Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Yugoslav”
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1
Perica, Vjekoslav. "United They Stood, Divided They Fell: Nationalism and the Yugoslav School of Basketball, 1968–2000". Nationalities Papers 29, nr 2 (czerwiec 2001): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120053746.
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Both Yugoslav wars and Yugoslav basketball were conspicuous in Western media in the 1990s. While CNN transmitted scenes of horror from battlefields of Bosnia and Kosovo, several dozen professional athletes of Yugoslav background could be seen in action on U. S. sport channels. Yugoslavs, by far the most numerous among foreign players in the strongest basketball league in the world—the American professional basketball league (NBA)—sparked the audience's curiosity about their background and the peculiar Yugoslav style of basketball. The literature concerning the Yugoslav crisis and Balkan wars noted sporadic outbursts of ethnic hatred in sport arenas, but did not provide any detailed information on the otherwise important role of sport in Yugoslav history and society. Not even highly competent volumes such as Beyond Yugoslavia, which highlighted the country's culture, arts, religion, economy, and military, paid attention to what Yugoslavs called “the most important secondary issue in the world”—sport. Yet sport reveals not merely the pastimes of the Yugoslav peoples, but also the varieties of nationalism in the former Yugoslavia, including probably the most neglected of all local nationalisms: the official communist-era patriotic ideology of interethnic “brotherhood and unity.” The goal of this article is to highlight this type of nationalism manifested via state-directed sport using as a case study the most successful basketball program outside the United States.
2
Neimarević, Vukašin. "ENDING THE NAGY AFFAIR: YUGOSLAVIA, SOVIET UNION AND THE TERMINATION OF HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION REVISITED". Istorija 20. veka 41, nr 1/2023 (1.02.2023): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.nei.139-158.
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This paper analyzes the diplomatic relations between Hungary, Yugoslavia, and the Soviet Union during the Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956, with a primary focus on the case of Imre Nagy’s capture. The crisis that arose during Nagy’s hiding in the Yugoslav embassy reveals the background of these countries’ relations, in which Yugoslavs showed ambiguousness to maintain the achieved status of a free socialist country on the one hand, and on the other, to keep good relations with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the author attempts to provide answers on Yugoslav role in Nagy’s arrest after he left his hideout within the Yugoslav embassy. The author argues that Yugoslavs were not aware of any Soviet plans to capture Nagy after he left the embassy, even though there are other claims present in this paper that suggests the opposite.
3
Radić, Radmila. "Constantinople/Istanbul and its Yugoslav Visitors and Residents during the Interwar Period (1918–1939)". Hiperboreea 9, nr 2 (1.12.2022): 222–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.9.2.0222.
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Abstract The research for this article was conducted in archives, literature, and periodicals. The topic is the Yugoslavs’ (the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes from 1918 to 1929, then the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) connection to Constantinople/Istanbul. It explores the following questions: After World War I, what happened to Yugoslav nationals who remained in Constantinople/Istanbul and those who came and stayed throughout the interwar period? In what ways does Istanbul appeal to Yugoslav travel writers? What impact did political circumstances and relations between the two states have?
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Bykova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna, i Anna Olegovna Gridneva. "The Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and its impact upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations". Конфликтология / nota bene, nr 1 (styczeń 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.1.34784.
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This article is dedicated to the process of normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations, which took place on the background of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The goal consists in identification of causes for the absence of strong negative influence of the Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian events upon the relations between the Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using the analysis of a wide array of sources and systematic consideration of the international situation that formed in 1956, the authors characterize the dynamics and vector of Yugoslav-Soviet relations during this period, determine the degree of impact of the Yugoslav factor in all its manifestations upon the development of Hungarian events, as well as trace the influence of the Hungarian Revolution upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the analysis of direct and indirect participation of Yugoslavia in the conflict, which has been traditionally regarded as the conflict between the Soviet Union and Hungary alone. The conclusion is made that in 1956, the Soviet Union sought to unite the socialist countries on the background of tense foreign policy situation, trying to overcome the consequences of the conflict of 1948 and “attach” Yugoslavia to the bloc. Despite the fact that such intentions were jeopardized by the events of 1956 due to a range of controversial steps taken by Belgrade, Moscow did not immediately turn to public criticism of the Yugoslavs, as the mutual cooperation between the two countries was rather advantageous that the return to the situation of 1948 – 1953.
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Čolović, Ivan. "Yugoslav culture after Yugoslavia". Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, nr 4 (grudzień 2021): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.2.
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In the states which formed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, ethnic/national cultures are developing independently, alongside a parallel shared post-Yugoslav culture. This culture is not a continuation of the official cultural collaboration between the Yugoslav nations which took place when Yugoslavia existed, rather it is a new phenomenon. It is appearing in opposition to nationalism, against the closing off of culture into narrow ethno-national frames and is based on the genuine existence of a cultural unity older than the common state which was created from the common Yugoslav state itself. It seeks creative responses to the problems caused by the wars and collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It also looks for the appropriate analytical instruments. The author uses the Biblioteka XX vek (The 20th Century Library) as an example – the book series which he founded and publishes in the field of humanities and social sciences. The alternative post-Yugoslav culture is characterised by the high quality of what it offers. However, its protagonists are simultaneously criticised by the nationalist circles in power in the states formed after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, who consider the post-Yugoslav cultural unity an alleged national betrayal.
6
Estrin, Saul. "Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism". Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, nr 4 (1.11.1991): 187–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.187.
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For many years the Yugoslav economic system appeared to offer a middle way between capitalism and Soviet central planning. The Yugoslavs' brand of market socialism placed reliance on markets to guide both domestic and international production and exchange, with the socialist element coming from the “social ownership” and workers' self-management of enterprises. The system seemed successful until the late 1970s. However, in recent years, many of the problems besetting other socialist economies like Poland and Hungary—like stagnation, international debt, enterprise inefficiency, and inflation—have emerged to bring the whole experiment into question. Reforms paralleling those elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe are now on the agenda. This paper will first describe how the Yugoslav economy has been distinguished from those of its socialist neighbors. The following sections will describe the economic record of Yugoslavia since the 1950s and the lessons to be drawn from the long-standing Yugoslav experiment.
7
Kukobat, Ilija. "DEVELOPMENT OF AIR TRANSPORT BETWEEN YUGOSLAVIA AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 1945-1992". Istorija 20. veka 40, nr 2/2022 (1.08.2022): 441–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.kuk.441-456.
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Air transport between Yugoslavia and the United States was one of the defining aspects of Yugoslav civil aviation after the Second World War. Cooperation between the two countries developed in several fields. Early attempts to regulate civil air transport by the means of a bilateral agreement were made as early as 1945, but without success. Three agreements on air transport were eventually signed in 1949, 1973 and 1977. Pan American World Airways started overflying Yugoslav territory in 1950 on its international routes between North America and the Middle East and started landing at Belgrade in 1963, thus providing a true connection between the two countries. From 1970, Yugoslav Airlines operated charter flights between Yugoslavia and USA, followed by the introduction of a regular service between Belgrade, Zagreb, and New York in 1976. From 1964 to 1966 and during 1972, another Yugoslav air operator, (Inex) Adria Airways also flew charter flights between Yugoslavia and the United States. Apart from this, most passenger airplanes used in Yugoslavia were made in the United States, while some Yugoslav factories manufactured components for American aircraft producers. Yugoslav airmen and other aviation experts undertook training in America, greatly improving the functioning and safety of Yugoslav civil aviation in general. The disintegration of Socialist Yugoslavia and international sanctions imposed on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1992 also led to a ban on air traffic between Yugoslavia and the rest of the world. The United States introduced this ban several days before the sanctions came into force, ending all air transport services between the two countries.
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Stojanović, Dušica. "“A certain expansion of cooperation is planned”: A view of the Yugoslav diplomacy on Yugoslav-Soviet literary exchange. 1961–1964". Slavic Almanac, nr 1-2 (2021): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.07.
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Relations between Yugoslavia and the USSR in 1961–1964 differed for the better in comparison with the previous period. Intensive cooperation in the field of culture and literature characterized those years. The article traces the activities of Yugoslav diplomats in maintaining literary ties between Yugoslavia and the USSR. Yugoslav diplomats, in negotiations with their Soviet colleagues, publishers and editors of magazines, presented their country’s literature as a reflection of the current state policy of Yugoslavia. According to the reports of the embassy, Soviet partners were unofficially recommended to publish contemporary Yugoslav works. By encouraging Soviet publishers to negotiate directly with Yugoslav writers and their union, which was more competent in matters of literature, the embassy tried to present the matter as if the state in Yugoslavia did not interfere in the activities of independent creative associations. An exhibition of Yugoslav books, including political ones, organized in the USSR, was supposed to present the Yugoslav path to socialism. The mutual trips of the writers demonstrated the closeness and friendship of the two countries. The Yugoslav diplomats were faced with the task of maintaining positive relations between Belgrade and Moscow through interaction with Soviet partners, on the one hand, and with Yugoslav publishers and the Writers’ Union, on the other. It was necessary to prevent cultural contradictions that could darken bilateral political relations. This instrumentalization of culture, reflected in diplomatic reports, demonstrates that despite the public demonstration of the differences between Yugoslavia and the USSR, in practice, both states had a similar approach to culture policies.
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Sfetas, Spyridon. "The Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute over the Macedonian question as a reflection of the Soviet-Yugoslav controversy (1968-1980)". Balcanica, nr 43 (2012): 241–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243241s.
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During the Cold War, relations between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia were marred by the Macedonian Question. Bulgaria challenged the historical roots of the Macedonian nation, whereas Yugoslavia insisted that Bulgaria should recognize the rights of the Macedonian minority within her borders. The Soviet Union capitalized on its influence over Bulgaria to impair Yugoslavia?s international position. Bulgaria launched an anti-Yugoslav campaign questioning not only the Yugoslav approach to Socialism, but also the Yugoslav solution of the Macedonian Question. This antipathy became evident in 1968, in the wake of the events in Czechoslovakia. In the years 1978/9 the developments in Indochina gave a new impetus to the old Bulgarian-Yugoslav conflict.
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Duančić, Vedran. "Geographical Narration of Interwar Yugoslavia". East Central Europe 43, nr 1-2 (16.09.2016): 188–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04302002.
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The article examines the involvement of Yugoslav geographers in the multifaceted process of constructing the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes between the final stage of the First World War and the mid-1920s, when Yugoslavia’s external boundaries and internal arrangement were temporarily settled. Researchers have recognized Jovan Cvijić as the leading scientist behind the political-geographical legitimation of the newly created Yugoslav state. This article, however, examines the role of two hitherto neglected Yugoslav geographers—the Slovene Anton Melik and the Croat Filip Lukas—in the process of constructing the Yugoslav national space. This process, in fact, only intensified after the 1918 publication of Cvijić’s seminal work La Péninsule balkanique. Whereas Cvijić aimed at an international readership, the construction of Yugoslav national space by Croat and Slovene geographers was primarily a domestic enterprise; these were geographies of Yugoslavia by Yugoslav geographers, narrating Yugoslavia to Yugoslav readership. For a period, scholars from Ljubljana and Zagreb rather than Belgrade influenced the project of the geographical narration of Yugoslavia, and approached the pressing contemporary political issues in geographical works in a manner that revealed both connections and tensions between discourses of “center” and “periphery.”
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Subotić, Jelena. "JAT—More Than Flying: Constructing Yugoslav Identity in the Air". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, nr 4 (27.12.2017): 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417740628.
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This article revisits the history of Yugoslavia to trace the unique ways in which the national airline Yugoslav Airlines (JAT) served as a powerful tool of Yugoslav, and then post-Yugoslav, Serbian state identity construction from 1975 to 2013, when JAT ceased to exist. I analyze the complete archives of the JAT Review to trace the stunning reconstruction of Yugoslav state identity over time: from the height of the Yugoslav “brand” in the 1970s as the country served a pivotal role in the Non-Aligned Movement, to the slow decline in pan-Yugoslav identity and the rise of sub-Yugoslav nationalisms throughout the 1980s, to the final dissolution of the country and collapse of Yugoslav identity in the 1990s. Building on insights from the nation-branding literature, I conduct a textual and visual analysis of articles, photographs, and ads that appeared on the pages of the JAT Review. The analysis points to the complex and often contradictory ways in which Yugoslavia constructed its multiple identities to project power and status in the international sphere, while simultaneously maintaining citizen loyalty at home.
12
Wright, Peter. "“Are there Racists in Yugoslavia?” Debating Racism and Anti-blackness in Socialist Yugoslavia". Slavic Review 81, nr 2 (2022): 418–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2022.150.
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This article examines debates, scholarly studies, and literary representations of the phenomenon of racism in socialist Yugoslavia and Yugoslavs’ relationship to whiteness in the 1960s and 70s. I argue that the persistent activism of black African students helped provoke official, scholarly, and public discussions about the thorny question of racism in Yugoslav society during this time. The salience of black students’ accusations eventually made something that was taboo in the 1950s and early 1960s—namely, entertaining the prospect that anti-black racial prejudice existed in non-aligned, socialist, and anti-racist Yugoslavia—into an active subject of debate by the end of the decade. Importantly, the relative candidness with which academic studies and popular literature addressed racism indicates a reflexivity about “racial” questions on the part of socialist Yugoslav society, something that scholarship has largely neglected in favor of focusing on the suppression or elision of race and the inadequacy of state socialist responses to the problem of domestic expressions of prejudice.
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Vodopivec, Peter. "O słoweńskich zainteresowaniach Bułgarami i Bułgarią (1850–1908)". Prace Historyczne 147, nr 2 (2020): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.013.12467.
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The Slovene interest for Bulgaria and the Bulgarians (1850–1908) During the time of the socialist Yugoslavia, Slovene historians devoted considerable attention to the Yugoslav movement before World War I, but they mainly focused on the Slovene relations with Croats and Serbs. It was only rarely mentioned that Slovene political leaders and intellectuals considered also the Bulgarians to be Yugoslavs and looked with great sympathy to them. The article presents and discusses the interest of the Slovene newspapers, intellectuals and literary authors for the Bulgarians and Bulgaria in the second half of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century, pointing out their support to the Bulgarian struggle for independence and their belief that the Bulgarians belonged to the same “great Yugoslav nation”as did the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
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Orlić, Milan. "Post-Yugoslav Serbian Literature and Its Roots in the Social and Political Changes". Transcultural Studies 14, nr 1 (31.07.2018): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-01401006.
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Post-Yugoslav literature and culture came out of the stylistic formations of Yugoslav modernism and postmodernism, in the context of European cultural discourse. Yugoslav literature, which spans the existence of “two” Yugoslavias, the “first” Yugoslavia (1928–1941) and the “second” socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1990), is the foundation of various national literary and cultural paradigms, which shared the same or similar historical, philosophical and aesthetic roots. These were fed, on the one hand, by a phenomenological understanding of the world, language, style and culture, and on the other, by an acceptance of or resistance to the socialist realist aesthetics and ideological values of socialist Yugoslav society. In selected examples of contemporary Serbian prose, the author explores the social context, which has shaped contemporary Serbian literature, focusing on its roots in Serbian and Yugoslav 20th century (post)modernism.
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Mujadžević, Dino, i Christian Voß. "Sub-Yugoslav Identity Building in the Enciklopedija Jugoslavije (1955–1990): The Case of the Albanian Question". Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, nr 2-3 (1.09.2021): 375–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0037.
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Abstract The Encyclopedia of Yugoslavia (Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, EJ) was the flagship project of socialist Yugoslav nation-building in the fields of culture and academic knowledge. The first edition of the EJ was published in one Serbo-Croatian version (1955–1971), but the unfinished second edition of the EJ (1980–90) appeared in Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian in Latin and in Cyrillic script, Macedonian, Hungarian, and Albanian versions. The EJ was transformed from a staunchly federalist Yugoslav cultural platform of the 1950s, which supported Yugoslav unitarism, to one that strongly affirmed the nation-building(s) of the republics and autonomous provinces, thereby reflecting the decentralist remodeling of Yugoslavia from the late 1960s onwards. Using the examples of the two articles on “Albanians” and “Albanian-Yugoslav relations” in the EJ in their 1955, 1980, and 1983 versions, the authors elaborate on the political struggles within the Yugoslav ruling elite and within academia.
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Ronsin, Juliette. "“It was Peugeot that brought us here!”". History in flux 2, nr 2 (23.12.2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2020.2.3.
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The objective of this article is to analyze the consequences of the political, social, and economic ruptures of Yugoslavia and France on the trajectories of Yugoslavs recruited by the Peugeot company in France after the the 1965 Franco-Yugoslav bilateral agreement on the employment of temporary labor. Using a monographic approach to the case of the employment area of Sochaux, it is clear that (post-)Yugoslav workers went through periods of upheaval and even disillusionment after their arrival in France. This study mainly deals with a generation of men born in the 1940s and 1950s and recruited by Peugeot from 1965 onwards, but also includes other members of the family and the plurality of generations. The history of Yugoslav immigration to France has rarely been the subject of research, although studying it makes it possible to analyze relations between a western country and a communist country and the consequences of the breakup of a country for emigrants living abroad. To do so, this article relies on archival sources (files on foreigners kept in the archives of prefectures, archives of associations, and the Peugeot company’s archives) and on interviews with former workers.
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Antolović, Michael. "Writing History under the «Dictatorship of the Proletariat»: Yugoslav Historiography 1945–1991". Revista de História das Ideias 39 (16.06.2021): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-8925_39_2.
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This paper analyzes the development of the historiography in the former socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991). Starting with the revolutionary changes after the Second World War and the establishment of the «dictatorship of the proletariat», the paper considers the ideological surveillance imposed on historiography entailing its reconceptualization on the Marxist grounds. Despite the existence of common Yugoslav institutions, Yugoslav historiography was constituted by six historiographies focusing their research programs on the history of their own nation, i.e. the republic. Therefore, many joint historiographical projects were either left unfinished or courted controversies between historians over a number of phenomena from the Yugoslav history. Yugoslav historiography emancipated from Marxist dogmatism, and modernized itself following various forms of social history due to a gradual weakening of ideological surveillance from the 1960s onwards. However, the modernization of Yugoslav historiography was carried out only partially because of the growing social and political crises which eventually led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia.
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Troch, Pieter. "Yugoslavism between the world wars: indecisive nation building". Nationalities Papers 38, nr 2 (marzec 2010): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903517819.
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This article examines Yugoslav national programs of ruling political elites and its concrete implementation in education policy in interwar Yugoslavia. It is argued that at the beginning of the period Yugoslavism was not inherently incompatible with or subordinate to Serbian, Croatian or to a lesser degree Slovenian national ideas. However, the concrete ways in which Yugoslavism was formulated and adopted by ruling elites discredited the Yugoslav national idea and resulted in increasing delineation and polarization in the continuum of national ideas available in Yugoslavia. Throughout the three consecutive periods of political rule under scrutiny, ruling elites failed to reach a wider consensus regarding the Yugoslav national idea or to create a framework within which a constructive elaboration of Yugoslav national identity could take place. By the end of the interwar period, the Yugoslav national idea had become linked exclusively to conservatism, centralism, authoritarianism and, for non-Serbian elites at least, Serbian hegemony. Other national ideas gained significance as ideas providing viable alternatives for the regime's Yugoslavism.
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Perišić, Jovana. "Sport (ni)je iznad svega: Olimpijada u Moskvi 1980. godine u percepciji nesvrstane Jugoslavije". Tokovi istorije 30, nr 2 (31.08.2022): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.2.per.249-270.
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In the context of studying the Cold War, based on Yugoslav archives, relevant domestic and foreign literature, as well as examples from the Yugoslav press, the paper perceives the position of the Yugoslavia and its correlation with the blocs at the Summer Olympic Games in Moscow in 1980. The analysis of the participation of Yugoslav athletes in the Olympics gives us the answer to the extent to which Yugoslav sport has followed the current political and ideological trends in the world, that is, causally depending on it.
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Drnovšek Zorko, Špela. "Cultures of risk: On generative uncertainty and intergenerational memory in post-Yugoslav migrant narratives". Sociological Review 68, nr 6 (2.06.2020): 1322–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026120928881.
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The disintegration of Yugoslavia not only marked the end of a decades-long socialist multinational project, but also reorganised former Yugoslavs’ possibilities for imagining certain futures. This article examines intergenerational narratives of rupture amongst migrant families living in Britain, showing how uncertain pasts produce distinctly diasporic post-Yugoslav cultures of risk. Unlike sociological accounts of risk that foreground the conditions of late Western modernity, this approach to risk is grounded in collective experiences of late socialism, violent state collapse, and unexpected migration, as well as intergenerational experiences of migration and settlement in Britain. The article puts forth two main arguments. On the one hand, British-born children of former Yugoslav migrants ‘inherit’ and re-narrate their families’ stories of rupture, which transform the specific events of the 1990s into narratives of potentially universal existential uncertainty. While future uncertainty cannot be avoided, it can be partly mitigated by focusing on the present. On the other hand, both parents and children invoke the more positive aspects of risk when they imagine optimistic mobile futures for the younger generation. Here young people’s diasporic hybridity, another inheritance of post-Yugoslav migrations, is favourably contrasted with the postsocialist ‘stuckedness’ that characterises much of the post-Yugoslav space. By focusing on the multi-temporal and generative qualities of narrative uncertainty, the article proposes that intergenerational stories of rupture can contribute valuable interpretive resources for dealing with open-ended futures, both within and beyond migrant communities.
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Pogačar, Martin. "Music and Memory: Yugoslav Rock in Social Media". Southeastern Europe 39, nr 2 (9.08.2015): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03902004.
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This article argues that after the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav rock music lost little cultural value and is still a prominent trigger of vernacular memories of the socialist Yugoslav past, as well as a vehicle of socio-political commentary in post-Yugoslav contexts. In this view, music is understood as a galvaniser of affective relationships to that past and to post-Yugoslav presents. In the first part of the article, the author discusses the theoretical and practical implications of digitally mediated music as immersive affective environments, working within the framework of media archaeology and a digital archives approach. It is argued that Yugoslav rock has retained its potency and appeal, where today, in a post-Yugoslavia context, it presents an outlet for the recomposition of musical preferences through nostalgia and opposition to the post-1991 socio-political developments. In the second part of the article, focusing on Facebook and YouTube, the author investigates how Yugoslav rock has been reframed in social media and how fragments of the country’s past are reframed in digital media environments. A qualitative multimodal discourse analysis is employed here to investigate a selection of fan pages of rock musicians and bands.
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Petrov, Ana. "Yugonostalgia in the market: Popular music and consumerism in post-Yugoslav space". Musicological Annual 53, nr 1 (23.06.2017): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/mz.53.1.203-215.
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This article deals with the post-Yugoslav popular music and Yugonostalgia. I elaborate on the issue, showing how in the complex post-Yugoslav space a new trend in the musical market appeared – a trend of using the culture of remembrance of Yugoslavia in order to make the products that might be interesting for the post-Yugoslav market. I discuss the reactions of the audience to such market.
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Selinić, Slobodan. "Literature and diplomacy: Lessons from socialist Yugoslavia". Kultura, nr 173 (2021): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura2173125s.
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The diplomacy of socialist Yugoslavia paid a lot of attention to the international reputation of the country in the sphere of culture, and thus literature. At the same time, Yugoslav writers in the Writer's Union of Yugoslavia, faithfully supported Yugoslav foreign policy, both individually and institutionally. The most impressive example of collaboration between literature and diplomacy was awarding Ivo Andrić a Nobel Prize. The Writers' Union of Yugoslavia nominated the writer in 1958, and Yugoslav diplomacy lobbied in favor of Andrić for several years. The efforts were successfully crowned in 1961. In socialist Yugoslavia, the existence of a special Macedonian nation and its culture and language was insisted on, so in that sense, the greatest challenge was denying the Macedonian identity that came from Bulgaria. The Yugoslav Writers' Union, consistently pursuing state policy, suspended official co-operation with the Bulgarian Writers' Union in the second half of the 1960s due to Bulgaria's refusal to recognize the Macedonian language. Yugoslav writers also adapted to the state policy of non-alignment. They did not reach the level of cooperation with those countries that existed in the field of politics, economics or science, but they maintained ties with writers from those parts of the world in various ways. Among other things, the twentieth anniversary of the Belgrade Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations in October 1981 was a meeting of writers of non-aligned countries in Belgrade.
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Vukadinovic, Igor. "The shift in Yugoslav-Albanian relations: The establishment of ties between Albania and the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (1966-1969)". Balcanica, nr 51 (2020): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2051235v.
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The intra-party conflict in Yugoslavia in 1966 resulted in a fundamental shift in the attitude of the Yugoslav leadership toward the Albanian national minority, which was also reflected in the country?s foreign policy orientation. The normalization of relations with Albania was set as one of the objectives of Yugoslav foreign policy. Yugoslavia stopped responding to the anti-Yugoslav statements of Albanian officials and launched a series of cooperation initiatives with Albania. The Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija was assigned a special role in the normalization of relations with Tirana and, with the consent of Belgrade, an exchange of publications, visits of cultural-artistic associations and contacts between the cultural institutions of Kosovo and Metohija and Albania ensued. This policy resulted in the establishment of direct cultural, economic and political ties between the governments of Albania and the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, into which the Yugoslav political leadership no longer had any insight.
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Petrov, Ana. "In Search of ‘Authentic’ Yugoslav Rock: The Life and Afterlife of Bijelo Dugme". AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, nr 13 (15.09.2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i13.182.
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In this article I address the ways in which rock band Bijelo Dugme (White Button) has become one of the symbols of the former Yugoslavia, by analyzing its activities and reception, both in the Yugoslav and the post-Yugoslav periods. Starting from 1974, when its first album was released, Bijelo Dugme gained high popularity and drew the attraction of the public due to its specific sound and image. Being between the East and the West, Yugoslavia’s popular music scene was constantly focused on searching for a kind of music that would epitomize the ‘authentic’ Yugoslav music. The folk-influenced hard rock sound (so-called shepherd rock) was recognized as such a feature and it soon became one of the symbols of Yugoslav culture itself, making Sarajevo one of its epicenters. I here argue that the band appears to be a Yugoslav symbol since (1) its active years coincide precisely with the period in Yugoslavia that was marked with relevant changes, beginning with its 1974 constitution and ending with its disintegration; (2) it is regarded as a feature representing one of the most important successes of the country’s popular music industry; and (3) it has had a specific ‘afterlife’ that sheds light on the ways culture in the Yugoslav era is perceived currently. Article received: May 1, 2017; Article accepted: May 8, 2017; Published online: September 15, 2017Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Petrov, Ana. "In Search of ‘Authentic’ Yugoslav Rock: The Life and Afterlife of Bijelo Dugme." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 13 (2017): 43-59. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i13.182
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Pavlica, Branko. "Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany: Migrants, emigrants, refugees and asylum-seekers". Medjunarodni problemi 57, nr 1-2 (2005): 121–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502121p.
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Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany have a long tradition. There have been various economic and social causes, and in some periods even political ones for that phenomenon. Taking into consideration the historical aspect and also the contemporary migration flows, the dynamics of migrations of the Yugoslav population to Germany has the following stages in its development. The first stage had begun in late XIX century and ended with the World War I. Although the overseas migration flows prevailed, yet the German agriculture and its mine industry attracted a part of the Yugoslav population. Between the two world wars mostly "Westfahl Slovenes" and Croats and Serbs from Bosnia-Herzegovina got "temporary employed" in the Rhine-Westfahl industrial area, along with several thousand Serb-Croat-Slovene agricultural seasonal workers per year. The second stage began immediately after the Second World War when most of about 200,000 citizens from the former Yugoslavia, being mostly refugees, moved from the West European to overseas countries, but some of them stayed in Germany. Involuntary migrants and refugees, however, returned in great number from Germany to Yugoslavia. At that stage non-extradition of war criminals on the part of the West occupying powers on German territory, then disregard of West German Governments of the anti-Yugoslav activities of the part of extreme Yugoslav emigration, and different interpretation of the bilateral agreement on extradition, became the essential problem in relations between SFR Yugoslavia and FR Germany. The third stage in development of migrations commenced in early 1960s. At that time, Germany and other Western countries became prominently immigrational, while since mid-1960s till 1973 economic emigrants from Yugoslavia became more and more important in the German economic space. From 1954 to 1967 migration of Yugoslav citizens had not yet been intensive and their intention was mostly to work abroad. Illegal employment was, however, prominent at that time. Due to the normalisation of political relations, re-establishment of diplomatic relations and conclusion of bilateral agreements that legally defined employment of foreign workers, since 1968 till 1973 a great number of Yugoslavs got employed in FR Germany. The contemporary migrations from FR Yugoslavia to Germany resulted from the economic and political crisis in the former SFRY as well as from the civil wars that were waged in the Yugoslav territory. FR Germany became the most important destination country of Yugoslav migrants - workers, refugees, false asylum-seekers and political emigrants. Different categories of migrants from Yugoslavia to Germany enjoy the treatment that is in accordance with the immigration policies of the German governments as well as with the degree of development of the German-Yugoslav political and economic relations, and the degree of the established co-operation in the field of legal assistance and social welfare. Migrant workers, who have legally regulated their employment and residence status, could in the future expect to gain assistance from their mother country in getting efficient protection of their rights and interests in all stages of the migration process. Numerous migrants asylum-seekers, in spite of the proclaimed international protection, share, however, the fate resulting from the politically motivated measures and actions taken by the German authorities within the arbitrary decision-making of the right and/or abuse of the right to asylum. This is the reason why as early as in late 1994 the Government of FRG announced that it would expel foreigners from the country. The remaining refugees, or actually the so-called false asylum-seekers in FR Germany, share the fate of forced repatriation. Within this category special emphasis should be placed on the attitude of the German government to the Albanians and Roma from Kosovo. At first, the Germans treated the Albanians from Kosovo as politically persecuted persons, offering them refuge. Then they declared them (and Roma also) to be false asylum-seekers and insisted on readmission - their gradual repatriation to Kosovo. Considering both positive and negative implications of the migration process, the key issue for the citizens from Serbia and Montenegro who live in Germany remains the following: maintenance of their national identity, cherishing of their mother tongue and culture, keeping up relations with their mother country, social gathering - in various associations, clubs and organisations, education in their mother tongue, what particularly includes comprehensive additional teaching for children in Serbian, as well as better information dissemination.
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Burg, Steven L., i Michael L. Berbaum. "Community, Integration, and Stability in Multinational Yugoslavia". American Political Science Review 83, nr 2 (czerwiec 1989): 535–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962404.
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In 1981 a higher proportion of the multinational population of Yugoslavia chose to declare “Yugoslav” in place of an ethnic identity in response to the census question on nationality than ever before. We present arguments to support the interpretation of Yugoslav identity as evidence of shared political identity, and carry out an analysis of aggregate data on the level of social and material development, political socialization, and interethnic contact in the country's nearly five hundred counties to discover the sources of that identity. We find that with certain important regional variations, Yugoslav identity seems to be the product of interethnic contact and higher education rather than the level of material well-being. These findings support an interpretation of Yugoslav identity as evidence of diffuse support for the existence of a shared political community and suggest both the sources and vulnerabilities of Yugoslav stability.
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DRAGOVIĆ-SOSO, JASNA. "Rethinking Yugoslavia: Serbian Intellectuals and the ‘National Question’ in Historical Perspective". Contemporary European History 13, nr 2 (maj 2004): 170–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001638.
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This article examines the evolving concepts of the state among Serbian intellectuals since the nineteenth century, and then focuses on their final attempt at conceptualising a new and reformed Yugoslavia before the disintegration of the country in 1991. Three concepts of the state historically existed in Serbian national thought: a centralised Yugoslav state, a federal Yugoslav union and a ‘Greater Serbia’ acting as an alternative to South Slav unification. This article argues that the Serbian intellectuals' main platform of the 1980s, the ‘Contribution to the Public Debate on the Constitution’ of 1988, remained within the main ‘pro-Yugoslav’ tradition, but that its proposals were neither genuinely ‘centralist’ nor ‘decentralist’. Rather, they were shaped by exclusively Serbian concerns and were too incoherent to resuscitate Yugoslavia.
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Stamova, Mariyana. "The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s". Historijski pogledi 4, nr 5 (31.05.2021): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.130.
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The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.
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Miljković, Marko. "Kitchen without the debate: The Yugoslav exhibition of consumer goods in Moscow, 1960". Tokovi istorije 30, nr 3 (31.12.2022): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.3.mlj.119-144.
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The Yugoslav exhibition of consumer goods in Moscow was the first of its kind organized by Yugoslavia in a communist country. It opened its door to the public on May 25, 1960, amidst the super-heated international political environment after the American U-2 spy plane was shot down over the Soviet Union. Following the colossal propaganda success of the 1959 U.S. National Exhibition in Moscow, the Yugoslavs managed to deliver yet another propaganda blow to the Soviet prestige, showcasing that even socialism outside the Soviet bloc and in close collaboration with the United States was not only possible but also better.
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Petrov, Ana. "Yugonostalgia as a Kind of Love: Politics of Emotional Reconciliations through Yugoslav Popular Music". Humanities 7, nr 4 (15.11.2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h7040119.
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In the aftermath of the Yugoslav wars, listening to Yugoslav popular music has often been seen as a choice charged with political meaning, as a symptom of Yugonostalgia and as a statement against the nationalistic discourses of the post-Yugoslav states. In this article, I will show how the seemingly neutral concept of love is embedded in the music and memory practices in the post-Yugoslav context. In dealing with the issue of love, I draw on the research regarding emotions as social, cultural, and performative categories. The research included the analysis of the interconnectedness of the discourses on love and the discourse on Yugoslavia (promoted by both the performers and the audience). In addition to the striking intertwinement of the two, the actual term love was quite often used when describing the general relation to Yugoslavia, or its music in particular, or the relation of the people from the former country. Pointing to the multifarious meanings and usages of the concept of love as understood in the post-Yugoslav music space, I will argue that Yugonostalgia can be understood as a kind of love. As such, Yugonostalgia can be used for commercial purposes and be a means for the commodification of feelings and memories.
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Trškan, Danijela. "The Influence of the Disintegration of Yugoslavia on Slovene Curricula for History". History Education Research Journal 11, nr 2 (1.05.2013): 176–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/herj.11.2.14.
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In this paper the author tries to determine the influence of the disintegration of Yugoslavia of 1991 on the implementation of the subject of history in elementary and secondary schools in Slovenia. By analysing the curricula for elementary and secondary schools that were in force until 1990 and those that were issued immediately after Slovenia attained independence, the author has determined that significant changes occurred in these history curricula. Prior to the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the curricula above all emphasised familiarisation with and understanding of the development of human society and the labour movement, as well as the history of the Yugoslav nations. They stressed the importance of the liberation struggle of the Yugoslav nations during World War II and the post-war socialist development of Yugoslavia. After the disintegration of Yugoslavia the Slovene curricula for elementary school no longer included the history of Yugoslav nations, while the secondary school curricula preserved the history of other Yugoslav nations for a few more years. The novelty in all history curricula after 1991 was the fact that Slovene history was included in special units or separated from European or world history and in later years gained an even greater role and scope in the Slovene curricula. The subject of history in elementary and secondary schools in Slovenia belonged to those sociological subjects that had undergone greater changes in content precisely due to the disintegration of Yugoslavia in the beginning of the 1990s.
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Baković, Nikola. "Tending the “oasis of socialism.” Transnational political mobilization of Yugoslav economic emigrants in the FR Germany in the late 1960s and 1970s". Nationalities Papers 42, nr 4 (lipiec 2014): 674–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.880831.
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The article examines the development of the Yugoslav state's policy of transnational political engagement of Yugoslav citizens on temporary work in the FR Germany during the late 1960s and 1970s. This politicization of labor migrations was shaped by the interplay of the internal turmoil in the Yugoslav federation and the conditions peculiar to West Germany of the time. The change of the state's perception of external migrations is being examined through the extension of the agitation apparatus of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia onto the territory of the FR Germany and the mobilization of economic emigrants against the “hostile” political emigrants residing in that country. The main goal of these measures was to maintain the emigrants' transnational links to their homeland and ensure that their political standing was kept in line with the official Yugoslav ideological tenets until the time of the prospective return migration cycle. The extraterritorial character of these measures, coupled with the specific position of Yugoslavia within the Cold War diplomacy, led to a peculiar ideological interplay and shifting web of cooperation and confrontation between various actors.
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Niebuhr, Robert. "Enlarging Yugoslavia: Tito's Quest for Expansion, 1945–1948". European History Quarterly 47, nr 2 (kwiecień 2017): 284–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416688174.
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When Yugoslav strongman Josip Broz Tito secured power at the end of the Second World War, he had envisioned for himself a new Yugoslavia that would serve as the center of power for the Balkan Peninsula. First, he worked to ensure a Yugoslav presence in the Trieste region of Italy and southern Austria as a way to gain territory inhabited by Slovenes and Croats; meanwhile, his other foreign policy escapades sought to make Yugoslavia into a major European power. To that end, Yugoslav agents quickly worked to synchronize the Albanian socio-economic and political systems through their support of Albanian Partisans and only grew emboldened over time. As allies who proved themselves in the fight against fascism, Yugoslav policymakers felt able to act with impunity throughout the early post-Cold War period. The goal of this article is to highlight this early foreign policy by focusing on three case studies – Trieste, Carinthia, and Albania – as part of an effort to reinforce the established argument over Tito's quest for power in the early Cold War period.
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Božić, Marko. "Tito's Concordat: The 1966 protocol on the negotiations between Yugoslavia and the Holy See from a legal perspective". Pravni zapisi 11, nr 2 (2020): 554–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-28571.
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The paper discusses the 1966 Protocol on the Negotiations Between Yugoslavia and the Holy See that has already been subject to several historical analyses focusing primarily on negotiations leading to it rather than the document itself. The initial hypothesis is that the legal profile of the 1966 Yugoslav Protocol may indicate its hidden political weight and a deeper historical meaning. In order to discern it, the paper examines the Protocol as an instrument of international law, aiming at explaining the way its form and substance have reflected difficulties and affected changes in relations between a Communist state and the Roman Catholic Church in Tito's Yugoslavia. Therefore, the paper compares the 1966 Yugoslav Protocol with its Eastern-European equivalents and discusses its impact on further evolution of the Yugoslav constitutional and legal framework.
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Velojić, Dalibor. "Closure of Serbian elementary school in Shkodra in 1934". Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 51, nr 3 (2021): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp51-33901.
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After signing the treaties of Tirana, Albania became the representative of Italy for the Balkans. The activities directed toward the Kingdom of Yugoslavia were determined by Yugoslav and Italian relations, which were rather tense at that period. General negation of Yugoslav presence in Albania was evident in the area of education, and as a result, Serbian schools were closed in territories predominantly inhabited with Serbian people, under the pretext of carrying out reforms. The example of the Serbian elementary school in Shkodra best reflects the effects of Albanian education policy regarding ethnic minorities. Archives of Yugoslavia, department of the Ministry of Education, contains the file (pages of documents) related to this school. This paper is based on the mentioned file, as well as available general literature on Yugoslav Albanian relations.
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Radović, Srđan. "Channeling the Country’s Image: Illustrated Magazine Yugoslavia (1949–1959)". AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, nr 13 (15.09.2017): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i13.180.
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This paper briefly reviews and discusses the contents of the illustrated magazine Jugoslavija (Yugoslavia), published from 1949 to 1959, and edited by prolific Yugoslav intellectual and artist Oto Bihalji-Merin. This edition is critically examined as a means of creating an image of Yugoslavia in the years of momentous political and social changes in Yugoslav society, and during the height of the Cold War and country’s realignment in international relations. Serving also as a cultural window to the outside world, Jugoslavija promulgated concepts of a specific Yugoslav modernity, ethnic and national diversity, and a ‘third position’ on the global political and cultural map of the 1950s. Article received: May 5, 2017; Article accepted: May 13, 2017; Published online: September 15, 2017Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Radović, Srđan. "Channeling the Country’s Image: Illustrated Magazine Yugoslavia (1949–1959)." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 13 (2017): 17-30. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i13.180
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Životić, Aleksandar. "Na putu normalizacije – jugoslovensko-sovjetski trgovinski pregovori 1940". Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu 69, nr 1 (23.03.2021): 35–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/anali_pfbu_21102a.
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Based on available published and unpublished archival sources of Yugoslav and Soviet origin, as well as relevant historiographical and memoir literature, the paper analyzes the historical circumstances and motives that led to the opening of Yugoslav–Soviet trade negotiations in early May 1940. The course of the talks in Moscow, the character of the concluded agreement, and the scope of mutual trade relations until the outbreak of the Second World War in Yugoslavia, in April 1941, are highlighted. The reactions of the interested great powers—particularly Germany, Italy and Great Britain— to the Yugoslav–Soviet economic and political rapprochement are also presented. The paper contains the author’s assessment of the importance of economic negotiations as an introduction to the complete normalization of Yugoslav–Soviet relations.
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Bakic, Dragan. "The Serbian minister in London, Mateja Boskovic, the Yugoslav committee, and Serbia’s Yugoslav policy in the Great War 1914-1916". Balcanica, nr 50 (2019): 173–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950173b.
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This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Mata Boskovic, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav) question - a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was Serbia?s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav ?migr?s from Austria-Hungary in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbic, were leading figures. In stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Boskovic was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav unification. He suspected the Croat ?migr?s, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British ?friends of Serbia?, the most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham Steed, with the Croat ?migr?s. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav unification, Boskovic preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of and reaction to Boskovic?s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pasic, clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pasic did not vacillate between the ?small? and the ?large programme?, between Yugoslavia and Greater Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "Dr. Djura Djurovic a lifelong opponent of Yugoslav communist totalitarianism". Balcanica, nr 43 (2012): 273–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243273m.
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The paper deals with the life story of Dr. Djura Djurovic (1900-1983), one of key targets of Yugoslav communist totalitarianism. He was a Belgrade lawyer who worked in the Administration of the City of Belgrade before WWII. In 1943 he joined the Yugoslav Home Army (YHA) of General Mihailovic, and held high positions in the YHA press and propaganda departments. His duties included running the Radio-telegraphic agency Democratic Yugoslavia. He accompanied General Mihailovic on his meetings with OSS Colonel McDowell, and with Captain Rakovic he established successful cooperation with Red Army units in October 1944. He was arrested by Tito?s partisans in 1945, given a show-trial and sentenced to twenty years in prison. In his writings he described horrible conditions, sufferings and various types of torture used against political prisoners in Yugoslav communist prisons. He himself spent more than two years in solitary confinement, and on several occasions nearly died in prison. He was released in 1962, and was able to establish a circle of former political convicts from the ranks of the YHA and other anticommunists in Belgrade and Serbia. He maintained this network, advocated pro-American policies and hoped that at some point the United States might intervene against communism in Yugoslavia. Gradually he came to the conclusion that Tito was an American ally, and was satisfied to maintain his network of likeminded anticommunists and prepare reports on the situation in Yugoslavia. As a pre-war freemason, he sent one such report to Luther Smith, Grand Commander of AAFM of Southern Jurisdiction of American masons, describing the ghastly conditions in Yugoslav communist prisons. He was rearrested in 1973 on account of his relations with a Serbian ?migr? in Paris, Andra Loncaric, and spent another four years in prison. Thus, the almost twenty-one years he spent in communist prisons qualify him for the top of the list of political prisoners in Yugoslav communism. In 1962-1973 he was spied on by a network of in?formers and operatives of the Yugoslav secret service. The paper is based on Djurovic?s personal files preserved in the penitentiaries in Sremska Mitrovica and Zabela, and his personal file from the archive of the Yugoslav secret service (UDBA/SDB). This is the first paper based on personal files of ?political enemies? compiled by the Yugoslav communist secret service, disclosing the latter?s activities and methods against anti?communist circles in Belgrade.
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Vlašić, Anđelko. "The Modernity of Interwar Turkey through the Eyes of Yugoslav Travelers (1923–1939)". East Central Europe 47, nr 2-3 (9.11.2020): 335–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-04702008.
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Abstract The modernization efforts of the early Republic of Turkey were a recurrent theme of books and newspaper articles written by interwar Yugoslav travelers in Turkey. Their views on Turkish modernity were based on a dichotomy between the “old,” “traditional,” and “backward” Ottoman Empire and the “new,” “modern,” and “revolutionary” Turkish Republic. Their comments reveal the Yugoslav public’s self-perception: in their eyes, through its reforms, Turkey was becoming similar to Western European countries, and had reached or even surpassed the civilizational level of Yugoslavia. Thus, the Yugoslav perception of Turks as Europe’s “Other” had changed for the better.
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Pavlaković, Vjeran. "The Spanish Civil War and the Yugoslav Successor States". Contemporary European History 29, nr 3 (sierpień 2020): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000272.
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Yugoslav scholarship about the Spanish Civil War, specifically the Yugoslav volunteers who fought in the International Brigades, was almost exclusively tied to the partisan struggle during the Second World War and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Many countries in the Soviet bloc published books about their heroes who fought fascism before Western Europe reacted and raised monuments to Spanish Civil War veterans. However, many lost their lives during Stalinist purges of the late 1940s and early 1950s since they were potentially compromised cadres who returned to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other countries only after the Red Army's occupation. Yugoslav volunteers, however, generally had a more prominent status in the country (and historiography) since the Yugoslav resistance movement liberated the country with only minimal support from the Soviet Union.
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Dragisic, Petar. "The Yugoslav perspective on Italian Eurocommunism in the second half of the 1970s". Balcanica, nr 53 (2022): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253301d.
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The article outlines the key elements of the Yugoslav perceptions of the Italian Communist Party?s (PCI) ideological and political orientation during its Eurocommunist phase. In addition, it investigates the relationship between the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and PCI in the latter half of the 1970s. The article is primarily based on an analysis of Yugoslav archival sources and press materials.
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Raković, Aleksandar. "Savez socijalističke omladine Jugoslavije i BUM festival (1971–1978): od antisocijalističkih pojava na festivalu do socijalističkih korekcija". Tokovi istorije 30, nr 2 (31.08.2022): 187–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.2.rak.187-215.
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Based on the press of the League of Socialist Youth in Yugoslavia, also Yugoslav music and entertainment-information press, archival documentation from the Archives of Yugoslavia, the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia and the Historical Archives of Belgrade, as well as literature. This paper discusses the positions of the League of Socialist Youth towards all-Yugoslav BOOM Festival, mass gatherings of hippies, but also covers how the League of Socialist Youth corrected some anti-socialist appearances at this festival and gave to BOOM Festival a socialist shape.
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Petrović, Nikola, Filip Fila i Marko Mrakovčić. "Yugoslavs and Europeans Compared". Politička misao 59, nr 2 (5.09.2022): 66–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.2.03.
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Drawing on Sekulić, Massey and Hodson’s seminal article ‘Who were the Yugoslavs?’, this paper compares the share and determinants of identifying as Yugoslavs during socialism with the panorama of primary European identification. Eurobarometer surveys containing data on European identification are utilized to that end. The study takes in consideration social and political contexts that shaped supranational identification in particular Yugoslav socialist republics and EU member states. Our findings show low levels of Europeans and Yugoslavs in both polities. The results also show that nationally specific contexts affect both the prevalence of European identification and its determinants. There are considerable differences in the level of European identification among EU countries, and statistical analyses of the Belgian, French and German cases further showed that different factors shape it. Of all the variables, non-exclusive nationalities have been the strongest predictors of supranational identification in both Socialist Yugoslavia and the EU.
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Turajlić, Mila. "Filmske Novosti: Filmed Diplomacy". Nationalities Papers 49, nr 3 (25.01.2021): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.89.
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AbstractThis article maps out a network of cinematic collaboration established between Yugoslavia and the non-aligned countries in Africa, primarily via the institution of the Yugoslav Newsreels (Filmske novosti). Yugoslav newsreel activities developed to accompany the performative diplomacy of President Tito’s “Voyages of Peace,” playing a role both in cementing his image internationally and his political status at home. By the late 1950s, cinema would become one of the central instruments of Yugoslav information activities abroad, capitalizing on an expanding diplomatic network. In this context, Filmske novosti became the bearers of Yugoslav technical aid in the domain of cinema. Building on a trope of shared revolutionary struggles, they boosted Yugoslavia’s international reputation through the filming of the Algerian Liberation Movement. The unique nature of the cinematic aid provided by Filmske novosti to liberation movements such as the ALN and FRELIMO was continued, with assistance in setting up of national film centers in countries such as Mali and Tanzania. Throughout, Yugoslavia maintained a praxis of non-conditional and non-credited transnational ciné-kinship, which is one of the reasons this remains an unknown chapter in the history of Third Cinema and militant ciné-geographies.
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Klevceviсh, Pavel V. "FEATURES OF THE MILITARY-POLITICAL INTERACTION OF THE USSR AND YUGOSLAVIA IN CONNECTION WITH THE PREPARATION FOR THE MEETING ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE (1973–1975)". Historical Search 2, nr 3 (28.09.2021): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-3-31-38.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article examines the problems of the Soviet-Yugoslav military-political interaction on security and cooperation in Europe. The positions and contradictions between the Soviet and Yugoslav parties on issues of cooperation and security in Europe are analyzed.
The essence of Belgrade’s position on this issue was in interpreting particularly sensitive issues for it: equal responsibility of countries united in opposing military-political blocs for security in Europe, the need to respect the interests of countries outside these blocs, as well as the presence of other powers’ armed forces near the borders of these countries.
Contradictions between Moscow and Belgrade have emerged on the issues of cooperation and security in Europe. Moscow insisted on mainstreaming security problems in the Central Europe, as a possible theater of military operations between NATO and the Warsaw Pact bloc in the future. Yugoslavia, proceeding from its national and military-political interests, advocated the inclusion of security problems in the Southern Europe and the Mediterranean in the agenda of the conference.
Another issue on which there was a discrepancy in the views of the Soviet and Yugoslav leadership was understanding the thesis of peaceful coexistence of states and the scope of its application to various subjects of international relations. Moscow extended this concept to the nature of relations between the West and the East, and the Yugoslavs equated this provision in relation to the right of their way of building socialism in the country, as well as guarantees of national sovereignty in case of attempts to interfere from outside in order to adjust the principles of state and social development of their state.
The desire of Yugoslavia on the eve of the European conference to plot a vector in its conduct in a favorable aspect for it worried Moscow and focused on careful study and timely response to Belgrade’s initiatives.
In the context of the problem of Soviet-Yugoslav cooperation on security issues and cooperation in Europe, the urgent need of Belgrade for Moscow’s help in resolving the crisis in the public and political life of the country is shown as well.
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Sallata, Ilir. ""BALKAN HEADQUARTER" IN THE OPTIC OF ALBANIAN COMMUNISTS IN THE 1939-1944 YEARS". Knowledge International Journal 34, nr 5 (4.10.2019): 1499–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34051499s.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.As would be seen from the subsequent actions of the Yugoslav leadership, during the Nazi-occupation period it prepared the ground for the post-war devastation of Albania within the Yugoslav Federal Republics, despite their failure to achieve this objective. During the research work of this case study, the qualitative method was generally applied by conducting a research: collecting, descriptive and explanatory, based mostly on historical facts and literature analysis.
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Walgrave, Spyros A. "Mass Communication and the 'Nationalisation' of the Public Sphere in Former Yugoslavia". Res Publica 39, nr 2 (30.06.1997): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18591.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Although the quasi-confederal character of Yugoslavia, especially after the introduction of its 1974 constitution did not encourage the development of a genuine Yugoslavian public sphere wherepublic debate could transcend ethnic and republic divisions, it nevertheless allowed the formation of what could be called Yugoslav cultural space, a space within which social and political actors (feminist, peace movements) forged their identities regardless of the ethnic or national diversity that characterised their membership. However, the existence of this 'space' had a limited impact in Yugoslav politics partly due to the breakdown of inter-republic communication and the fragmentation of the Yugoslavian mass media. This paper traces the process of disintegration of the Yugoslav cultural space and the emergence of national 'public spheres' in the republics and provinces of former Yugoslavia and attempts to assess the role of the mass media and cultural institutions in these developments by identifying the key strategies of representation employed in the process of the fragmentation and 'nationalisation' of the public sphere of former Yugoslavia.
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Misic, Sasa. "Serbian orthodox church municipality in Trieste in Yugoslav-Italian relations 1954-1971". Balcanica, nr 52 (2021): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2152179m.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The paper analyzes the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church Municipality in Trieste (SOCM) in Yugoslav-Italian relations in the period from the signing of the London Memorandum in 1954 to the early 1970s. In that period, the SOCM president Dragoljub Vurdelja, an anti-communist and an opponent of socialist Yugoslavia, had a decisive role. Yugoslavia perceived the SOCM under Vurdelja?s leadership as a center of anti-Yugoslav propaganda, so it sought to take control over this church community. To that end, Yugoslavia raised this issue in its relations with Italy and used all available diplomatic means to persuade this country to remove Vurdelja from Trieste. However, the improvement in relations between the SOCM and Yugoslavia began only after Dragoljub Vurdelja died in 1971.