Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region”

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Melbourne, Dept. of Resource Management and Geography, 2009.
Typescript. Appendix III in Chinese language and Appendix IV in Uyghur language. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-151)

The past decade has seen a transformation in the relationships among states in the Xinjiang-Central Asian region. The thesis is an analysis of this relationship, a relationship primarily built on economic and strategic interdependency. Within the thesis, the basis of the relationship is established; the extent of the relationship is ascertained, and the impact of this relationship is evaluated. The thesis differs from previous studies of this area in several ways. The most significant is that a group of Central Asian states and an autonomous region of China have formed into a unit of economic interdependency, which needs to be assessed as a group rather than as individual entities. Much of previous and recent scholarship tends to focus on issues within a particular country or part of a country, such as the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China. However, it is my contention that this is not an adequate representation of what is occurring in the region today. The focus needs to be widened to take into account the dynamics of this interdependent relationship which consists of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and several of the former Soviet Union states, primarily Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. All of these states with the exception of Uzbekistan are contiguous with Xinjiang. This relationship of interdependency has reached a level sufficient to influence decisions taken by governments within the region, and a prime factor of this has been the suppression of secessionist movements, principally Uygur separatist movements, among the Uygur diaspora residing in neighbouring states. Another highly relevant issue the thesis evaluates is sources of tension within the Xinjiang-Central Asian region and the impact these tensions have on the interdependency relationship. An assessment is made as to whether because of this interdependency, the sources of tension may not be adequately addressed by the respective governments to the satisfaction of the general populace. This is seen as due to the individual governments' hesitation to upset China by addressing such matters as border demarcation and transboundary water diversion between China and neighbouring states. An outcome of this scenario may be that many of the tensions are left to simmer and therefore bode ill for future stability in the region. Fundamentally, the thesis argues that the matters raised in the previous paragraphs need to be assessed on the basis of an ongoing relationship of interdependency encompassing Xinjiang and several neighbouring Central Asian states. The overlapping of multiple sources of commonality such as geography, ethnicity, culture, religion, economics and strategic matters, dictates that we should not assess issues on a country-by-country basis. Rather, it is necessary to consider the region as a whole, taking into account the prevailing conditions emanating from this relationship of economic and strategic interdependency.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Croissant, Aurel S. ; Twoney, Christopher P. "September 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 22, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p.65-68). Also available in print.

This thesis analyses tha impact of the Xinjiang Problem on the foreign policy of China. Because of its strategic location and natural resources, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has great importance for China. this thesis argues that Chinese foreign policy towards Central Asian region has been shaped by security considerations of China related to the Xinjiang Problem. the Xinjiang Problem shapes China'
s foreign relaitons wsth Central Asian States, Russia, the U.S. and Turkey becouse this problem has became important element of China'
s territorial integrity as well ass its strategy of stabilizing Central Asian region.

This study seeks to ascertain whether Chinese soft power can shape or sway the sense of belonging and identity of Uighurs within the Chinese state. The methodology used for this study will involve surveys and interviews, employing the two primary quantitative and qualitative methods. The findings from this study suggest that Chinese soft power, in the form of education in a controlled environment, does have this ability to sway Uighur to identify with the Chinese state. However, gauging the views of the wider educated Uighur community, indicates that the effectiveness of Chinese soft power is constrained by multiple social, political and economic issues. Based on the analysis of these findings, there appears to be three potential solutions: (i) create a multi-ethnic culture, (ii) incorporate civic nationalism as a component of PRC citizenship and (iii) to reformulate soft power into the form of shared goals that would require cooperation between Uighur and Hans to accomplish.

The Qing conquest of 'Xinjiang' ('New Dominion' or 'New Territory') in 1759 proved to be a watershed development in the complex and often ambiguous relation between China and the amorphous Xiyu or 'Western Regions' that had lay 'beyond the pale' of Han Chinese civilisation since the Han (206 BCE-220 CE) and Tang (618-907) dynasties. The Qing destruction of the Mongol Zunghar state in the process of conquering 'Xinjiang' brought to a close the era of the dominance of the steppe nomadic-pastoralist world of Inner Asia over sedentary and agricultural China that had existed since at least 300 BCE with the expansion of the Xiongnu. Immediately following the conquest, as chapter two shall demonstrate, the over-arching goal of Qing rule in the region was to segregate Xinjiang from the Chinese regions of the empire. Yet, at the beginning of the 21st century the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) maintains that the 'Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region' (XUAR) is, and has been throughout recorded history, an 'integral' province of China. This thesis is thus focused on the evolution of the Chinese state's perception of Xinjiang as a dependent appendage in the late 18th century to that of an 'integral' province at the beginning of the 21st century. As such there are two key questions that are the focus of the thesis. First, how - by what processes, means and strategies - did Xinjiang arrive at its contemporary position as a province of the PRC? Second, how has this process impacted on China's 'foreign policy' along its western continental frontiers since the Qing conquest? The thesis is therefore not simply focused upon a discrete period or aspect of the historical development of China's interactions with Xinjiang, but rather an encompassing exploration of the processes that have resulted in China's contemporary dominance in the region. Two encompassing and related themes flow from these questions regarding the Chinese state's response to the dilemmas posed by the rule of Xinjiang. The first stems from the recognition that the present government of China's claims to the 'Chinese-ness' of Xinjiang are more than simply a statement of fact or an attempted legitimisation of current political realities. The statement that Xinjiang is an 'integral' province of the PRC, although indeed a statement of contemporary political reality, is also a profound statement of intent by the Chinese state. It is in fact one manifestation of an over-arching theme of integration and assimilation within the state's perceptions of Xinjiang across the 1759-2004 period. The second theme stems from the question as to how the processes associated with the first theme of integration and assimilation impacted upon the Chinese state's conception of its relation to those regions beyond its orbit. Xinjiang throughout most of Chinese history has been perceived as a 'frontier' region from which non-Chinese influences have entered and at times threatened the North China plain 'heartland' of Han civilisation. This is essentially a theme of confrontation between or opposition of 'external' to Chinese influences. The relationship between these two themes across the 1759-2004 period has been one of 'permanent provocation' whereby their interaction has produced mutual continuity and contestation. The Chinese state's goal of integration, and the concrete strategies and techniques employed in Xinjiang to attain it, have required the continued operation and vitality of opposing tendencies and dynamics. This process has provided (and continues to provide) both impetus and legitimation, in the perception of the state, for the exercise of state power in Xinjiang. Yet, as will become evident in the proceeding chapters, this interaction has not developed along a constant trajectory. Rather, the process has been characterised by fluctuations in the state's commitment to the goal of integration and in its ability to implement appropriate strategies with which to achieve integration. The thesis will thus argue that from the early 19th century onward the goal of integration became embedded in the state's perception of the 'correct' relation between itself and Xinjiang. Moreover, across the 1759-2004 period the notion of integration has evolved to become both the end and means of state action in Xinjiang.

This thesis describes, analyses, and explains the problems of equality of access to, and provision of formal education, particularly higher education, in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region of China between 1949 and 1987. It contrasts the central governmenes constitutional assurances of equality in education for all ethnic groups, both the non-Han indigenous majority and the rapidly increasing immigrant Han-Chinese minority, with the reality of their implementation. This contrast and the inequalities in education resulting from it constitute the central theme of the thesis. The concepts of equality and inequality, ethnicity, assimilation and cultural diversity in education are first considered. The question as to where the root of the problem of access to higher education lies, whether in the outcome of higher education admission practices, or in the shortage of supply from lower down the system, is then examined closely. The question is addressed through the use of indicators of equal access to education; equal provision of educational facilities; equal prospects of survival; and success in progression from one level to another. These in turn are analyzed in terms of several dimensions including culture, religion, demography and geography. The investigative method followed is essentially a historical analysis of statistical data, supplemented by an analysis of policy documents, political statements, and literature, and informal interviews. The findings of the thesis are that, in spite of a nationally declared policy of equal access to education for all its ethnic groups, Xinjiang belies its official title of being Uighur and autonomous; and that attempts at assimilation to the Han through local language reforms, a nation-wide unified curriculum, political education, and the imposition of Standard Chinese have been to the detriment of the non-Han and have caused grave inequalities. The thesis concludes with suggestions on how these inequalities can be reduced and the interests and identities of the non-Han protected.

Economic growth and private sector development have been sluggish in China’s western regions, where ethnic minorities make up a sizeable part of the population. In the northwest Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, the state maintains a steady presence in the small but growing urban private sector, largely populated by Han-owned firms and entrepreneurs. A small group of minority Uyghur entrepreneurs have positioned themselves in markets where they hold a cultural and linguistic advantage, particularly in trade with neighbouring Central Asia and the production of Muslim foods. However, clustering in similar industries and markets limits the growth of Uyghur businesses in the private sector where they have little presence. To understand how these new entrepreneurs adapt to this environment, and their move toward ‘modern’ business practices, this thesis analyses the characteristics of Uyghur entrepreneurs and their role as ‘agents of development’ in Xinjiang’s capital of Urumqi.
Since the institution of China’s national economic reforms, Uyghurs have progressively engaged in traditional merchant and ‘bazaar’ economic activities, generally outside the registered, firm-type private sector. In Urumqi, the majority of new Uyghur entrepreneurs are disadvantaged in operating firms by a lack of management experience, skilled employees and start-up capital, so that they primarily rely on resources within the Uyghur community for support. Entrepreneurs who seek to modernise their business and ‘break out’ of traditional Uyghur market niches tend to broaden their networks outside the Uyghur ethnic group. Social networks with larger Han firms and government officials allow better access to resources and financing for Uyghur entrepreneurs. In this way, the shift to ‘modern’ business practices entails cooperation and networking with the majority Han, rather than within the Uyghur community alone.
This thesis presents Urumqi’s Uyghur entrepreneurs, traditionally operating on the fringe of the private sector, as agents of social change through business modernisation and cooperation with Han. In Xinjiang, where economic development is often conflated with the state and increasing numbers of Han migrants, Uyghur entrepreneurs are engaging in the market and contributing to the development of Uyghur society as a whole. This thesis demonstrates how these new entrepreneurs integrate into the Han-dominated private sector and thus participate in development in Xinjiang.

碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所
85
Xinjiang Uygur''s autonomous region has been named "window of nations" and its number of nations is at most in mainland China. It is also the effect of indicator for the PRC''s policy of native nations at province level. Besides various kinds of nation, Xinjiang has large territory, vast nature resources and importance of geographical position. Theses elements make Xinjiang''s development playa a key role to China''s stable. Especially after dissolution of the former Soviet and declaration of "whole aspect open, inclined to west" of China''s economic policy, both of them make a new impact on offairs of politics, finance, and nation, and influence the interactive relation between central and local government. 　　On political aspect, the China central concentrate power through dual-lead by govemment institution and party organization. Although according to the PRC''s constitution and autonomy act of national region that Uygur''s autonomous region owe autonomic power, such right is still limited even deprived under situation of "party-lead political regime" and sophisticated design for administrative region. From view point of economy, economic development of Uygur''s autonomous region need central government support. Such support include two major parts: one is manpower, finance and material, the other one is direct investment to foster local economic development. 　　About nation''s affairs, there are ten million native peoples and at 62 percent in Xinjiang''s total residents according to statistics data1995. There are 48 native nations in Uygur''s region, issue of nation is the key problem of local stability and development. In other words, the clash of nation is potential variables to area stability and would influence to economic development, social stability, nation intergrade. 　　Issue of native nation would be the key problem to influence relation between Xinjiang and central government. Resolution measures for this problem is relative to practicably autonomous system and success of economic development which are important issues for the PRC central.

碩士
國防大學政治作戰學院
政治研究所
107
The People’s Republic of China’s “Social Credit System” (SCS) will commence in 2020, as scheduled by the “2014-2020 Outline of SCS Construction Plan” promulgated in 2014. The SCS uses big data technology to collect the social footprint of all Chinese people, such as credit status, behavior, and online speech. It uses the concept of credit ratings in Western World to enforce social governance. Each citizen is given a set of “Credit Codes” to provide government to implement the credit scores. The rewards and penalties system is strictly implemented to conform with the core values of “ntegrity” set by the Communist Party of China (CPC). The main purpose of this paper is to explore how the CPC can build a SCS through big data technology to achieve the goal of stability, and try to find out the impact and dilemma. This study through the literature to summarize the control methods of Chinese society from the evolution of the SCS, and selecting the governance model of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region for observation so that the research can be more focused. The study demonstrate that the SCS is currently not developed at technology development, resource integration, infrastructure construction, and information protection. The SCS only highlights the implementation of the reward and punishment system, ignoring the inclusiveness of society, and there will still be many social problems in the future. Although the SCS can maintain social governance effectively, and consolidate the stability of politics. However, its persecution of the people and violations of human nature will be the fatal wound of the totalitarian rule.