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Machaya, Musavengana. "The death penalty in Zimbabwe: a human rights perspective". University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4456.
Pełny tekst źródłaThere has been an ongoing debate on the abolishment of the death penalty in Zimbabwe. The public, non-governmental organisations and human rights activists need clarity as to the effectiveness, justification and purpose, if any, of the retention of the death sentence in Zimbabwe. Therefore, this paper shall give an insight on whether or not the decision to retain the death penalty in Zimbabwe is line with the country’s international and regional mandate of protecting and promoting human rights.
Morreira, Shannon. "Transnational human rights and local moralities : the circulation of rights discourses in Zimbabwe and South Africa". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11332.
Pełny tekst źródłaIncludes bibliographical references.
In this multi-sited ethnographic study, based upon anthropological fieldwork conducted in Harare, Zimbabwe and Musina and Cape Town, South Africa in 2010 and 2011, I use the contemporary political and economic context of Zimbabwe, and the resultant movement of Zimbabweans to South Africa, as a case study through which to explore the ways in which the global framework of human rights is locally interpreted, constituted and contested.
Mapfumo, Tafadzwa. "Whither to, the judiciary in Zimbabwe? A critical analysis of the human rights jurisprudence of the Gubbay and Chidyausiku Supreme Court benches in Zimbabwe and comparative experiences from Uganda". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1145.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005.
Prepared under the supervision of Professor Frederick Jjuuko at Human Rights and Peace Centre, Faculty of Law, Makerere University in Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Hofisi, Sharon. "Towards transitional justice in Zimbabwe: the role of the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission and Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission". Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/77205.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Canon Collins
Centre for Human Rights
PhD
Unrestricted
Mungwari, Patience. "Fighting HIV/AIDS insecurities using a human rights-based approach : a case study of Zimbabwe". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14941.
Pełny tekst źródła[No title page] This study underscores the need to tackle the escalating HIV /AIDS pandemic in Zimbabwe through a developmental and human rights based approach. In particular it focuses on second generation rights because of their emphasis on the social welfare of individuals. Second generation rights relate to the living conditions of people in society, attempting to ensure that individuals have adequate standard of living. This is achieved through the provision of adequate food, clothing, income, housing, medical care and other essential social services. While acknowledging that behaviour change is an essential element in fighting HIV/AIDS since the virus is spread mostly through sexual contact, the study recognises that it is of limited effect if factors that constrain the ability of individuals to alter their behaviour are not addressed. The study thus recommends the upholding of second-generation rights as an effective compliment to behaviour change strategies. Without mechanisms that facilitate change and build a conducive environment for such a transformation, the HIV/AIDS pandemic will continue to rage on. The research is a qualitative study conducted with a single case study. Zimbabwe is used as a case study as it provides a unique example of a country that has managed to lower its HIV/AIDS prevalence. However, it is now faced with an overwhelming challenge of increasing or at least sustaining this downward trend of the epidemic. Unfortunately, due to an economic and political melt-down the country is suffering a serious humanitarian crisis that has impoverished the community, encouraging risky sexual coping strategies and severely undermined the countries health delivery system, all which work to threaten the success achieved so far in the battle against HIV/AIDS.
Guni, Vengai Greeley. "Human rights in Africa: legal dualism in Zimbabwe : towards a new unified legal system". Thesis, University of Buckingham, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.601369.
Pełny tekst źródłaMandipa, Esau. "A critical analysis of the legal and institutional frameworks for the realisation of the rights of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18613.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Madima, Reshoketswe. "A case study of whether South Africa's foreign policy with Zimbabwe and China is informed by its constitutional and international human rights obligations". Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32336.
Pełny tekst źródłaMusona, Mambo. "An exploration of the causes of social unrest in Omay communal lands of Nyami Nyami district in Zimbabwe: a human needs perspective". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1372.
Pełny tekst źródłaCoetzee, Cari. "South Africa's foreign policy of quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe : constructivism as a framework to highlight the contradictory norms of human rights and African solidarity". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50099.
Pełny tekst źródłaENGLISH ABSTRACT: The downward spiral of Zimbabwe under President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the slide into lawlessness has excited international opinion. Perhaps even more controversial, has been South African President Thabo Mbeki's obvious reticence to condemn Mugabe's increasing authoritarianism and breach of human rights and democratic standards. South Africa's foreign policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has received strong criticism. Whilst both domestic and international audiences expected South Africa to take a stronger stance towards Mugabe because of his increasing violation of human rights and democratic standards, President Mbeki has been notably reticent to publicly criticise Mugabe. Consequently, the South African government has been criticised for condoning Mugabe's behaviour, which in turn has raised questions as to South Africa's commitment to the advocacy of human rights and its attempts to establish a leadership position in Africa. Although both internal and external pressures have given rise to South Africa's strong commitment to the international norm of human rights in 1994, this commitment seemed to weaken as the years passed. The commitment to human rights, that was especially prominent during the Nelson Mandela presidency, has given rise to foreign policy tensions and contradictions within the South African government. South Africa's turn to multilateral mechanisms as the main vehicle for South Africa's principled commitment to human rights has been accompanied by a decline in the priority placed on this principle. This loss of ardour in the commitment to the human rights advocacy, moreover, has seemed to increase during the Mbeki presidency. President Mbeki's desire to playa leadership role in Africa and his vision for African renewal and rebirth have been accompanied by a stronger emphasis on African solidarity as a foreign policy principle. South Africa's commitment to the norm of human rights, however, has thwarted South Africa's attempts to strengthen African solidarity since it required a rejection of the norms of 'state sovereignty' and 'not to speak out against each other'. Since high priority is attached to these norms in Africa, contradictions arose between the norms of human rights advocacy and African solidarity. This study argues that South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe can only be understood by focusing on the role of norms and identity on South Africa's policy. It aims to illustrate how South Africa's aspiration for continental leadership has constrained its commitment to human rights advocacy, as accentuated by the Zimbabwean crisis. This study explores the role of norms and identity in South Africa's foreign policy decisions towards Zimbabwe by drawing on constructivism as a theoretical framework. The international relations theory of constructivism provides a framework for analysing the potential influence of norms in international relations. Constructivism illustrates that South Africa's freedom of action has been determined by the interplay between policy actors and social forces with very different ideological convictions about the country in the world, the pressures incumbent upon it and the extent to which it can influence world affairs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se toenemende ekonomiese en politieke agteruitgang onder die presidentskap van Robert Gabriel Mugabe, asook die geleidelike oorgang na wetteloosheid, het internasionale veroordeling voortgebring. President Thabo Mbeki van Suid-Afrika se ooglopende teensinnigheid om Mugabe se toenemende outoriteit en skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde te veroordeel, was selfs meer omstrede. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor President Mugabe van Zimbabwe het dus sterk kritiek uitgelok. Terwyl beide binnelandse en internasionale sfere van Suid-Afrika verwag het om 'n sterker standpunt teenoor Mugabe in te neem in die lig van Mugabe se toenemende skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde, was President Mbeki merkbaar teensinnig om Mugabe openlik te kritiseer. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering is gevolglik daarvan beskuldig dat dit Mugabe se gedrag verskoon, wat weer aanleiding gegee het tot die bevraagtekening van Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte en pogings om 'n leierskapsposisie in Afrika te vestig. Alhoewel beide interne en eksterne druk tot Suid-Afrika se sterk verbintenis tot die internasionale norm van menseregte in 1994 bygedra het, het hierdie verbintenis mettertyd geleidelik vervaag. Hierdie verbintenis tot menseregte was veral prominent gedurende die Mandela presidentskap en het spoedig aanleiding tot spanning en teenstrydighede in Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid gegee. Suid-Afrika se wending tot multilaterale meganismes as voertuig vir die bevordering van menseregte, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n afname in die prioriteit wat aan hierdie beginsel geheg word. Hierdie afname in Suid-Afrika se dryfkrag in hul verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, het gedurende die Mbeki presidentskap vergroot. President Mbeki se begeerte om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, asook sy visie vir Afrika hernuwing en herlewing, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n sterker klem op die belang van Afrika solidariteit as 'n buitelandse beleidsbeginsel. Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot menseregte het egter Suid-Afrika se pogings om Afrika solidariteit te bevorder, verhinder, aangesien 'n verbintenis tot menseregte die verwerping van die norme van 'staatsoewereiniteit' en 'nie teenoor mekaar uit te praat nie' vereis het. Aangesien hierdie twee laasgenoemde norme steeds voorrang geniet in die Afrika konteks, het daar teenstrydighede tussen die norme van menseregte en Afrika solidariteit ontstaan. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor Zimbabwe slegs begryp kan word deur op die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se beleid te fokus. Daar word gepoog om te illustreer hoe Suid-Afrika se aspirasie om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, beperk is deur die verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, soos beklemtoon deur die krisis in Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie ondersoek dus die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleidsbesluite teenoor Zimbabwe met behulp van konstruktivisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk. Die internasionale betrekkinge teorie van konstruktivisme bied 'n raamwerk vir die analise van die potensiële invloed van norme in internasionale betrekkinge. Konstruktivisme illustreer dat Suid-Afrika se vryheid van aksie bepaal word deur die wisselwerking tussen beleidsakteurs en sosiale kragte met verskillende ideologiese oortuigings oor die staat in die wêreld, die druk wat daarop inwerk en die mate waartoe dit wêreld gebeure kan beïnvloed.
Chinamasa, Manfred Garikai. "The human right to land in Zimbabwe : the legal and extra-legal resettlement processes". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/955.
Pełny tekst źródłaPrepared under the supervision of Mr. John Kigula, Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Uganda
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2001.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Doya, Nanima Robert. "The legal status of evidence obtained through human rights violations in Uganda". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4925.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe Constitution 1995 of the Republic of Uganda is silent on how to admit evidence obtained through human rights violations in Uganda. The decided cases are inconsistent in the way courts have dealt with this evidence. This research establishes how jurisdictions like South Africa, Canada, Kenya, Zimbabwe and Hong Kong deal with evidence obtained as a result of human rights violations. It establishes the position of international law on evidence obtained through human rights violations. The research then employs the comparative study to establish the status of evidence obtained through human rights violations in Uganda. This study helps in the improvement of the practice of evaluating evidence in courts, by providing recommendations to policy makers and judicial officers in the criminal justice system on how to handle evidence at the pretrial stages in order to greatly attempt to contain the consequences of this evidence.
Stein, Dan J., Stacey L. Williams, Pamela B. Jackson, Soraya Seedat, Landon Myer, Allen Herman i David R. Williams. "Perpetration of Gross Human Rights Violations in South Africa: Association With Psychiatric Disorders". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/8024.
Pełny tekst źródłaHanzi, Roselyn. "Sexual abuse and exploitation of the girl child through cultural practices in Zimbabwe: a human rights perspective". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1214.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. B. Twinomugisha, Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Johnson, Karissa Carmalita. "The erosion of the rule of law and the fall of human rights : case study of Zimbabwe". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65662.
Pełny tekst źródłaMapodisi, Tebogo Titose. "Towards the establishment of a national human rights institution in Botswana: Lessons from South Africa and Zimbabwe". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12908.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation seeks to answer the following research questions: Whether there exist legal and institutional gaps that need to be filled by the establishment of a National Human Rights Institution (NHRI) in Botswana? How will the establishment of a NHRI fill gaps in Botswana’s existing legal and institutional framework? What are the minimum standards, guidelines and principles which must be adhered to in order to establish an effective NHRI ? What lessons can Botswana learn from South Africa and Zimbabwe in order to establish a NHRI Botswana’s which complies with the Paris Principles?
Chiduza, Lovemore. "The significance of judicial independence in human rights protection: A critical analysis of the constitutional reforms in Zimbabwe". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3868.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe primary basis of this construction is that one of the roles of the judiciary is that of enhancing and protecting human rights. This is an important function which is best implemented through judicial independence. Across Africa and most notably in Zimbabwe, political interference has been noted as a factor that limits judicial independence. The judiciary‘s lack of independence has made it impossible for it to protect human rights in Zimbabwe. This signifies that a new approach to judicial protection of human rights in the country is required. Constitutional reform could be the appropriate legal tool to achieve this objective. Zimbabwe has undertaken constitutional reforms which may help in addressing the human rights situation in the country. These reforms have captured legal principles which will ensure an improvement in the human rights situation. Key to the reforms, has been the independence of the judiciary. The Constitution guarantees the independence of the judiciary. Despite such guarantees there are a number of challenges with regards to this independence. The aim of this research is to show what measures need to be taken for the judiciary to adequately protect human rights and to establish other measures that can be taken to address the human rights issues in Zimbabwe
Chidhawu, Tinotenda. "The right to adequate housing in Zimbabwe: A contextual and jurisprudential anatomy of public housing policy implementation; Harare (2000-2018)". University of Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7676.
Pełny tekst źródłaAmid notable and ongoing research about housing, structural hurdles crippling state efforts to guarantee the right to adequate housing have been extensively analysed and widely recognised. Albeit study after study demonstrates bureaucratic lethargy, the housing challenge is much complex. Harare increasingly appears to be a city in a housing crisis. The depredations of politics have repeatedly frustrated orderly urbanisation. Comparatively little on the politics of housing has been written or studied. Consequently, the realisation of the right to housing is under constant threat with the city spiralling into endemic disorder. The turbulent policy landscape since 2000 plunged housing into a chaotic and unstable milieu
Coetzer, Danielle Patricia. "Playing in the shadows: An analysis of childhood statelessness and the right to nationality in South Africa and Zimbabwe". University of Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7418.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) provides that „everyone has the right to nationality.‟1 Nationality2 refers to the legal relationship between a State and an individual.3 The consequences are that this legal relationship gives rise to obligations and rights conferred by the State on these individuals. Statelessness occurs when an individual has no nationality of any country; a stateless person is someone who is not considered as a national by any State under the operation of its laws.
Islam, Mohammed Saif. "South Africa's Responses to Gross Violations of Human Rights in Libya, Sudan and Zimbabwe: An Explanation of the Contradictions". Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33255.
Pełny tekst źródłaTshosa, Onkemetse Baster. "Some legal aspects of the incorporation of international human rights law into domestic laws of Botswana, Namibia and Zimbabwe". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22701.
Pełny tekst źródłaDlamini, Dumsani. "The right to freedom of association in Swaziland : a critique". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8007.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Henry Ojambo, Faculty of Law, Makarere University, Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Tumbare, D. T. "Government of National Unity (GNU) as a strategy for democracy in Zimbabwe". Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/1248.
Pełny tekst źródłaDebate on GNU centres around whether or not as a tool/plan/strategy it promotes, cultivates and fosters democracy in situations where there is lack there-of. In other words does a GNU create the conditions or environment necessary for the establishment of democracy? Various studies have shown that GNU is popular as a conflict-resolution tool and that in countries where it has been employed, it has resulted in the successful cessation of violent conflict. This study explores GNU to find out how successful it was in democratic entrenchment in Zimbabwe. It revealed through interviews and secondary sources that in Zimbabwe GNU managed to bring together antagonistic political contenders to work together for the restoration of peace and democracy and nation-building. GNU did not however, guarantee permanent solution of the crisis. In other words there were other significant issues which could not simply be resolved through a GNU. Finally the study further explored the different reasons for GNU inability to resolve those issues in Zimbabwe.
Ogbonna, Chidiebere. "Sanctions and human rights: the role of sanction in international security, peace building and the protection of civilian's rights and well-being: case studies of Iran and Zimbabwe". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/525866.
Pełny tekst źródłaCoban, Aslihan. "An Examination Of Two Turkish Ngos From A Pluralist Perspective: Human Rights Association (ihd) And Women For Women". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607720/index.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaV will be examined using three dimensions: effectiveness, enhancing solidarity and responsibility, and the dimension of inner democracy. As the methodology of the case study, in-depth interview techniques were adapted for capturing the qualities of the organizations in a detailed way. At that level, in-depth interviews from each organization were conducted with members having different positions. In addition to this, all written documents obtained from the organizations were scanned and the relevant ones have been examined for the sake of the study. Since the aim of the study is to understand what part Turkish NGOs play in the consolidation of democracy in Turkey considering the assumptions of classical and contemporary pluralist school in their analysis of voluntary associations and interest groups, this study espoused an associational concept of democracy as the method of work, which is a contemporary concept that underlines the democratic role of free and voluntary associations. In this context, this study tries to discuss the following questions: To what extent are Turkish NGOs independent from the state? To what extent can they have leverage on governmental policies? Do they mitigate conflict through overlapping interests? Do they enhance social trust, tolerance, compromise and a sense of solidarity in society and within their organization? To what extent are they democratic, pluralist and horizontally structured inside their organization and to what extent they are democratic regarding their decision making process? Are they open and inclusive enough in their membership recruitment techniques?
Alsalmi, Hussain Sulaiman. "Oman's basic statute and human rights : protections and restrictions with a focus on nationality, Shura and Freedom of Association". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/omans-basic-statute-and-human-rights-protections-and-restrictions-with-a-focus-on-nationality-shura-and-freedom-of-association(9c411873-6252-4ee1-b574-40ff59e94867).html.
Pełny tekst źródłaYejoo, Kim. "Can regional organisations socialise states? Comparing human rights diffusion in ASEAN and SADC". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6575.
Pełny tekst źródłaENGLISH ABSTRACT: The deteriorating human rights situations in Myanmar and Zimbabwe have drawn concerns from the international community. Mainly Western states and NGOs have criticised both governments and urged strong action from the regional organisations, namely ASEAN and SADC. However, because of the deeply rooted non-intervention norm in these regions, Southeast Asia and Southern Africa, the human rights situation in both states long remained serious. Recently however, ASEAN has taken up a strong stance towards Myanmar. On the contrary, SADC has showed reluctance to respond to the human rights violations in Zimbabwe. The question arises why these two regional organisations have showed different responses? In other words, the ASEAN member states have become relaxed and accepted the new human rights norm, discarding the traditional non-intervention norm, while the SADC member states still stick to the norm of non-intervention. In order to find answers, the focus in this thesis is on the process of socialisation which means that the actors adopt new norms which are also accepted by society as a whole. Three mechanisms which lead to socialisation, namely strategic calculation, role-playing and normative suasion, are discussed. The conclusion reached is that regional organisation can play a role in inducing the member states to accept the new norm, in the process the regional organisation is also socialised through interaction with other international organisations and actors. Here, historical background, and particularly the process of gaining independence in SADC heavily influenced the socialisation process in this region. SADC member states‘ liberation struggle against colonialism and apartheid led to the formation of strong bonds among member states that has made it difficult for respective state leaders to criticise each other. Such strong bonds do not exist in Southeast Asia. In Southeast Asia, member states interact actively with external actors such as the EU and NGOs. Thus they become receptive to human rights norms; in turn, the regional organisation itself has been socialised and has become relaxed enough to discard the non-intervention norm. Also an increasingly large middle class has become interested in the human rights situation in its neighbouring countries. These are the factors which have led to the differing responses from ASEAN and SADC to human rights abuses in their regions.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nadat hulle onafhanklikheid gekry het, het die menseregte situasie in Myanmar en Zimbabwe agteruitgegaan. Die internasionale gemeenskap, meestal Westerse state en nie-regerings organisasies het albei regerings gekritiseer en die streeksorganisasies, naamlik ASEAN en SADC, dringend versoek om streng op te tree. Weens die diep-gewortelde nie-intervensie norm in beide Suidoos-Asië en Suider-Afrika het die menseregte situasie egter lank ernstig gebly. ASEAN het egter meer onlangs sterk standpunt ingeneem teenoor Myanmar. Maar SADC is nog steeds onwillig om te reageer op die menseregte vergrype in Zimbabwe. Die vraag is nou waarom hierdie twee streeksorganisasies so verskillend opgetree het. Die lidstate van ASEAN het ontspanne geraak en die nuwe menseregte norme aanvaar en die tradisionele nie-intervensie norm laat vaar, terwyl SADC lidstate nog hou by die nie-intervensie norm . In die soek na antwoorde, is die fokus van hierdie tesis op die proses van sosialisering wat beteken dat die akteurs nuwe norme wat deur die internasionale gemeenskap as geheel aanvaar word, aanneem. Die drie meganismes wat lei tot sosialisering, naamlik strategiese berekening, rol-speling en normatiewe oorreding, word bespreek. Die slotsom waartoe gekom word is dat streeksorganisasies ‘n rol kan speel in die oorreding van lidstate om die nuwe norm te aanvaar en dat die streeksorganisasies in die proses deur interaksie met ander internasionale organisasies en akteurs, self gesosialiseer word. Historiese agtergrond en veral die proses waardeur onafhanklikheid in die lande van Suider-Afrika verkry is, het die sosialisasie proses in die area beïnvloed. SADC lidstate se vryheidstryd teen kolonialisme en apartheid het sterk bande tussen lidstate gesmee en dit moeilik gemaak vir die leiers van die state om mekaar te kritiseer. Daar bestaan nie sulke sterk bande in Suidoos-Asië nie. Verder is daar in Suidoos-Asië aktiewe interaksie met ander organisasies soos die Europese Unie en met nie-regerings organisasies. Dus is hulle meer ontvanklik vir menseregte norms. Op hulle beurt is die streeksorganisasies ook gesosialiseer en het hulle ontspanne genoeg geraak om af te sien van die nie-intervensie norm. Die groeiende middelklas het ook geïnteresseerd geraak in die menseregte situasie in hulle eie en in die buurlande. Dit is die faktore wat gelei het tot die verskillende reaksies van ASEAN en SADC tot die menseregte vergrype in hulle onderskeie streke.
Prichard, Nisha. ""Dangerously Radical?" - Explaining the position of the Revolutionary Association of Women in Afghanistan in Post Taliban Afghanistan". Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2165.
Pełny tekst źródłaN/A
Department of Government and International Relations
Musarurwa, Tazorora T. G. "Creating sustainable democracy in Africa - an African supranational body for the effective supervision of elections in Africa". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8095.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Professor E.K. EK Quashigah, of the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana-Legon, Ghana
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Sacco, Solomon Frank. "A comparative study of the implementation in Zimbabwe and South Africa of the international law rules that allow compulsory licensing and parallel importation for HIV/AIDS drugs". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1100.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the American University in Cairo.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Maribha, Sheilla Kudzai. "An evaluation of Zimbabwe's national peace and reconciliation commission Bill, 2017". University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6369.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis is a study of Zimbabwe's National Peace and Reconciliation Commission Bill (hereafter NPRC Bill). The NPRC Bill seeks to bring the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter NPRC) of Zimbabwe into operation. The NPRC is a truth commission set to promote post-conflict justice, national peace and reconciliation in Zimbabwe. The study discusses the prospects of establishing an effective NPRC in Zimbabwe by examining the provisions of the NPRC Bill. The view of the paper is that, without proper guidance from a comprehensive law, the NPRC is bound to be a victim of its own failure.
Komlavi, Kokou. "L'impact de la mise en oeuvre de la conditionnalité démocratique de l'aide européenne sur la politique au Togo et au Zimbabwe". Thesis, Lyon 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO30035.
Pełny tekst źródłaToday there is a significant advance in the democratization process in Togo and Zimbabwe because of the political democratic conditionality for EU development aid and financial sanctions imposed against the country. It is the synergy of internal and external forces that contributed to the change in policy in Togo and Zimbabwe. The mobilization of civil society has been helpful. However, the political system produced by policy conditionality is only façade since the results are not up to what was expected. The results are mixed. The reforms undertaken in Togo and Zimbabwe are only apparent. In addition, aid dependence has fostered corruption, debt, and undermined investment. Unless appropriate solutions can be found to the democratic aspirations of the African peoples, taking into account their social, cultural, economic and political realities; sociopolitical crises are likely to persist on the continent. Africa today needs a strong institution capable of reconciling democracy and development. It also needs fiscal and monetary independence
Martin, Céline N. C. "Protection(s) régionale(s) des droits humains en Asie : vers une cour asiatique des droits humains ?" Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0517.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe birth of human rights regionalism in Asia is not a myth. Although Asia distinguished itself with the absence of a formal regional mechanism for the protection of human rights, its relevance shall not to be questioned. Evolving within various challenging contexts, most Asian States formally recognise fundamental human rights while tolerating domestic and international enforcement mechanisms. Thus, a preference is given to constitutions and their courts, NHRIs and UPR against most intrusive mechanisms such as the UN committees. Nevertheless, elements of a human rights regionalism are rising upon Asia’s economic associations increasing interest in human rights – such as the ASEAN – and the civil society broadening interest for transnational movements. A comparative analysis into the Asian States relationships with these mechanisms will reveal worrying signs of massive human rights violations. However, acknowledging the continuous recognition of human rights as well as the growing experience of the ASEAN Intergovernmental commission, it is believed the enactment of an Asian human rights court is now only a matter of time
Anvari, Mohammad Ali. "La protection et la promotion des droits de l'homme en Asie du Sud-Est : un système régional inachevé". Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019GREAD006.
Pełny tekst źródłaUndoubtedly, regional arrangements play an essential role in the protection and promotion of human rights. Given the fact that there are many social, political, economic and historical similarities among people who live in a specific region, the creation of regional mechanisms for the protection of human rights should, in principle, be much easier than that of universal mechanisms. By the same token, regional mechanisms are more efficient than universal ones. The human rights systems established in Europe and America provide successful examples of regional systems. Asia, as the world's largest and most populous continent, is the only region which does not have a developed and well-established human rights mechanism. However, efforts have been recently made to create a human rights machinery within the framework of ASEAN. The present study attempts to present a comprehensive picture of legal situation for the regional protection of human rights in the Southeast Asia and, for this purpose, materials have been divided in two Parts. Part I analyse the existing human rights bodies and instruments in the Southeast Asia, and Part II tries to identify the reasons why a developed system has not yet come into existence in the region
Storto, Paula Raccanello. "Liberdade de associação e os desafios das organizações da sociedade civil no Brasil". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2140/tde-11042016-134719/.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe present study aims to identify how the right to freedom of association has been applied with respect to civil society organizations in Brazil. From the analysis of the different dimensions of freedom of association and rules dealing with civil society organizations in Brazil, after the Federal Constitution of 1988, we present the main challenges to be overcome so that civil society organizations can be treated to ensure right to freedom of association and a legal framework best suited to their development.
Lattouf, Ziad. "La mise en oeuvre de l'accord d'association en Algérie - Union européenne dans les perspectives du respect des droits de l'homme". Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30002.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe Algerian-European association, signed on 19 December 2001 in Brussels and enforced on 1 September 2005, represents a partnership in terms of human rights. Sett off by the Barcelona Declaration of 27 & 28 November 1995, it nowadays serves as the best model for a genuine implementation of human rights in the field of assocation agreements. Inspired by Euro-Mediterranean policy whose objective is the promotion as well as protection of human rights, as stated in the universal declaration of human rights, it affects the parties, domestic and international policies and represents and essential element in the implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement. Is there a genuine implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement in the perspective of the respect of human rights? And what are the means used for that propose?
Chaves, Geórgia Cristina Leite. "Eliminar a mutilação genital feminina/corte : relatório de estágio na Associação para o Planeamento da Família". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20769.
Pełny tekst źródłaA Mutilação Genital Feminina/Corte é uma prática tradicional prejudicial, assente na desigualdade de género, e que afeta cerca de 200 milhões de meninas e mulheres em vários países ao redor do mundo. Esta prática é reconhecida como uma forma de violência e de discriminação baseada no género, que traz efeitos negativos para a saúde física, psicológica, sexual e reprodutiva das mulheres, além de ser um desafio à nível mundial no que diz respeito ao usufruto dos direitos humanos das mulheres na sua totalidade. A eliminação da Mutilação Genital Feminina/Corte é uma questão importante para a Igualdade de Género e para o Desenvolvimento, e a erradicação desta prática traria efeitos positivos na saúde, dignidade, educação e condição econômica de meninas e mulheres. O presente relatório de estágio pretende explorar as diferentes dimensões da Mutilação Genital Feminina/Corte, fenômeno complexo nas suas justificativas e consequências, bem como enquadrar atividades desenvolvidas na Associação para o Planeamento da Família, decorrido em Lisboa, durante os meses de fevereiro a junho de 2020, com o foco no combate à esta prática prejudicial.
Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting is a harmful traditional practice, based on gender inequality, that affects nearly 200 million girls and women in several countries around the world. This practice is recognized as a form of violence and discrimination based on gender, which has negative effects on the physical, psychological, sexual and reproductive health of women, in addition to being a challenge worldwide with regard to the full enjoyment of human rights of women. The elimination of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting is an important issue for Gender Equality and for Development, and the eradication of this practice would have positive effects on the health, education, dignity, education and economic condition of girls and women. This internship report aims to explore the different dimensions of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting, a complex phenomenon in its justifications and consequences, as well as to provide a framework for the activities developed at the Portuguese Family Planning Association (APF), held in Lisbon, from February to June 2020, with focus on combating this harmful practice.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Berg, Anders. "Penumbra Suecica : Den negativa föreningsfriheten i Sverige möter Margin of appreciation". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-233220.
Pełny tekst źródłaDenna uppsats diskuterar frågan om Margin of Appreciation är förenligt med tanken om universella mänskliga rättigheter. Genom studier av den negativa föreningsfriheten i Sverige, så undersöks doktrinen Margin of appreciation och hur den förhåller sig till tanken om universella rättigheter. Frågorna som diskuteras och besvaras är 1) hur förhåller sig Jack Donnellys respektive Ronald Dworkins rättighetsteorier till Margin of appreciation, samt 2) Hur har Margin of appreciation tolkats i europadomstolens i fall gällande den negativa föreningsfriheten i Sverige. Dessa frågor tas till hjälp i diskussionen kring hur Margin of appreciation påverkar tanken om universella mänskliga rättigheter.
Malmsten, Jenny. "Den föreningsdrivna antirasismen i Sverige : antirasism i rörelse". Doctoral thesis, Linköping University, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-10395.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.
On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.
The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.
Milongo, Moukongo Paterne Gervilen. "Comparaison du rôle de la société civile dans le processus de démocratisation en Namibie et au Congo Brazzaville au cours de la période 1989-1994»". Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30005.
Pełny tekst źródłaOne can acknowledge that the democratisation process in Namibia started in 1989 and in Congo Brazzaville in 1990: for the first one it meant freeing itself from the South African rule as the country conquered its independence and established a democratic regime, for the second one, it meant the fall of a one-party rule and installing a multiparty system in a move to democracy. This upheaval phase was made possible through social forces mobilisation, especially trade unions. Our research consists in looking into the role played by these social forces in the process and in questioning their nature, particularly in order to determine whether they form some civil society. In both countries, churches are instrumental in the process. When democracy is introduced, associations flourish. As the first institutions are set, a struggle for power is engaged that soon proves to be critical for civil society, as even their position is challenged ; organisations are under deep stress. Some leaders of these social movements join or head political parties, in a high-risk context. Ethnic or tribal rivalries, as well as regionalism roots in the people's consciousness. If Namibia continues its path to democracy, despite the weakness of civil society and the wounds from the past, the Congo will first fall into civil war before searching for a way towards peace. Civil society, which has collapsed during the conflict, comes back to front stage through the Ecumenical Council of Churches but fails to consolidate democracy
Fulda, Christian B. "Demokratie und pacta sunt servanda". Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2002. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=966406508.
Pełny tekst źródłaBoutouila, Nawal. "La condition juridique des personnes privées de liberté du fait d'une décision administrative". Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D007.
Pełny tekst źródłaBy taking a prospective approach, the main of this work is to highlight the existence of an evolution of the legal status of persons deprived of their liberty for an administrative decision. Though the obligation to preserve public order has long been introduced as granting the administration many prerogatives, it must from now on to be equally described as a public-service mission that should be accomplished in accordance with a particular behavior model, without however, always mentioning the presence of actual constraints at the expense of the administration because of the numerous shortcomings currently affecting the protection system. Presumably, if this improvement has been made possible, it is in mainly due to “this new opposing-force concept” that has contributed to strengthening theirs protection especially by participating in the identification of the obligations that should be respected by all administrations which have to take care of a person deprived of liberty
Elliesie, Hatem, Peter Scholz, Beate Backe i Kai Kreutzberger. "Zeitschrift für Recht und Islam (ZR&I)". Gesellschaft für Arabisches und Islamisches Recht e.V, 2017. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A15664.
Pełny tekst źródłaElliesie, Hatem, Peter Scholz, Beate Backe i Kai Kreutzberger. "Zeitschrift für Recht & Islam". Gesellschaft für Arabisches und Islamisches Recht e.V, 2016. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A23375.
Pełny tekst źródłaScholz, Peter, Hatem Elliesie, Beate Anam i Kai Kreutzberger. "Zeitschrift für Recht & Islam: ZR&I". Gesellschaft für Arabisches und Islamisches Recht e.V. (GAIR), 2017. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A33661.
Pełny tekst źródłaElliesie, Hatem, Peter Scholz, Beate Anam i Kai Kreutzberger. "Zeitschrift für Recht & Islam: ZR&I". Gesellschaft für Islamisches und Arabisches Recht e.V, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A36328.
Pełny tekst źródłaKinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada". Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
Pełny tekst źródłaElliesie, Hatem, Alexander Gramsch i Peter Scholz. "GAIR-Mitteilungen". Gesellschaft für Arabisches und Islamisches Recht, 2009. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A11115.
Pełny tekst źródłaElliesie, Hatem, Peter Scholz i Alexander Gramsch. "GAIR-Mitteilungen". Gesellschaft für Arabisches und Islamisches Recht, 2010. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A11116.
Pełny tekst źródłaElliesie, Hatem, Peter Scholz i Alexander Gramsch. "GAIR-Mitteilungen". Gesellschaft für Arabisches und Islamisches Recht, 2009. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A11224.
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