Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "1945-1989. Revolution of 1956"
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Jancsák, Csaba. "Whose Association Is It?" Belvedere Meridionale 33, n.º 4 (2021): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2021.4.5.
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MEFESZ (Association of University and College Students, AHUCS), which is considered to have been the spark of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, was founded at the University of Szeged on 16 October 1956. The acronym (MEFESZ) appeared three times in the Hungarian history of the second half of the 20th century (in 1945, 1948, and 1956), and all three of them were youth and education organisations. The few years of the existence of each ‘MEFESZ’ has many lessons to teach. The three organisations, abbreviated identically but different in long forms of their names, each had different objectives and roles. In this paper, we show that the 1956 AHUCS (the third MEFESZ) was not a successor to either of the earlier organisations: the first MEFESZ of the period of the “tentative democracy” (1945–1948) and the second MEFESZ (in the first period of the communist dictatorship, 1948–1950). The precursor of the 1956 revolution (MEFESZ3 , AHUCS) was a new grassroots initiative, grounded in democratic principles in its aims, programs, and missions. The 1956 AHUCS organisation was not an umbrella organisation of student associations like the first MEFESZ organisation. The founders of the 1956 AHUCS were deliberate in not seeking to become the sole, unified organisation of university youth (like MEFESZ).
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Albert, Zoltán Máté. "Short History of the so-called Kossuth Coat of Arms after 1956". Ephemeris Hungarologica 3, n.º 2 (2023): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.53644/eh.2023.2.5.
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The so-called Kossuth coat of arms (together with the national flag with a hole in the middle) became the symbol of the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1956. Although the Soviet Union repressed the Hungarian Revolution on 4 November 1956, the Kossuth coat of arms remained the symbol of the state from late 1956 to early 1957. Moreover, a peculiar version of it (the second field of the coat of arms changed from red to blue) appeared. At the time of the fall of communism in Hungary, an important question was which version of the historical forms of the Hungarian coat of arms would become the state symbol. For the Hungarians, the Kossuth coat of arms is the symbol of the revolution, while the coat of arms with the Holy Crown of Hungary symbolizes the thousand- year-old statehood. The proclamation of the Republic of Hungary was on 23 October 1989 (on the 33rd anniversary of the Revolution of 1956) and the Kossuth coat of arms was also very popular. Finally, the ‘full form’ of the Hungarian coat of arms (with the crown) became official, expressing that the Holy Crown is a symbol of the Hungarian statehood, regardless of the form of government.
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Chang, Eileen. "Chinese Translation: A Vehicle of Cultural Influence". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 130, n.º 2 (março de 2015): 488–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2015.130.2.488.
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Translation played a central role in the life of Eileen Chang (Zhang Ailing, 1920-95). One of the most iconic figures in twentieth-century Chinese literature, Chang also wrote extensively in English throughout her career, which began in the early 1940s in Japanese-occupied Shanghai. She achieved fame quickly but fell into obscurity after the war ended in 1945. Chang stayed in Shanghai through the 1949 Communist revolution and in 1952 moved to Hong Kong, where she worked as a freelance translator and writer for the United States Information Service and wrote two anti-Communist novels in English and Chinese, The Rice-Sprout Song (1955) and Naked Earth (1956).
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Kerkhof, Jasper van der. "Indonesianisasi of Dutch economic interests, 1930-1960 : The case of Internatio". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 161, n.º 2 (2009): 181–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003707.
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This article looks in detail into the process of indonesianisasi at Internatio, a major Dutch trading firm in Indonesia. I draw on Dutch archival records and the voluminous Dutch and international literature on the changing environment for Dutch private business in Indonesia in the 1950s. Internatio’s case is particularly instructive for the following reasons: – Internatio was a leading trading firm in Indonesia and regarded as a ‘trendsetter’ among the so-called ‘Big Five’, the leading Dutch import houses in the archipelago. – Successive Indonesian cabinets considered import trade crucial in the process of indonesianisasi, and for this reason the sector was targeted for policies aimed at wresting control from Dutch firms and encouraging the development of indigenous ones. – Internatio had a pivotal role in the Indonesian economy due to its extensive interests, not only in import trade but also in exports, estates, manufacturing, shipping, and insurance. The article is chronologically structured, distinguishing five periods: depression and diversification (1930-1940); the end of Dutch supremacy (1940-1945); revolution and rehabilitation (1945-1950); adjusting to new realities (1950- 1956); confrontation and nationalization (1956-1960).
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Peterson, Richard A. "Why 1955? Explaining the advent of rock music". Popular Music 9, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1990): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000003767.
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At the time, 1929, 1939, 1945 and 1968 all seemed important turning points in the track of our civilisation. By contrast, as anyone alive at the time will attest, 1955 seemed like an unexceptional year in the United States at least. Right in the middle of the ‘middle-of-the-road’ years of the Eisenhower presidency, 1955 hardly seemed like the year for a major aesthetic revolution. Yet it was in the brief span between 1954 and 1956 that the rock aesthetic displaced the jazz-based aesthetic in American popular music. Frank Sinatra, Tommy Dorsey, Patty Page, Perry Como, Nat King Cole, Tony Bennett, Kay Starr, Les Paul, Eddie Fisher, Jo Stafford, Frankie Lane, Johnnie Ray and Doris Day gave way on the popular music charts to Elvis Presley, Chuck Berry, The Platters, Bill Haley, Buddy Holly, Little Richard, Carl Perkins and the growing legion of rockers.
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Cirefice, Virgile. "Celebrating the October Revolution? A Socialist Dilemma: France, Italy, 1945-1956". Twentieth Century Communism 13, n.º 13 (1 de novembro de 2017): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864317822165077.
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Moise, Edwin E. "Recent Accounts of the Vietnam War—A Review Article". Journal of Asian Studies 44, n.º 2 (fevereiro de 1985): 343–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055928.
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AbstractsThe Public Broadcasting Service series Vietnam: A Television History is generally sound, and commendably willing to present opinions and judgments on controversial issues.Stanley Karnow's Vietnam: A History presents important new information but gives inadequate attention to some fundamental issues; James Harrison's The Endless War contains less original material but deals better with fundamental issues, including the nature and sources of Communist strength in Vietnam.R. B. Smith, Revolution versus Containment, 1955–1961, volume 1 of An International History of the Vietnam War, tries to cover too much in a short book. Some of the conclusions are not adequately proven.Ronald Spector's Advice and Support: The Early Years, 1941–1960 (the first volume of the United States Army's official history of the Vietnam War) is useful, especially for the periods 1944–1945 and 1956–1960. It slightly exaggerates the speed with which Communist guerrilla warfare developed in South Vietnam between 1957 and 1960.
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Nyyssönen, Heino. "Time, Political Analogies and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution". KronoScope 6, n.º 1 (2006): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852406777505237.
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AbstractThe paper focuses on one of the most debated events in Cold War Europe, the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, and how its memory has influenced Hungarian political thought. We follow the discussion until mid-1990s and study memory and analogy in politics. We examine analogy on the basis of the theory of new rhetoric and with the help of Reinhart Koselleck's writings. In new rhetoric, analogy is not an equality of two relations but belongs to associative strategies of argumentation. These strategies add together separate elements and construct arguments, which either increase of decrease the possibility of accepting the argument.For my approach I have separated two kinds of analogies: those, which contemporary political actors have made during the great moments of history, and those analogies found afterwards by different political actors. Finally, we discuss the temporal nature of the analogy itself. Although analogies depend on audiences, weak analogies also reveal a lack of political skills.The analogy of 1848 has been the most common in Hungary, but also other years, like 1919 and 1945, have been used in political argumentation. There is evidence, for example, of how Communists compared 1956 to 1919 to legitimize their political actions.
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Deli, Peter. "Esprit and the Soviet Invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia". Contemporary European History 9, n.º 1 (março de 2000): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001028.
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There has been extensive debate on changing attitudes within the French left-wing intelligentsia in the decades following the Second World War and more specifically on why so many intellectuals became fellow travellers and were attracted to Stalinism in the period between 1945 and 1953. Esprit's reactions to de-Stalinisation from the time of the Russian invasion of Hungary in 1956 to the Soviet suppression of the Czech attempt to reform communism from within in 1968 are of interest, since Esprit was the most prominent Catholic left-wing but non-Marxist journal in France. In view of Esprit's very strong reaction to the Hungarian Revolution, its relative silence in 1968 on the drama that was being played out in Czechoslovakia requires explanation. Finally, because Esprit broke with communism in late 1956, intellectuals writing for that journal experienced little difficulty in adjusting to the new French intellectual climate of the mid-1970s.
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Blackey, Robert. "Joes, Victorious Insurgencies - Four Rebellions That Shaped Our World". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 36, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2011): 49–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.36.1.49-50.
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Apples and oranges might result in an appetizing fruit basket, but seeking to draw lessons from four dissimilar twentieth-century "insurgencies" makes for a less successful mixture. Victorious Insurgencies does little to distinguish differences among rebellions, insurgencies, and revolutions (much less among varieties of revolution), and so in examining this potpourri of upheavals we are led to believe those differences are insignificant. Nevertheless, the revolutions in China (1929-49), a civil war-cum-societal revolution, Vietnam (1945-54), an anti-colonial revolution, and Cuba (1956-59), a rebellion against an old-style caudillo, and the rebellion in Afghanistan (1980-88), an insurgency to keep out communism and Soviet influence, can, indeed, teach us something (e.g., about the problems of fighting a war based on the mistakes of previous conflicts and about successful and unsuccessful counterinsurgencies), but only if readers are prepared to do some of their own mental editing and reorganizing. Without Joes saying so explicitly, his primary concern is with developing a counterinsurgency doctrine. If this serves the goals of a course, then teachers will profit from reading his book- but a fair amount of prior knowledge is expected on the part of readers (e.g., in regard to people referenced), which would likely be a problem for students.
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Vincze, Gábor. "Csendõrsorsok az 1945 utáni évtizedekben". Belvedere Meridionale 31, n.º 2 (2019): 77–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.2.5.
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Based the French example, in 1881 the Gendarmerie, guarding order in the countryside, was founded in the Austro–Hungarian Empire as well. From that on, public safety could be described as similar to European standards. Despite of that, after 1945 the attitude of new political elite and some parts of society towards the Gendarmerie was quite negative. There weretwo keys reasons for that. A fraction of the Gendarmerie participated in the persecution of the illegal communist party’s members and followers before 1944, and took partin the deportation of the countryside Jews in 1944. However, when the Gendarmerie was dissolved on 10 May 1945, it was not for the latter but specifically for political reasons.After passing the legislation, former gendarmes were viewed ascollectively guilty and second-rate citizens, even if they had committed no crime at all. Gendarmes fleeing West from the Soviet Army in the Spring of 1945 and later returning were interned, and the same faith awaited their comrades who couldreturn from Soviet prison camps in 1950 (several years of forced labour awaited the latter).The gendarme officers were declared “principal war criminals” at the people’s tribunal, a typical political tribunal, established in 1945. Seven such officers were condemned to death and were executed, possibly more than a thousand of others were given prison sentences. In 1956, several gendarmes took active part in the revolution in the countryside, many of them were convicted after the revolution was suppressed. Those freed from prisons and internment camps were kept under state security surveillance for decades, even if they had no previous conflict with the communist regime. Studying the fate of former gendarmes after 1945 shows that,from the point of taking power in 1945 until the fall of the regime, the communists-feared them, even when the gendarmes were old and ill. In my study I review the problems of research, and illustrate different forms of gendarme-persecution,by presenting specific examples.
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Nagy, András. "Shattered Hopes amid Violent Repression: The Hungarian Revolution and the United Nations (Part 1)". Journal of Cold War Studies 19, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2017): 42–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00764.
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Few historical events since 1945 have had the same impact and reverberations as the 1956 Hungarian revolution both inside and outside the country. This article, based on recently declassified and other archival documents, focuses on an important aspect of the international response to the revolution: the response (or lack thereof) of the United Nations (UN) to the revolution and then to the tragic consequences, including trials, imprisonments, and executions that continued for years afterward. The trust placed by some Hungarians in the UN may have done more harm than good. Many Hungarians came to believe that UN officials were concerned less with responding to the ongoing tragic events in Hungary and more with jeopardizing the organization's future ability to prevent or respond to disputes between the Cold War superpowers.
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Gołębiowski, Bronisław. "Rewolucja dokonana i obroniona". Kultura i Społeczeństwo 62, n.º 1 (26 de março de 2018): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2018.62.1.9.
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The author disputes Leder’s idea in Prześniona rewolucja. Ćwiczenie z logiki historycznej [A Missed Revolution: Exercise in Historical Logic] (2014) that a great revolution, eliminating the “late feudalism” of the 19th century, occurred in Poland in the years 1939–1956 and that it happened because of the war’s destruction of the old social structures and the Nazi genocide of the Jewish population, that is, the bourgeois class, which was replaced in the years 1945–1956 by unconscious beneficiaries of the change. The beneficiaries were unaware, he writes, because the essence of the changes and their benefits never entered the social imaginary. The core of the author’s polemic is the claim that such change, which was conducted by force and by foreigners, can not be called a “revolution,” that is, the passage of society to modernity. Furthermore, the author claims that the great Polish revolution was conducted in full by the nation, by the peasant classes, in the years 1914–1922, and was popular and independence-oriented in nature. It was the continuation of the Polish independence uprisings of the 19th century, the result of changes in the social structure that had been occurring for years in the Polish lands, which were at the time divided between the partitioning states, and of deepening self-awareness among the people. The revolution was continued after Poland’s acquisition of independence in 1918. The Second World War, and foreign intervention, only disrupted that process.
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Stankowska, Agata. "Pośmiertne życie rewolucji. O Dzienniku węgierskim Wiktora Woroszylskiego z perspektywy „nieustającej w swym ruchu historii”". Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka, n.º 29 (1 de março de 2017): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsl.2016.29.12.
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The article is devoted to the Hungarian revolution in 1956, witnessed and described by Wiktor Woroszylski in his Hungarian diary . His report from the fighting Budapest is as important as the comments added in 1976, 1981, 1986, and 1989, the milestones of the Polish way to freedom, described by one of its participants. In the comments, Woroszylski creates a vision of “history incessant in its movement”, marked by hope and disappointment. The author points out to similarities and relationships between freedom uprisings in various Soviet-dominated countries of Central Europe.
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Andreev, Alexander Alekceevich, e Anton Petrovich Ostroushko. "PETROVSKY Boris Vasilievich – academician of RAS and RAMS, the Minister of health of the USSR, Director of all-Union scientific center of surgery, AMS USSR (to the 110 anniversary from the birthday)". Vestnik of Experimental and Clinical Surgery 11, n.º 2 (30 de junho de 2018): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.18499/2070-478x-2018-11-2-150.
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Petrovsky Boris Vasilievich (1908-2004) - Doctor of Medicine, Professor, Honored Scientist of the RSFSR (1957), Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences (1966) and RAMS (1957), Minister of Health of the USSR (1965-1980), Director of the All-Union Scientific Center for Surgery Academy of Medical Sciences of the USSR, Hero of Socialist Labor (1968), laureate of Lenin (1960) and State Prizes of the USSR (1971).He was born in 1908 in the city of Essentuki. In the years 1916-1924.He studied at the second stage school in Kislovodsk. After graduating from the Medical Faculty of Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov worked as a surgeon in the district hospital, the head of the health center of the plant in Podolsk (1931), the junior doctor of the tank brigade and infirmary in Naro-Fominsk (1932), an intern, an assistant, a senior research fellow at the Moscow Oncology Institute and a clinic general surgery at Moscow State University (since 1938). In 1937 he defended his thesis. In 1938, Mr .. B.V. Petrovsky was given the title of senior research fellow (assistant professor). Boris Vasilievich was the deputy head of the field hospital, the leading surgeon of the Karelian Front (1939-1940), a senior researcher at the Moscow Oncological Institute (1940-1941), assistant professor of general surgery at the 2 nd Moscow Medical Institute. N.I. Pirogov (1941). From the first days of WWII BV. Petrovsky is the leading surgeon of hospitals in the Western, Bryansk and the 2 nd Baltic fronts. In the years 1944-1945. B.V. Petrovsky works as a senior lecturer in the Department of Faculty Surgery of the Military Medical Academy. CM. Kirov in Leningrad. In 1945-1948 years. - Deputy Director for Scientific Research Institute of Clinical and Experimental Surgery of the USSR Academy of Medical Sciences. In 1946 he was the first in the USSR to perform successful operations for esophageal cancer with its one-horn intrathoracic plasty. In 1947, Mr .. B.V. Petrovsky defended his doctoral dissertation. In the years 1948-1949. - Professor of the Department of General Surgery 2nd Moscow Medical Institute. N.I. Pirogov. In 1949-1951 years. B.V. Petrovsky - Director of the Department of Hospital Surgery, Head of the 3rd Surgical Clinic of the University of Budapest. In the years 1951-1956. - Head of the Department of Faculty Surgery of the 2 nd Moscow Medical Institute. N.I. Pirogov. In 1953 he was elected a corresponding member of the Academy of Medical Sciences of the USSR. In the years 1953-1965. - Chief Surgeon of the 4th Main Directorate of the Ministry of Health of the USSR. Since 1955, B.V. Petrovsky - deputy chairman, since 1965 - chairman of the All-Union Scientific Society of Surgeons. Since 1956 - Head of the Department of Hospital Surgery and Director of the State Hospital Surgical Clinic of the Medical Faculty of the 1 st Moscow Medical Institute. THEM. Sechenov. In 1957, Mr .. B.V. Petrovsky was elected a full member of the Academy of Medical Sciences of the USSR and he was awarded the honorary title of Honored Worker of Science of the RSFSR and Azerbaijan SSR. In 1960 he was awarded the Lenin Prize for the development and implementation of new operations on the heart and large vessels. 1963 - Organizer and Director (1963-1988), since 1989 - Honorary Director of the All-Union Scientific Center of Surgery of the USSR Academy of Medical Sciences All-Union Scientific Center of Surgery of the USSR Academy of Medical Sciences. In 1964, Mr .. B.V. Petrovsky performed the first successful operation for prosthetics of the mitral valve of the heart with a mechanical (seamless) fixation. In 1965, for the first time in the USSR, he successfully performed kidney transplantation to man. In the years 1965-1980. - Minister of Health of the USSR. In 1966 he was elected a full member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1968, B.V. Petrovsky - privedovo-but the title of Hero of Socialist Labor (1968). In 1971 he was awarded the State Prize of the USSR for the development and introduction into clinical practice of kidney transplantation. In 1979 he was chairman of the Scientific Surgical Council under the Presidium of the Academy of Medical Sciences of the USSR. B.V. Petrovsky was a delegate to the XXII, XXIII, XXIV and XXV Congresses of the CPSU (1961, 1966, 1971, 1976), Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1962-1984), candidate member of the Central Committee of the CPSU (1966, 1971, 1976). He died on May 4, 2004, at the 96th year of his life. Buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow.B.V. Petrovsky - honorary member of 14 foreign scientific medical societies, honorary doctor of 8 universities. He was awarded 16 orders and 8 medals, including the Orders of the Red Star (1942), Lenin (1961, 1965, 1968, 1978), the Second World War (1943, 1985), the October Revolution (1971), Friendship of Peoples 1993), "For Services to the Fatherland" II degree (1998), St. Andrew the Apostle (2003). Laureate of the Lenin (1960) and State Prizes of the USSR (1971), the International Leonard Bernard Prize (1975), the im. NI Pirogova RAMS (1998), the N.N. Burdenko of the Academy of Medical Sciences of the USSR (1953) and A.N. Bakuleva (2003). B.V. Petrovsky owns more than 500 scientific works, including 40 monographs. He created one of the largest scientific surgical schools (more than 150 doctors of sciences, of which more than 70 are the heads of clinics and large hospitals).
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Granville, Johanna. "“If Hope is Sin, Then We Are All Guilty”: Romanian Students’ Reactions to the Hungarian Revolution and Soviet Intervention, 1956–1958". Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, n.º 1905 (1 de janeiro de 2008): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2008.142.
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The events of 1956 (the Twentieth CPSU Congress, Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, and the Hungarian revolution) had a strong impact on the evolution of the Romanian communist regime, paving the way for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania in 1958, the stricter policy toward the Transylvanian Hungarians, and Romania’s greater independence from the USSR in the 1960s. Students complained about their living and studying conditions long before the outbreak of the Hungarian crisis. Ethnic Hungarians from Transylvania listened closely to Budapest radio stations, and Romanian students in Budapest in the summer of 1956 were especially affected by the ferment of ideas there. For the Gheorghiu-Dej regime, the Hungarian revolution and Soviet invasion provided a useful excuse to end the destalinization process and crack the whip conclusivel —carrying out mass arrests, but also granting short-term concessions to ethnic minorities and workers. Of all segments of the Romanian population, university students were the most discontented. Drawing on archival documents, published memoirs, and recent Romanian scholarship, this paper will analyze and compare the student unrest in Bucharest, Cluj, Iaşi, and Timişoara. Due to a combination of psychological, logistical, and historical factors, students in the latter city were especially vocal and organized. On October 30 over 2,000 students from the Polytechnic Institute in Timişoara met with party offi cials, demanding changes in living and study conditions, as well as the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania. Another 800-1,000 students convened on October 31, calling for the release of students who were arrested the day before. Obvious discrepancies between the Romanian and Hungarian media sparked their curiosity about events in Hungary, while their cramped dorm rooms actually facilitated student meetings. In the Banat region itself, a tradition of anti-communist protest had prevailed since 1945. Although arrested en masse, these students set a vital precedent—especially for the Timişoarans who launched the Romanian Revolution thirty-three years later.
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Skyba, Ivanna. "The state and Protestant Churches in Hungary in 1948 – 1989". Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, n.º 2 (45) (25 de dezembro de 2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(45).2021.247275.
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The purpose of the article is to characterize the activities of the largest and most influential Protestant churches in Hungary: Reformed (Calvinist) and Lutheran (Evangelical). These religious denominations along with the Catholic denomination belong to the so-called historical churches of Hungary. The chronological framework is the following: 1948 – the year of the communist regime’s rapid attack on the political, economic, educational activities of the Reformed and Lutheran churches and the signing of a compromise cooperation agreement with them, which lasted until 1990. 1989 – the liquidation of the State Administration for Churches, socio-political transformation in Hungary, which resulted in gaining absolute freedom. Based on Hungarian historiography, the relations between the Protestant churches and the state during the reign of Janos Kadar (1956 – 1988), called by Hungarian researchers the Kadar era, and are analyzed. It was Janos Kadar, the leader of the “soft dictatorship”, who managed to turn the Hungarian People’s Republic into “the funniest barracks in the socialist camp”. The background for the successful policy of the Hungarian government after the revolutionary events of 1956 was the achievement of social harmony, including through great tolerance and flexibility in the religious sphere. The article notes that representatives of the Reformed and Lutheran churches did not take an active part in the preparations for the events of 1956, but pastors and congregations supported the revolution. It is stressed that the relations with the Protestant denominations were settled specifically during the 50s of the twentieth century; the authorities managed to turn part of the clergy into their allies. Based on the analysis of the scientific literature, it is identified that relations were compromise in the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century, as the leadership of the Reformed and Lutheran churches helped the government to pursue the policy of the Popular Front in the struggle for socialism. Owing to it, no one was persecuted for their religious beliefs. In the 1980s, the state’s influence on historical churches gradually weakened, and processes leading to socio-political transformation in the late 1980s started, and as a result, churches in Hungary gained absolute freedom.
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Cătănuș, Ana-Maria. "Carol Király (1930-2021)". ARHIVELE TOTALITARISMULUI 31, n.º 3-4 (13 de fevereiro de 2024): 241–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.61232/at.2023.3-4.17.
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Carol Király (Király Károly) was born on 26 September 1930 in Târnăveni, Mureș County, into a Hungarian family. He attended four primary classes between 1939 and 1943, after which he worked as a construction worker in various construction sites in Luduș, Cluj region. In April 1946, Carol Király volunteered at the Salva-Vișeu construction site, and in 1949, he went to the Danube-Black Sea Canal construction site, where he also worked as a carpenter. He attended evening party courses. In October 1954, he was accepted as a member of the Communist Party, but remained a U.T.M. activist. In September 1956, he was sent to attend the Central School of the Moscow Comsomol for a year. After graduation in August 1957, he was appointed first secretary of the regional U.T.M. committee of the Hungarian Autonomous Region. His real rise began after Nicolae Ceausescu came to power. He became a member of the Council of State and afterwards member of the CC of the Communist Party of Romania and substitute member of the Executive Committee. On 1 April 1972 he sent a letter to the party leadership announcing that he was resigning as First Secretary of Covasna County and alternate member of the Executive Committee. In 1973, he was appointed president of the Union of Craft Cooperatives in Mureș County. In 1975 he ceased to be a member of the State Council. In the late 1970s and 1980s, he was an exponent of the rights of the Hungarian minority in Romania, publicly denouncing their violation through open letters to the state leadership, interviews and material published abroad. In the context of the 1989 revolution, Carol Kiraly was co-opted into the country’s new leadership. He died on 4 November 2021.
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Pető, Andrea, e Ildikó Barna. "‘Unfettered Freedom’ Revisited: Hungarian Historical Journals between 1989 and 2018". Contemporary European History 30, n.º 3 (19 de julho de 2021): 427–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000229.
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In his 1992 article, ‘Today, Freedom is Unfettered in Hungary,’ Columbia University history professor István Deák argued that after 1989 Hungarian historical research enjoyed ‘unfettered freedom. Deák gleefully listed the growing English literature on Hungarian history and hailed the ‘step-by step dismantling of the Marxist-Leninist edifice in historiography’ that he associated with the Institute of History at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS) under the leadership of György Ránki (1930–88). In this article he argued that the dismantling of communist historiography had started well before 1989. Besides celebrating the establishment of the popular science-oriented historical journal, History (História) (founded in 1979) and new institutions such as the Európa Intézet – Europa Institute (founded in 1990) or the Central European University (CEU) (founded in 1991) as turning points in Hungarian historical research, Deák listed the emergence of the question of minorities and Transylvania; anti-Semitism and the Holocaust; as well as the 1956 revolution. It is very true that these topics were addressed by prominent members of the Hungarian democratic opposition who were publishing in samizdat publications: among them János M. Rainer, the director of the 1956 Institute after 1989, who wrote about 1956. This list of research topics implies that other topics than these listed before had been free to research and were not at all political. This logic interiorised and duplicated the logic of communist science policy and refused to acknowledge other ideological interventions, including his own, while also insisting on the ‘objectivity’ of science. Lastly, Deák concluded that ‘there exists a small possibility that the past may be rewritten again, in an ultra-conservative and xenophobic vein. This is, however, only a speculation.’ Twenty years later Ignác Romsics, the doyen of Hungarian historiography, re-stated Deák's claim, arguing that there are no more ideological barriers for historical research. However, in his 2011 article Romsics strictly separated professional historical research as such from ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented interpretations of the past, which leave aside professional criteria and feed susceptible readers – and there are always many – with fraudulent and self-deceiving myths’. He thereby hinted at a new threat to the historical profession posed by new and ideologically driven forces. The question of where these ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented’ historians are coming from has not been asked as it would pose a painful question about personal and institutional continuity. Those historians who have become the poster boys of the illiberal memory politics had not only been members of the communist party, they also received all necessary professional titles and degrees within the professional community of historians.
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Behrends, Jan C. "Nation and Empire: Dilemmas of Legitimacy during Stalinism in Poland (1941–1956)". Nationalities Papers 37, n.º 4 (julho de 2009): 443–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985686.
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IntroductionIn 1944 Poland was re-established for the second time in the twentieth century. Between the Lublin manifesto of 22 July 1944 and the Potsdam conference of summer 1945 a communist-dominated regime had formed, which was had little in common with the Second Republic that had been founded between the declaration of independence on 9 November 1918 and the peace of Riga with Bolshevik Russia signed in March 1921. Post-war Poland was significantly smaller, geographically further to the west, and ethnically more homogeneous. The Holocaust had destroyed Europe's most sizeable Jewish population, the loss of the kresy (eastern borderlands) to the USSR had reduced the size of eastern-Slavic minorities and the expulsion of the Germans from East Prussia, Pomerania and Silesia further helped to create an ethnically homogeneous country. For the first time in her history, Poland had the structure of a nation-state. Through the destruction and catastrophe of Nazi occupation and genocide the goal of firebrand Polish nationalists such as Roman Dmowski had been achieved: a Poland inhabited by ethnic Poles. Still, the new Poland was less independent than its predecessor; from 1944 onwards it was part of the emerging post-war Soviet Empire. Polish sovereignty had fallen victim to Stalin's “revolutionary-imperial paradigm.” Expansion of Moscow's power was as much a priority of the Soviet leadership as the export of Bolshevik revolution.
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Hajnáczky, Tamás. "Execution of Forced “Gypsy” Assimilation Policy in Hungary during the Socialist Era". Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies / Razprave in Gradivo, Revija za narodnostna vprašanja 89, n.º 89 (1 de dezembro de 2022): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36144/rig89.dec22.129-153.
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Abstract Following World War II, Hungary fell under the influence and surveillance of the Soviet Union. This resulted in the Hungarian Workers’ Party assuming complete control over the nation. After the defeat of the 1956 Revolution, the ruling party re-formed as the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, and after a few years of preparatory work, it composed its Roma policy of forced assimilation. This study presents the Roma policy of the single party state as carried out in the county of Borsod-Abauj-Zemplen. This county had the largest Roma population and was simultaneously designated for major socialist industrialisation and social engineering. Following the transition to democracy in 1989/90, numerous sociological and anthropological studies were conducted in the region, and this location remains highly emphasised in Hungarian social sciences. In presenting the nationwide Roma policy, I have used my source publication, while in examining policy execution in Borsod-Abauj-Zemplen county, I have relied on the county archives.
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Revesz, Bela. "Draft for Understanding the Historical Background of Changes in the Ideological Language and Communication of Secret Services in 20th Century’s Hungary". International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique 33, n.º 3 (11 de agosto de 2020): 855–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11196-020-09759-w.
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Abstract Words can mean different things to different people. This can be problematic, mainly for those working together in a bureaucratic institution, such as the secret service. Shared, certified, explicit and codified definitions offer a counter to subjective, solitary and/or culturally dominant definitions. It’s true that codified secrecy terms for secret services can be seen to involve a number of political, cultural, subcultural “languages”, but if words come from unclassified or declassified files, memorandums and/or records, one needs a deep understanding of the secret services. A remarkable feature of this bureaucratic language is the evolving nature of, certain “keywords” as important signifiers of historical transformation. Thus, the changes in the language of the secret services depends at least as much on the internal changes of the secret services as on the transformation in the external political-social environment. In spite of the confusion of Hungarian secret services in the revolutions of 1918–1919 and the disintegration of the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy, in the early 1920’s became a stable system. Between the two World Wars, the Hungarian State Police directed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs (hereinafter referred to as MIA), the Military Intelligence and Counter-Espionage directed by the Ministry of Defence (hereinafter referred to as MoD), and the Hungarian Royal Gendarmerie directed by both of the Ministries had their own operational service. This structure existed unchanged until 1945. Simultaneously with the forward advance of the soviet troops, government began to re-establish the former system of the secret services in the eastern part of the country. After WWII, in 1946, the “State-protection Department” as political police became independent from the police. However, from the beginning, they remained under the control of the Communist Party. After 1950, the State Security Authority provided special services for the MIA and the Military Political Directorate of the MoD. After quashing the revolution in 1956, in the spring of 1957, the MIA Political Investigation Department was established which—with slight modifications—kept the structure created during the “state protection era”. The MIA III. The State-Protection General Directorate was established in 1962. The reorganization was finalized in the middle of the 1960’s, which resulted in the new system, which—with the structure of Directorates—became the ultimate structure of the state secret police until the abolishment of the MIA General Directorate III in January 1990. These organizational transformations were largely the result of exogenous historical-political changes. Moreover, each new period had a major impact on the organizational communication, language use and vocabulary of the secret services. This study seeks to interpret these historical transformations.
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Abádi-Nagy, Zoltán. "Rózsa Ignácz’s Torockói gyász [‘Torockó Mourning’]: Identity Beyond the Borders of Time and Space". Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (11 de outubro de 2016): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.249.
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Rózsa Ignácz’s historical novel Torockói gyász [‘Torockó Mourning’] (1958) deals with the staggering tragedy of Transylvanian Torockó in 1702. But the referential pattern that emerges from the dramatic plot clearly points beyond eighteenth-century time and space in partly overt and mostly covert ways: to the early twentieth-century post-Trianon fate of the Hungarians in Transylvania, and beyond, to the destructive post-1945 totalitarian communist regime in Hungary, as well as to the backlash of the 1956 anticommunist and anti-Soviet revolution and war of independence. The narrative techniques of expanding early eighteenth-century time and space will be examined through the ways in which thematic threads of collective identity are woven in the novel in general, and the customs, habits, and the religious affiliation of the community are handled in particular. Theories of Jan Assmann, Michael Bamberg, David Herman, Erving Goffman, Fritz Heider and Anselm L. Strauss as well as observations of Ignácz researchers such as Lajos Kántor, Gabriella F. Komáromi, and Erzsébet Dani will be used.
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Rücker, Michaela, Peter Antes, Hans-Christof Kraus, Dirk Blasius, Ulrich van der Heyden, Martin Malek, Michael Peters et al. "Biografien". Das Historisch-Politische Buch (HPB) 65, n.º 4-6 (1 de outubro de 2017): 386–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.65.4-6.386.
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Hellmut Flashar: Hippokrates. Meister der Heilkunst (Michaela Rücker) Manfred Clauss: Athanasius der Große. Der unbeugsame Heilige (Peter Antes) Johannes Willms: Mirabeau oder die Morgenröte der Revolution. Eine Biografie (Hans-Christof Kraus) Stephanie Velten: Johann Julius Wilhelm Ritter von Planck. Leben und Werk (Dirk Blasius) Katharina Abermeth: Heinrich Schnee. Karriereweg und Erfahrungswelten eines deutschen Kolonialbeamten (Ulrich van der Heyden) Marianna Butenschön: Die Hessin auf dem Zarenthron. Maria. Kaiserin von Russland (Martin Malek) Henrik Meinander: Gustaf Mannerheim. Aristokrat i vadmal. [Gustaf Mannerheim. Aristokrat in Loden] (Michael Peters) Hubert Kiesewetter: Karl Marx und der Untergang des Kapitalismus (Ludger Heid) Jürgen Neffe: Marx. Der Unvollendete (Ludger Heid) Alexander Sperk, Daniel Bohse: Legende, Opportunist, Selbstdarsteller. Felix Graf Luckner und seine Zeit in Halle/Saale (1919-1945) (Wolfgang Kaufmann) Frederick Bacher: Friedrich Naumann und sein Kreis (Hans-Christof Kraus) Werner Plumpe: Carl Duisberg (1861-1935). Anatomie eines Industriellen (Werner Bührer) Olaf Jessen: Die Moltkes. Biografie einer Familie (Heinrich Walle) Wilhelm Hartmut Pantenius: Alfred Graf von Schlieffen. Stratege zwischen Befreiungskriegen und Stahlgewittern (Hans-Christof Kraus) Ingrid Wölk: Leo Baer. 100 Jahre deutsch jüdische Geschichte. Mit „Erinnerungssplittern eines deutschen Juden an zwei Weltkriege“ (Ludger Heid) Meike Hoffmann, Nicola Kühn: Hitlers Kunsthändler. Hildebrand Gurlitt (1895-1956). Die Biografie (Wolfgang Kaufmann) Victor Klemperer: Warum soll man nicht auf bessere Zeiten hoffen. Ein Leben in Briefen (Ludger Heid) Magnus Brechtken: Albert Speer. Eine deutsche Karriere (Ludger Tewes) Bernd Bonwetsch: Mit und ohne Russland. Eine familiengeschichtliche Spurensuche (Karl-Heinz Schlarp) Christoph Marx: Mugabe. Ein afrikanischer Tyrann (Ulrich van der Heyden)
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Farkas, Johanna, János Sallai e Ernő Krauzer. "The History of Law Enforcement Culture in Hungary". Belügyi Szemle 68, n.º 2 (15 de setembro de 2020): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.38146/bsz.spec.2020.2.3.
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In Hungary, Ágoston Karvasy was an early pioneer writing about the history of law enforcement. In his first study he defined the concept of law enforcement as a science. The idea of establishing a national police organisation was first mentioned after the reform era but it has not been realized that time but only in the year of 1872. However, the first professional journal of law enforcement was published in 1869 and the word police officer as the ʻguard of the order’ appeared in the Hungarian language in 1870. The scope of authority and jurisdiction of the Police was declared in a law passed in 1881. In 1873 the Metropolitan Police Department was established and in 1905 the Border Police and the Police Department of Fiume were established. In the period between 1945-47, the police continuously emerged. Although the State Security Office was destroyed by the revolution of October 1956 and it was not restored afterwards, it has not effected the Police itself. The organizational culture of the Police is mostly influenced by its educational and training systems. The training of the probationary police officers was approved first by the prime minister in 1884. In 1920 the training of police officers was unified on new bases by the leaders of the Ministry for Internal Affairs and the Police Department. Then the Police Academy was set up in 1948 and the Police College was established in 1971. In 2012 the University of Public Service and its Faculty of Law Enforcement were established and took over the functionalities of the Police Academy as well.
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Pléh, Csaba. "Mérei Ferenc a polgári és a szocialista embereszmény feszültségei közepette". Educatio 29, n.º 4 (31 de dezembro de 2020): 545–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2063.29.2020.4.2.
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Összefoglaló. Mérei Ferenc (1909–1986) életműve sok nyilvánvaló paradoxont tartalmaz. Ott áll az egyik oldalon az 1945 és 1949 közti kommunista nevelési vezér, aki az általa vezetett budapesti műhelyben és a nagy hatáskörű Országos Neveléstudományi Intézetben aktívan alakította az államilag szervezett szocialista iskolát, és ott van az 1950-től a partvonalra került, majd bebörtönzött értelmiségi, harmadik lépésként pedig az 1970-es évektől a lelki ellenállás alapú, egyéni életmód-szerveződések és csoportterápiák irányítója. Felfogásom szerint a kettősségek nem csupán az élet külsőségeiből fakadó kényszerek következményei, hanem Mérei szellemi arculatára végig jellemző belső dilemmákból fakadtak. A Franciaországban töltött korai 1930-as évek óta élt benne az a hit, hogy összhang teremthető a francia felvilágosodás örökségeként értelmezett baloldali, gyerekközpontú pedagógiai hitvallás (én ezt a polgári, individualizációs eszménynek tartom) és a kommunista társadalomszervezés egyenlősítő centralizációs elvei között. Szervező munkájában, miközben sokat tett azért, hogy a demokratikus eszményképeket követő általános iskola egyenlőség eszméje hassa át a szocialista nevelést, ezt összekapcsolta azzal a hittel, hogy a gyermeki közösségek sajátos érzelmikohó-szerepe meg tudja teremteni az összhangot az egyenlőség és a centralizáció között. Igyekszem rámutatni arra, hogy valójában nehezen összeegyeztethető a polgári individualizáció, mint a modern pszichológia egyik kiindulópontja és a hivatalnok eszményű szocialista közösségi felszabadítás. A gyermekből induló liberális és az egyenlőség elvű baloldali eszmények az oktatás irányába nem olyan könnyen illeszkednek, mint sok baloldali polgár, köztük Mérei hitte volt. Summary. The work of Ferenc Mérei (1909–1986) the Hungarian social and clinical psychologist and for a time communist educational leader involves several paradoxes. On one hand, we have the leader of the communist education reform between 1945 and 1949, who, as head of the Budapest municipal institute for education and the Countrywide Institute for Educational Research helped shape socialist schooling. On the other hand, from 1950 on, there is the expelled ostracized intellectual, who is even sentenced to prison after the 1956 revolution. As a third step, from the 1970s on, he appears as the leader of small groups, displaying life style reforms relying on mental resistance and resilience. In my view, these dualities are not only due to constraints of external life events, but are embedded in the internal dilemmas of the intellectual tensions continuously characterizing Mérei. From the time he spent in France in the early 1930s he cherished the belief that a harmony could be found between a child-centered educational commitment as a continuation of the heritage of French enlightenment (I consider this to be a citoyen individuation ideal) and the centralizing principles of communist social organization aimed at equalization. In his organizational work while he made many efforts to center socialist education around the program of a comprehensive school based on principles of democratic equality, he connected these to the belief that the peculiar emotional atmosphere of child communities could reconcile equality and centralization. I try to show that bourgeois individualization as one starting point of modern psychology is difficult to reconcile with community liberation with burocratic inspirations. The liberal child based ideals of education are not easy to reconcile with leftist ideals of equality – contrary to what was and is believed by many left wing citoyen thinkers, among them by Mérei.
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Le Hien, Chuong. "From the Order 45\SL of President Ho Chi Minh in 1945 to the Decree 276-ND of the National Ministry of Education in 1951: historical issues on the forming of Hanoi National University of Education". Journal of Science Educational Science 66, n.º 4D (outubro de 2021): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1075.2021-0135.
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After the 1945 August Revolution, the higher education system in Vietnam was gradually reorganized, including institutions regarded asas precursors to Hanoi National University of Education, the first teacher training institution of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. From Faculty of Literature in 1945 to Higher School of Education (1951 - 1954), it was a step-by-step formation of Hanoi National University of Education, with the establishment and operation of high school teacher training institutions of different sizes and forms. Based on primary historical sources including archives and recollections of witnesses, this paper attempts to systematically reconstruct the process from the first precursor to the establishment of Hanoi National University of Education, and is also part of the history of university system in Vietnam from the August Revolution in 1945 to the final years of the resistance war against the French colonialists. The content of the paper provides some new unexploited documents, and at the same time presents some new perspectives and points of view.
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Shevchenko, T. I. "Theological and Historical Aspects of the Epistolary Legacy of Schema-hegumen Ioann (Alekseev), St. Ioann of Valaam, the Valaam Elder". Orthodoxia, n.º 2 (25 de dezembro de 2023): 38–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2023-2-38-67.
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The article introduces the personality and epistolary legacy of Schema-hegumen Ioann (Alekseev), who pursued asceticism at the Valaam Monastery of the Transfiguration of the Saviour from 1901 to 1958. After the revolution, the territory on which the monastery stood became part of independent Finland. Consequently, the Elder spent most of his life detached from his homeland. During the Winter War of 1939–1940 between the Soviet Union and Finland, the brotherhood was evacuated deep into Finland, where they founded the New Valaam Monastery. From 1945 to 1957, the monastery was under dual jurisdiction: administratively, it was under the Finnish Church Administration, while canonically, it belonged to the Moscow Patriarchate. Since 1938, Schema- hegumen Ioann had been fulfilling the duties of the spiritual father of the monastery, giving guidance to Russian-speaking pilgrims. At the New Valaam Monastery, the ascetic became widely known as an experienced spiritual mentor. His spiritual disciples included priests, laypeople, former members of the Imperial Court, representatives of the artistic community, and ordinary individuals. Many of them received spiritual guidance from him through correspondence, which was eventually published In 1956, a collection of his letters in Russian was released at New Valaam. From 1961 to 1963, the letters were published in the émigré journal L’Eternel (The Eternal) in France. In the USSR, the Elder’s letters became known in 1958 in samizdat (underground press) format, reproduced using typewriters. In 1985, a portion of the letters was presented in the “Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate”. The collection has been reprinted multiple times and translated into other languages. In Russia, starting from 2000, the Valaam Elder’s letters have been published almost every year, becoming a kind of “handbook for the modern Christian”. Schema-hegumen Ioann did not aim to construct a logically refined theological system; his service was focused on caring for those in spiritual need. When expounding on fundamental doctrines, he relied on the Gospel and the teaching of the Fathers of the Church. His theology was not an intellectual discipline or a theory of the world’s order but an experiential communion with God, rooted in personal transformation experience. In his letters, he sometimes touched upon the issues of the contemporary church life and politics. The article highlights and analyzes the principal theological and historical aspects of the epistolary legacy of the Valaam ascetic.
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Kenney, Padraic. "Jane Leftwich Curry and Luba Fajfer, eds., Poland's Permanent Revolution: People vs. Elites, 1956 to the Present. Washington, DC: American University Press, 1996, x, 294 pp.; - Andrzej Paczkowski, Pólwiekudziejów Polski, 1939-1989 [A Half-Century of Polish History, 1939-1989]. Warsaw: PWN, 1995, 604 pp." Nationalities Papers 24, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1996): 753–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200003986.
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Kim, Suzy. "Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950". Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, n.º 4 (outubro de 2010): 742–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000459.
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Women today are struggling with all their passion and all their strength day and night for the creation of a new history of a democratic country. Today in the streets, men, women, the old, the young, everyone stops to listen to the women.———Nam Hyǒn-sǒ, “Women of a New Country,” January 1947In Korea from ancient times, the master of the home was thought to refer to the husband … we now realize that the master of the home must be the woman, that is, the wife or mother.———Chang Chǒng-suk, “The New Home and Housewife,” October 1947All social revolutions in modern history, from the Russian Revolution of 1917 to the Cuban one of 1959, have attempted to address the status of women as a critical element of social change.1North Korea was no different. With Japan's defeat in World War II, Korea was liberated from its thirty-five-year colonial rule, and as in many postcolonial nations after the war, revolution was in the air.2When the Cold War came early to the peninsula, Korea took two divergent paths. Divided at the 38th parallel into separate occupation zones, with the United States in the south and the USSR in the north, social reforms were carried out swiftly in the north, aided and abetted by the Soviets, while in the south, the American occupiers saw most Korean political movements as too radical and suppressed them. In what follows, I focus on the formative years of early North Korean history, the five-year period between the end of Japanese colonial rule in 1945 and the start of the Korean War in 1950. I show how North Korea from the outset attempted to meld the old and the new through the figure of the revolutionary mother as a uniquely feminine revolutionary subjectivity. This sets the North Korean case apart from other historical examples of social revolutions and their handling of “the woman question.”
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Pye, Lucian W., e Charles K. Armstrong. "The North Korean Revolution, 1945-1950". Foreign Affairs 82, n.º 2 (2003): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033560.
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Winarno, Novyantika Eka Putri, Marjono Marjono, Sumardi Sumardi, Nurul Umamah e Riza Afita Surya. "The Struggle Of Achyat Chalimy Through Laskar Hizbullah In The Independence Revolution 1945-1950". JURNAL HISTORICA 6, n.º 2 (15 de dezembro de 2022): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jh.v6i2.28934.
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Achyat Chalimy is a student of KH. Hasyim Asy'ari who founded Laskar Hizbullah Mojokerto in 1945 to defend Indonesia's independence. The formation of Laskar Hizbullah was recognized by Japan on December 15, 1944. Laskar Heizbullah was a semi-military force consisting of Muslim youths and students who fought to defend Indonesia's independence against allied forces. The purpose of this study was to analyze the role of Achyat Chalimy and Laskar Hizbullah in the Revolution of Independence in 1945-1950. This research uses historical research methods and social psychology approaches. The results of this study indicate that Achyat Chalimy and Laskar Hezbollah during the Independence Revolution played a role in the battle in Surabaya in 1945, the guerrilla battle in Mojokerto in 1945-1947, and the battle in Kutorejo in 1948-1949. The end of Achyat Chalimy's role with Laskar Hizbullah in 1950 was marked by the transfer of sovereignty from the Netherlands to Indonesia.
Keywords: Achyat Chalimy, Laskar Hizbullah, Independence Revolution
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Harms, Victoria. "A Tale of Two Revolutions: Hungary’s 1956 and the Un-doing of 1989". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, n.º 3 (21 de julho de 2017): 479–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417703184.
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This article is part of the special section titled The Genealogies of Memory, guest edited by Ferenc Laczó and Joanna Wawrzyniak This article investigates the evolution of Hungary’s memory of 1956, from the counterrevolution to the dissident struggle for rehabilitation in the eighties, its relation to the change of regimes in 1989, and its subsequent appropriation for nationalist purposes in defiance of a European memory regime. Mnemonic warriors like Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and historian Mária Schmidt have championed 1956 as a struggle for freedom and independence and symbols of Hungarian martyrdom and bravery. Only recently a new-found Central European unity in adversity has been observed: the “counterrevolution” against the European Union. Perusing interviews, samizdat articles, public appeals and speeches, and other documentary evidence, including historical analyses, this article identifies mnemonic actors and strategies to assess the intricate relationship between 1956 and 1989. The analysis of museum exhibitions, statues, monuments, and national symbols helps reveal the varying significance ascribed to 1956 before and after 1989. The study relies on the conceptual groundwork of Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik. It contributes to arguments put forth by historians James Mark, Anna Seleny, Nora Borodziej, and Árpád von Klimó.
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Dennehy, Kristine. "The North Korean Revolution, 1945-1950 (review)". Korean Studies 27, n.º 1 (2003): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2005.0005.
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ROLLINGS, NEIL. "British budgetary policy 1945-1954: a‘Keynesian revolution’?" Economic History Review 41, n.º 2 (maio de 1988): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1988.tb00466.x.
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Yuniyanto, Tri, Dadan Adi Kurniawan e Sutiyah. "REVOLUTION POLITICAL CHANGES IN YOGYAKARTA 1945-1951". International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, n.º 06 (2022): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5607.
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Indonesian independence has caused change basically in political order and governance, also in Yogyakarta. This study aimed to Understand the concept of power changes in Yogyakarta from feudalism to democracy in local government. This study used the historical method, collecting data through a review of relevant archives, documents and previous research as well as related book references; analyzing to find the authenticity and credibility of sources; carry out interpretations with a political and sociological approach, to find historical, and produce a historiography of fundamental changes in politics and government in Yogyakarta. The results showed that there was a fundamental changed in the government structure. Yogyakarta, in time of the Duch colonial governance was a self-governing state or swapraja, Sultan as King. People’s involvement in determining policy of the government is realized through representative system. That is KNID (National Committee of Yogyakarta and DPRD (Regional Representative Council), and then holding General Election for selecting members of DPRD 1951, that is first general election in Indonesia. Transition from feudalism to democracy, caused Yogyakarta as special Regions, Sultan as governor.
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Wilson, Matthew Charles. "Trends in Political Science Research and the Progress of Comparative Politics". PS: Political Science & Politics 50, n.º 04 (outubro de 2017): 979–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651700110x.
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ABSTRACT This article illustrates major trends in political science research and frames the progress of research agendas in comparative politics. Drawing on the titles and abstracts of every article published in eight major political science journals between 1906 and 2015, the study tracks the frequency of references to specific keywords over time. The analysis corresponds to and complements extant descriptions of how the field has developed, providing evidence of three ‘revolutions’ that shaped comparative politics—the divorce of political science from history during its early years, a behavioral revolution that lasted until the late 1960s, and a second scientific revolution after 1989 characterized by greater empiricism. Understanding the development of the subdiscipline, and viewing it through the research published in political science over the last 100 years, provides useful context for teaching future comparativists and encourages scholars to think more broadly about the research traditions to which they are contributing.
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Sunshine, Catherine A. "Cuba now". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 64, n.º 1-2 (1 de janeiro de 1990): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002025.
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[First paragraph]The Cuba reader: the making of a revolutionary society. PHILIP BRENNER, WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE, DONNA RICH, and DANIEL SIEGEL (eds.). New York: Grove Press, 1989. xxxv + 564 pp. (Paper US $14.95). Cuba: the test of time. JEAN STUBBS. London: Latin America Bureau, 1989. xvii + 142 pp. (Paper UK £3.95). Cuba: politics, economics and society. MAX AZICRI. London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1988. xxiii + 276 pp. (Cloth US $35.00, Paper US $12.50). Cuba libre: breaking the chains? PETER MARSHALL. Boston: Faber & Faber, 1987. viii + 300 pp. (Cloth US $18.95). The closest of enemies: a personal and diplomatic account of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1957. WAYNE S. SMITH. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987. 308 pp. (Paper US $8.95). Imperial state and revolution: the United States and Cuba, 1952-1986. MORRIS H. MORLEY. New Rochelle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ix + 571 pp. (Paper US $16.95, Cloth US $59.50). From confrontation to negotiation: U.S. relations with Cuba. PHILIP BRENNER. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988. x + 118 pp. (Cloth US $30.00, Paper US $9.95).Nineteen eighty-eight marked the completion of the Cuban revolution's third decade. Several events that year suggested that Cubans might finally look forward to a lessening of the island's international isolation, if not its domestic economic woes. The revolution had survived eight years of hostility from the Reagan administration. Washington's attempts to secure international censure of Cuba on human rights grounds had culminated in the visit of a United Nations delegation, at Havana's invitation and with relatively little damage to Cuba's image. Fidel Castro's visits to Ecuador and Mexico to attend the inaugurations of two Latin American presidents underscored Cuba's reinsertion into the hemispheric community. Finally, Cuban military successes against South African troops in Angola and Cuba's role in the subsequent negotiations over Angola and Namibia were a source of pride.
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Rollings, Neil. "British Budgetary Policy 1945-1954: A 'Keynesian Revolution'?" Economic History Review 41, n.º 2 (maio de 1988): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596059.
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Lee, Jongsoo. "Charles Armstrong, The North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950". Journal of Cold War Studies 8, n.º 4 (outubro de 2006): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.4.151.
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Schoppa, R. Keith. "Contours of Revolutionary Change in a Chinese County, 1900–1950". Journal of Asian Studies 51, n.º 4 (novembro de 1992): 770–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059036.
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Most Local Studies of the “revolution“in pre-1949 China have focused on Communist successes and failures during the 1930s and 1940s in the base areas of north and central China. It seems obvious, however, that in its more complete meaning the Chinese revolution in this century has been more than the story of Communist Party fortunes. On the national level, it has been the process of casting off politically enervated and/or discredited systems (the imperial, warlord, and Republican) and moving toward the vision of a fundamentally new state and society. The first major blow in this process was the abolition in 1905 of the civil service system that had served as the foundation for the political and social structure of traditional China. The revolution, which has often focused on struggles for political power and prerogative, has continued throughout the country in a number of phases, with varying actors, agendas, timing, and dynamics. Like a war made up of innumerable engagements, it has been a congeries of countless local revolutions, some only loosely linked to national-level goals. If, as a recent work put it, “[a] new generation of scholarship is emerging [in the study of the Chinese revolution] which promises to resolve old debates, bridge old dichotomies, and join formerly separate strands of analysis” (Hartford and Goldstein 1989:3), then it must take into account the larger chronological sweep of the revolution at the same time it burrows deeply into its local bases. This essay is an exploration of the contours of revolutionary change in the half-century from 1900 to 1950 in Xiaoshan County, Zhejiang Province, a county in the Lower Yangzi region that was for most of this period in the Guomindang, not the Communist sphere (map 1).
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Bosch, Elisabeth, e Joaquim Sales. "Francisco Buscarons Úbeda (1906-1989). Químico analítico y rector". Anales de Química de la RSEQ 120, n.º 2 (29 de junho de 2024): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.62534/rseq.aq.1969.
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Se presenta una aproximación biográfica de Francisco Buscarons Úbeda, catedrático de Química Analítica de la Universidad de Barcelona (1945-1975) y rector de la misma (1951-1956). Su trayectoria permite conocer aspectos significativos de la universidad española en la época franquista. A pesar de las limitaciones del momento supo, como investigador, establecer una escuela de química analítica y, como rector, hacer frente a los primeros movimientos de protesta estudiantiles con una actitud digna frente la política represora del régimen.
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Schweitzer, András. "Apor, Péter. 2014. Fabricating Authenticity in Soviet Hungary – The Afterlife of the First Hungarian Soviet Republic in the Age of State Socialism. London: Anthem. 228 pp. Illus (Hungarian edition: Apor, Péter. 2014. Az elképzelt köztársaság. A Magyarországi Tanácsköztársaság utóélete 1945–1989. Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont. 228 o.)". Hungarian Cultural Studies 8 (22 de janeiro de 2016): 219–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2015.202.
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Apor, Péter. 2014. Fabricating Authenticity in Soviet Hungary – The Afterlife of the First Hungarian Soviet Republic in the Age of State Socialism. London: Anthem. 228 pp. Illus (Hungarian edition: Apor, Péter. 2014. Az elképzelt köztársaság. A Magyarországi Tanácsköztársaság utóélete 1945–1989. Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont. 228 o.) Reviewed by András Schweitzer, 1956 Institute, Budapest
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Hoffmann, Frank. "The North Korean Revolution, 1945-1950 (review)". Journal of Korean Studies 9, n.º 1 (2004): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jks.2004.0002.
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Rochlitz, Michael. "Everyday Life in the North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950". Europe-Asia Studies 67, n.º 8 (14 de setembro de 2015): 1340–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2015.1076120.
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Shubin, Alexander. "WHY THE SPANISH REVOLUTION IS GREAT". Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, n.º 1 (12 de abril de 2021): 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-50-77.
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According to the author, the revolution in Spain of 1931-1939 can be at-tributed to the number of "great revolutions" along with the Great French and Great Russian Revolutions. This characteristic is not applied evalua-tively, but as characterizing the depth and impact on world processes. The author shows that the revolution in Spain in 1936-1937 reached the maxi-mum social depth for the twentieth century, extending democracy to the sphere of production, which became an unprecedented phenomenon. The author polemizes with those historians who see syndicalist social transfor-mations as the reason for the collapse of the industry of the Spanish Re-public. The author cites statistical and archival data that refute this myth and show that the industrial democracy sector contributed to the growth of arms production and the maintenance of production. What makes this revo-lution great is also the international significance of the events in Spain, which became the first major battle with fascism, the beginning of an epic that ended with the defeat of fascism in 1945 - although not in Spain. Ar-guing with Russian and Spanish historians, the author dwells on the ratio of internal and external factors during the war, provides factual data on the size of Soviet military aid and its dynamics, which allows us to assess its significance in the struggle in Spain and the weight of events in Spain for the pre-war situation. Due to its depth and international significance, the revolution of 1931-1939 occupies a significant place in the history of not only Spain and Europe, but also the world, its lessons remain important for the XXI century.
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Kim, Seon-ho. "The Establishment and Exclusion of Revolutionary Power and North Korean Bourgeois Democratic Revolution, 1945~1946". Journal of Studies on Korean National Movement 92 (30 de setembro de 2017): 211–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.19162/knm.92.2017.9.06.
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Pucci, Molly. "A Revolution in a Revolution: The Secret Police and the Origins of Stalinism in Czechoslovakia". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, n.º 1 (16 de novembro de 2017): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417738350.
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This article examines the origins of the Stalinist secret police force, the StB, in Czechoslovakia between 1945 and 1954. By focusing on the biographies of its officials, it argues that there was not one, but two, secret police forces in this period, each recruited from a different “generation” of local communists. In pointing to the social conflicts and ideological tensions that characterized the communist secret police force in this period, it forwards a new interpretation of the party purges and motivations of secret police officials responsible for the radical political violence in Stalinist Europe in the early 1950s.
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Andi, Andi, Rudy Gunawan, Humar Sidik, Abdulhadi Abdulhadi, Sigit Sudibyo, Ika Putri Sulistyana e Khofifatunnisa Khofifatunnisa. "Stasiun Jatinegara Era Revolusi Kemerdekaan Indonesia 1945-1949". Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 5, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2021): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v5i1.3389.
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Jatinegara, in this case Jatinegara Station, is one of the locations that has historical traces of a series of events defending the independence of the Republic of Indonesia from the threat of the Dutch Kingdom assisted by the Allies, represented by the British) in the era of the Indonesian independence revolution in 1945-1949. The purpose of this research is to raise the events surrounding the revolution for Indonesian independence at Jatinegara Station in 1945-1949. The method used in this research is the historical research method. The stages in historical research begin with heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography or historical writing. The results showed that Jatinegara Station was involved in a number of events and state duties which were quite important for the continuity of the newly independent Republic of Indonesia. The incident, namely, the takeover of the power of the Railways/Railway Department in Jakarta (September 3, 1945), and the extraordinary Railway Events of the Indonesian President's Entourage Soekarno to Yogyakarta (January 3, 1946). Jatinegara dalam hal ini Stasiun Jatinegara adalah salah satu lokasi yang memiliki jejak sejarah serangkaian peristiwa mempertahankan kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia dari ancaman Kerajaan Belanda dibantu oleh pihak Sekutu, diwakili oleh Inggris) era revolusi kemerdekaan Indonesia tahun 1945-1949. Tujuan Penelitian ini adalah untuk mengangkat peristiwa-peristiwa seputar revolusi kemerdekaan Indonesia di Stasiun Jatinegara tahun 1945-1949. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian sejarah. Tahapan dalam penelitian historis diawali dengan heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi atau penulisan sejarah. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa Stasiun Jatinegara terlibat dalam sejumlah peristiwa maupun tugas kenegaraan yang cukup penting bagi kelangsungan Republik Indonesia yang baru saja merdeka. Peristiwa tersebut yaitu, pengambilalihan kekuasaan Perkeretaapian/Djawatan Kereta Api di Jakarta (3 September 1945), dan peristiwa Kereta Api Luar Biasa rombongan Presiden RI Soekarno ke Yogyakarta (3 Januari 1946)
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Alfarius, Willy. "Barisan Tani Indonesia (BTI) pada Masa Revolusi Indonesia, 1945-1950". Lembaran Sejarah 19, n.º 1 (29 de julho de 2023): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.90299.
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This article discusses the process of forming Barisan Tani Indonesia (BTI) in 1945, the work programs they offered to improve the welfare of the peasants, and the dynamics that occurred within the organization throughout the Indonesian Revolution (1945-1949). In particular, this article highlights the emergence of ideas and discourses that are used as a basis for determining their work programs. This article uses historical methods to explore various sources such as newspapers and magazines published in the period in context and previous studies on the BTI. This article argues that agricultural modernization was one of the most dominant work agendas raised and offered by BTI. Discourse regarding agricultural modernization appears in various publications they produce. They consider agricultural modernization to be an important key to improving the welfare of Indonesian peasants, as has happened in Europe and America. However, throughout the first five years of BTI's existence, especially during the Indonesian Revolution, many work programs were not implemented due to the war situation. Following the end of the War of Independence in 1949, the BTI could reorganize its organization and carry out its work program, marked by the Third BTI Congress in 1950.