Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "1627-1699"

من المعروف أن الدراسة الفيلولوجية إحدى الدراسات اللغوية والأدبية، والغرض من هذه الدراسة الكشف عن العلوم والمعارف والإحبار وغيرها. وفي هذا الصدد، قام الباحث بالدراسة الفيلولوجية على رسالة البركة السيلانية للشيخ يوسف الماكاساري تحت عنوان: الشيخ يوسف المكاساري، البركة السيلانية: دراسة وتحقيق. وهذا البحث منحصر على تحقيق النص والكشف على محتويات النص. وهذه الدراسة لها أهميتها بالنسبة إلى مؤلف الرسالة ومحتوياتها معا. وذلك لأن مؤلفها يعني: الشيخ يوسف الماكاساري أحد الصوفيين الإندونيسيين لذي كان له دور هام في تطور التصوف الإسلامي بإندونيسيا. وأما بالنسبة إلى محتويات الرسالة فذلك لما تتضمنته الرسالة من القضايا الصوفية العملية التي يحتاج إليها كل من أراد أن يسلك الطريقة الصوفية في حياته الروحية. ويستخدم الباحث في هذا البحث منهج التحقيق النقدي، وذلك بإخراج النص مع إجادة القراءة عن تدبر وحسن فهم وتصحيح ما فيها من الأخطاء مع الإشارة في الهامش وإلى ما هو مكتوب في الأصل. بعد تحليل النص ظهرت نتائج البحث فيما يلى: إنّ مخطوطة البركة السّيلانيّة إحدى المؤلّفات الشّيخ يوسف الماكاساري من حوالي ثلاثة وعشرين (23) رسالة، وهي تبحث عن قضية التصوّف من ناحيته العمليّة التي تتضمّن الذكر وأنواعه وكيفيّته وفضيلته وما يتعلّق به من التّوبة. وهذه النص مليئة بالآيات القرآنيّة والأحاديث القدسيّة والنّبويّة وأقوال العلماء.

Sufisme, sebagai salah satu bagian dari khazanah Islam, dapat dikelompokkan kedalam dua varian. Pertama, sufisme yang bercorak ortodoks dan sufisme yang bercorak heterodoks. Jika yang pertama, lebih menekankan pada sikap moderat dan mengupayakan adanya keselarasan antara pengalaman mistik dengan aturan-aturan syariat, maka yang kedua, lebih menitikberatkan pada pengalaman fana daripada ajaran syariat. Dua model pemikiran sufisme ini, sangat mempengaruhi pemikiran dan gerakan sufisme di Nusantara pada abad ke-16 dan ke-17. Sufisme heterodoks mewujudkan dirinya dalam pandangan-pandangan Hamzah Fansuri (w. sebelum 1607) dan Syamsuddîn al-Sumatranî (w. 1630), sementara sufisme ortodoks terdapat dalam pikiran-pikiran Nuruddîn al-Ranirî (w. 1658), Abdurrauf alSingkilî (1615-1693), dan Syeikh Yusûf al-Makasarî(1627-1699). Karena dua aliran ini berangkat dari pemahaman dan metode yang berbeda, pengaruhnya pada gerakan sufisme Nusantara telah memuncul-kan persoalan baru dan konflik yang tak berkesudahan. Seperti terlihat pada tulisan di bawah ini, penulis hanya menelisik tentang corak sufisme ortodoks dengan mengupas pemikiran tokoh-tokoh sufi nusantara, yaitu al-Ranirî, al-Singkilî, dan alMakasarî

This paper describes the sand procedure of the Hetman’s Court in the Crown Army at the time of the Great Turkish War (1683-1699). The Court has not been the subject of a separate study since the 1920s, whereas older studies relied on a very meagre source base. Meanwhile, there were availble Hetman’s registers (copies of documents issued by Hetman’s chancellery) from the period when the offi ce was held by Stanisław Jan Jabłonowski, the Ruthenian Palatine and later Kraków Castellan. The registers, albeit incomplete (registers for 1683-1685, 1687-1689 and 1696 are missing), contain, inter alia, decrees issued by the Court Martial (i.e., the Hetman’s Court), which served as the basis for this discussion. The Great Crown Hetman, similarly to the connétable de France (until 1627), combined in his hand the authority of the Commander-in-Chief of the regular army and the administrative authority over it. One of the major aspects of the latter was administration of justice over soldiers. Originally, the hetman had exclusive jurisdiction in this respect but the demands of nobility who suffered from robberies by soldiers resulted in subjecting soldiers to the jurisdiction of ‘civil’ (i.e. non military) courts. In the late 17th century, one can speak of the practically overlapping jurisdiction of the Hetman’s Court, Crown Tribunal and fi scal organs with relation to so-called causae iniuriatorum (causes of the aggrieved: nobility vs. the army). The Great Crown Hetman did not have as extensive a judicial apparatus as some western European armies at that time. Most causes were adjudicated by Jabłonowski himself (possibly with the assistance of junior judges). The Court Martial had also its own instigator and ushers. The competences of military judges are not very clear. To perform certain evidentiary acts (such as inquisition – an equivalent of scrutinum conducted in district courts (sądy ziemskie) – a kind of on-site inspection combined with the hearing of witness testimony) the Hetman would delegate trusted offi cers or national enlistment comrades and, not infrequently, local ‘civil’ offi cers. The role of military police was doubtless performed by the Hetman’s company of Hungarian infantry. The procedure of the Hetman’s court was similar to that of a trial before a district court. A military trial was in principle instituted by a complaint, it was adversarial and controlled by the parties. Proceedings were instituted by bringing a complaint to the military instigator who, in turn, petitioned the Hetman to issue a writ of summons. The penalty for a failure to appear on the fi rst date was contumacy (a fi ne – so-called niestanne). A writ of summons for the second date was announced publicly. The second term was a strict one – a failure to appear meant losing the case, having one’s pay distrained (this, by the way, was the most effective remedy) and – theoretically – being dishonourably discharged from the army (wytrąbienie). The most common evidence included inquisition, interrogation (involving torture in the case of people of non-noble descent) and an oath. The most important penalties imposed by the Court Martial included the penalty of the throat (death penalty – imposed very rarely, it practically was not executed in the case of noblemen), imprisonment in a tower and fi nally damages, which had the greatest practical value.

Abstract Background Ovarian follicular fluid influences follicle and oocyte growth, but the fluctuation of its protein content during folliculogenesis has not been comprehensively analyzed. Here we used a shotgun approach and bioinformatics analyses to investigate and compare the proteomes of porcine follicular fluid (pFF) obtained from small (< 4 mm), medium (4–6 mm) and large (> 6–12 mm) follicles. Results Follicular fluid samples containing highest estrogen levels were selected as non-atretic from small (SNA: 26.1 ± 15 ng/mL), medium (MNA: 162 ± 54 ng/mL), and large (LNA: 290 ± 37 ng/mL) follicles for proteomic analyses. We detected 1627, 1699, and 1756 proteins in SNA, MNA, and LNA samples, respectively. Nearly 60–63% of total proteins were specific to each sample, 11–13% were shared in pairwise comparisons, and 247 proteins were shared among all samples. Functional categorization indicated comparable gene ontology (GO) terms distribution per cellular component, molecular function, and biological process categories across samples; however, the ranking of highly significantly enriched GO terms per category revealed differences between samples. The patterns of protein-to-protein interactions varied throughout follicle development, and proteins such as serine protease inhibitor, clade E (SERPINE); plasminogen activator, urokinase (PLAU); and plasminogen activator, urokinase receptor (PLAUR) appeared stage-specific to SNA, MNA, and LNA, respectively. The “complement and coagulation cascades” was the common major pathway. Besides, properdin and fibulin-1 were abundant proteins that appeared absent in LNA samples. Conclusion This study provides extensive and functional analyses of the pFF proteome changes during folliculogenesis and offers the potential for novel biomarker discovery in pFF for oocyte quality assessment.

It is a rule of thumb that the army’s command language was German until 1773 andafter that Danish. But along with the language of the army, the army’s administrationalso had a written language, and that is the subject of this brief empirical study. Thestudy will discuss the written language skills and the choice of written language by twocommandants of the same age at Kronborg, who were otherwise very different people,each holding the position of commandant at the fortress for a number of years in thesecond half of 17th century, in a selection of letters from them to the king and thecentral administration. The letters are often about the construction work, which tookplace at Kronborg at the time. The following questions are asked: Which language wasused when writing to whom? And what language did they allow to be written to whom,when they used professional writers? In what situations did they use professional writers?Was the choice of language determined by the recipient? The first is the Danishnobleman Eiller Holck (1627–1696). The letters examined are from 1660–1664. EillerHolck, who was quite well-educated, was skilled at writing in both Danish and German,but mostly used a writer, and when writing himself, he seldomly wrote more than ashort text near his signature. When he himself wrote to the king, he wrote Danish,but when writing to the king using a writer, the writer used German. This was also thecase when writing to the Danish/Norwegian nobleman Jørgen Bielke. This is perhapslinked with the language skills of the writer that was available. Holck took into accountthe fact that his superior, Danish Field Marshall Hans Schack, preferred German. BothHans Schack and Eiller Holck used translations in communications with their troops.The second is Jacob Geueke, son of a commoner from Burg on the German island ofFemern (1617–1699). The letters examined are from 1688–1692. He used German language writers, only wrote amendments on the letters himself and only in Germanand was not satisfied with his own standard of writing. Perhaps he understood Danish.It is of vital importance that many of the recipients of the letters in the central administrationwere from Holsten. Perhaps the delivered correspondence would have beenin Danish to a greater extent had Jørgen Bielke been more involved in the administration?

Lucrèce, la matrone violée par le fils de Tarquin le Superbe, dont le suicide aurait provoqué la rébellion populaire à l'origine de la République romaine, se trouve au centre d'une vaste tradition littéraire et artistique. Modèle de chasteté mais aussi symbole politique : la longévité de cette figure en partie légendaire, dont l'histoire est devenue par la suite stéréotype littéraire, est indissociable de sa polysémie. Comment dire l'indicible? Laissant de côté ses autres implications, c'est essentiellement dans sa fonction de modalité pour dire le viol que ce personnage féminin est ici appréhendé. L'étude de ses multiples occurrences dans la civilisation italienne de la fin du XVIe et du XVIIe siècles permet de mettre en évidence l'émergence d'un discours ambigu sur le viol, qui bien qu'a priori désuet de nos jours, ne laisse d'influencer les représentations culturelles modernes à l'égard de cette forme particulière de violence. Après avoir retracé l'histoire de ce modèle en insistant sur ses moments de crise, la thèse explore, à travers une démarche historiciste et pluridisciplinaire, les finalités et modalités de son utilisation à l'âge baroque au sein des divers genres littéraires. Les hypothèses sont ensuite approfondies à partir d'un corpus théâtral composé de trois tragédies méconnues, issues de contextes spatio-temporels variés. Leur analyse montre les moyens mis en œuvre par leurs auteurs pour contourner l'indicibilité devenue immontrabilité et comment ces trois étapes d'un projet visant à adapter ce modèle païen à la culture de la Contre-Réforme voient néanmoins réaffleurer ses contradictions, indissociables des représentations sociales ambiguës du viol