torts, almost from nothing; courts created a huge, complicated structure, a system with many rooms, chambers, corridors, but with an overall ethos of limited liability, and something of a tilt toward enterprise. The structure was wobbling a bit, by the end of the nineteenth century, and the twentieth century worked fairly diligently to tear the whole thing down. One of the first doctrines to go was the fellow-servant rule.
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Amenta, Edwin, Neal Caren, Thomas Alan Elliott e Weijun Yuan. "Movement Features: A Century of News Waves". In Rough Draft of History, 108–56. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691232782.003.0004.
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This chapter examines the coverage of 30 broader movements across the century and addresses key questions about their trajectories. There were waves of attention to movements, but they were irregular ones that diverge from historical accounts and common understandings. These waves were shaped by large-scale political changes—the modernization of the polity, the rise to power of left and right political regimes, and, for specific movements, major changes in policy. The chapter also identifies which of the 30 movements received extensive coverage and when they received it—including the labor movement for the entire century, long runs for the veterans', women's rights, African American civil rights, and environmental movements, and a smattering of others at different times. Qualitative comparative analyses show that what set apart the movements that received extensive coverage when they did was a confluence of factors; conditions at the movement organizational level, individual movement actions, and macro political conditions had to happen simultaneously for movements to make big news. Benefiting from a major policy breakthrough notably helped to buoy movements in the news, rather than being a signpost of movement decline.