Gotowa bibliografia na temat „World Conference on Religion and Peace (Organization). Japan”

Abstract: The end of the First World War heralded a new age of internationalist and pacifist action. After initial hopes for peace and international justice, however, soon followed disillusionment about a post-war order that left little room for the aspirations of colonized people and those nations not amongst the winners of the new geopolitical order. The present article analyses interwar pacifism as a polycentric discourse, moving beyond earlier Anglo-American and European-centered approaches. It introduces the World Conference for International Peace through Religion , an initiative by the American Church Peace Union, focusing on the (inter)actions of its American, German, Indian, and Japanese members. The World Conference set out to tackle world peace from a perspective outside of formal politics and international relations in hopes that religion might succeed where politicians and secular activists had failed. In the end, however, the organization never achieved its ambitious goals due to internal contradictions, differing visions of peace and international (or transnational) justice, and structural problems like the persisting connections of its f(o)unders to the American Protestant missionary milieu.

The third Annual International Conference on Globalization for theCommon Good was held on 27-31 March 2004 at the Bustan Rotana hotel, Dubai, the United Arab Emirates. More than thirty participants, representingacademics, peace activists, theologians, environmentalists, and businessmenfrom the United States, Europe, Japan, the Gulf region, Australia,and South Africa attended the eleven plenary sessions. These were dividedunder the following headings: Muslim-Christian Dialogue for the CommonGood; Religions and Social Justice; Profit and the Common Good: Conflictor Convergence?; Religions and the Common Good; Urbanization andCities in a Global Age; Globalization and Civilizations; EthicalPerspectives on Globalization; Interfaith Dialogue and Peace-building;Natural Resources, Ecology and Development; Youth in a Global Age; andScience and Technology in a Global Age. The conference was officiallyopened by the founder and chief convenor of the Interfaith Perspective onGlobalization for the Common Good, Dr Kamran Mofid of the UnitedKingdom.Dr William Lesher (Lutheran School of Theology, Chicago) in his“Pathways to Peace” identified the major factors supporting globalizationand showed how global trends become indigenized through the process ofglocalization. Sister Beatrice Mariotti’s (St. Mary’s Catholic HighSchool, Dubai) “Globalization and Christian-Muslim Spiritual Dialoguein Dubai” dealt with three challenges to cultural identity: consumerism,the Internet, and isolationism. Markus Glatz-Schmallegger (CatholicSocial Academy of Austria) argued in his “Religions Acting for ‘Bridgingand Linking Social Capital’ in the Context of Globalization,” that religion,as an organ of civil society, can contribute significantly to socialcapital.In the session on “Profit and the Common Good: Conflict or Convergence?”Kamran Mofid outlined both the negative and positive aspects ofglobalization. This was followed by a lively discussion on how globalization’sbenefits could be extended to all and not confined to a minority ofindividuals, multinationals, and states. Suleman Dangor (University ofKwazulu-Natal, South Africa) outlined the positive and negative featuresof globalization, and then elaborated on the role that religions could playin ensuring that its benefits are spread equitably while developing nationsare protected from its negative impact.Jakob von Uexkull (The Right Livelihood Awards, London, UK), in his“Global Values and Global Stability,” made a case for equitable access tothe world’s natural resources. The possibility of this happening is greaternow that we are moving to a post-secular world. Keyvan Tabari emphasizedthe importance of national sovereignty. Since the demise of the USSR ...

Decisions made after World War I at the Paris Peace Conference had serious political consequences on a global scale. In Europe, new state entities disintegrated and created, the balance of power of the main po-wers changed, with the United States of America taking the first posi-tion. A bipolar system of international relations developed gradually. It reached its final form after World War II. Under the influence of the idealistic vision of the world of American President, Woodrow Wilson, the League of Nations was created. It was a universal international organization the main task of which was to ensure the "territorial integrity and political independence” of its members and to supervise the implementation of the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, regulating the global principles of international political and economic relations. They were expressed by W. Wilson in the so-called "14 points", announced in Congress on January 8, 1918. However, China was not among the beneficiaries of the "new world order" despite the fact that the Middle Kingdom participated in the war on the side of the Entente countries. The decisions made during the Paris conference were against China's raison d'état. For this reason, the country was still an economic base for strengthening its position as superpowers, especially Japan, which had been granted the rights to German concessions in China. The public protest resulted in the revolutionary May 4 Movement, which spread from Beijing to all major cities of the Republic of China, revealing the new face of Chinese society. The 100-year anniversary of these events gives rise to considerations aimed at determining the proper causes of the outbreak of the May 4 Movement and its impact on shaping internal social relations and changes occurring in the social and political space in China. The consi-derations presented in this lecture focused mainly on a synthetic appro-ach to the issue of changes occurring in the international environment, especially the policy of the powers towards China and phenomena obse-rved in Chinese society, resulting in the May 4 Movement. The material, published in subsequent volumes of "Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywi-stość", is presented in four parts, due to the need to analyse a wide range of factors influencing the shaping of the social movement in China. In the first part, an attempt was made to indicate the conditions of the state of China's international environment and changes in the system of international relations in the Far East region in the period preceding the outbreak of World War I until its end. The changes observed in the Chinese political and economic system under the pressure of external factors and reactionary internal phenomena will be presented in the following part of the lecture. The third part will focus on the analysis of the phenomena occurring in Chinese society, especially in the context of the creation of civil society and the rejection of the Confucian tradition under the influence of liberal, socialist ideology and communism, of which the May 4 Movement was a consequence. The conclusion will involve an attempt to show the influence of the May 4 Movement on the socio-political phenomena seen during the rule of the Communist Party of China.

The call for this special issue was prompted by the International Conference on Women Empowerment deliberations. The conference, held on 10th December 2022 at International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM), was inaugurated by Dr. Maulana Akbar Shah @ U Tun Aung, Head of Research in the department of Fundamental and Inter-Disciplinary Studies, AbdulHamid AbuSulayman Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences (AHAS KIRKHS), who delivered a welcoming speech, followed by opening remarks by Prof. Shukran Bin Abd Rahman, Dean of AHAS KIRKHS. The event also featured speeches by distinguished guests, including the Honourable Rector of IIUM, Professor Emeritus Tan Sri Dato’ Dzulkifli bin Abdul Razak and Mr. Thomas Albrecht, Representative of UNHCR, Malaysia, Prof. Abdul Aziz Berghout, the Dean of the International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilisation (ISTAC), IIUM, and Prof. Dawood Al-Hidabi, Director of International Institute for Muslim Unity (IIMU), IIUM. The conference aimed to explore the social conditions of women refugees living in Malaysia with a focus on their social status, living conditions, domestic violence, the impact of criminal activities in their environment, and lack of access to education for their children. It also aimed to promote academic excellence, cultivate future leaders in various disciplines within the realm of Islamic revealed knowledge and human sciences, and encourage high-quality research, scholarship, and academic work in specific areas. The conference brought together experts and professionals from different fields to share their perspectives on the social status of refugee women. It was attended by over 200 participants and its success was attributed to the efforts of the organizers and the dedication of the speakers and participants. Participants presented innovative ideas, findings, and insights that contributed to advancing knowledge in their fields. The call for this special issue, released in the first quota of the year 2023, triggered a number of conversations with a broad number of people about the topic and ultimately resulted in many submissions. Submissions covered a diverse range of topics and came from contributors mainly from AbdulHamid AbuSulayman Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences. The contributions that make up this special issue are as follows. First, Family empowerment and role transformation: Observations on the importance of religion. This paper is an examination of the concept of family empowerment and role transformation from an Islamic perspective, emphasising the need for integrated value-driven frameworks to address issues of family roles and empowerment. The authors, Abdelaziz Berghout and Ouahiba Saoud, believe that studies and research on family empowerment have increased in recent years, enshrining the discourse, and providing insights and solutions to the questions associated with family empowerment. They argue among other things that there are numerous efforts in the Islamic world to strengthen family empowerment. The article explains the main elements that comprise the Islamic perspective of family empowerment and the need for role transformation. The articles contends that Islam emphasises the importance of understanding the goals and roles of family as a social entity and agent entrusted with the mission of Istikhalf (vicegerency) and I‘mar (civilisation) on earth. Second, Crucial requirements for children’s empowerment: In this paper Kabuye Uthman Sulaiman sheds light on the important and mostly neglected role that parents play in raising their children, namely empowerment through character development, impartment of knowledge and skills. The key objective of this article is to enhance the understanding of the concept of empowerment of children from the Islamic perspective and the importance of character and values education in today’s society. The article is structured around six core sections describing the role of parents in children’s (1) virtues and character formation and development, (2) physical development, (3) emotional development, (4) mental development, (5) intellectual development, and lastly their role in preparing children for the realities of life and death. The focus of this paper is character formation and development. Character development and impartment of knowledge and skills are the three crucial and mandatory requirements for children’s empowerment. The paper outlines the ideas underlying character refinement or character education focusing on its meaning, aims, importance, and the role of parents, teachers, and community as character educators. It outlines some of the moral qualities of the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) as the universal model of all virtues and goodness. This is qualitative research employing descriptive methods with literature review analysis. The primary sources of this paper comprise selected verses from the Qur’an and their exegesis (tafsir) and Hadith, both of which constitute the major source of guidance for Muslims. Its secondary sources consist of books, journals, and other materials. The main contention in this paper is that: first, knowledge, skills, and values or personality traits need to be combined for a thriving life; second, moral values are of paramount significance to peaceful coexistence and harmony in society. They are critical for sustainable living. Without them, there is no cohesion and solidarity among people. Hence, there is no civilization; third, learning is of little value and with no soul unless core ethical values are added to it. Hence, one of the aims of education is to graduate ethical individuals; fourth, the development of character in children is not just the responsibility of parents and schools, it is also the responsibility of those who come into contact with them; last but not least, character education should be included as a core component of schools’ curriculum. Third, A Critical Analysis of Bent-Rib Metaphor Ḥadīth: Embracing Women's Uniqueness and Empowerment. The authors, Nurul Jannah Zainan Nazri, Nurul Mukminah and Mohd Arif assert that the Bent-Rib Metaphor ḥadīth can be interpreted as a symbol of diversity, complexity, and complementarity between genders, rather than justifying women's subordination. By promoting a more nuanced understanding of the ḥadīth, this study advocates for a broader role for women in religious, social, economic, and political spheres. Fourth, A critical need for breastmilk collection centres for high-risk premature babies: In this paper Zainol Abidin and Wan Mazwati write that premature babies are very vulnerable and exposed to various life-threatening diseases. According to the report of World Health Organization, they quote, many premature babies are saved from morbidity and mortality when they are fed with breastmilk starting from within the first hour after their birth. They believe that: firstly, the rate of premature birth in Malaysia has increased exponentially since 2018. Therefore, hospitals should have enough supplies of breastmilk to save the lives of the precious premature babies. Secondly, only one hospital in Malaysia provides supplies of breastmilk on demand. Hence, the study argues for the establishment of breastmilk collection centre. It examines the concept of maqāṣid al-sharīʿah to justify the proposal for the establishment of breastmilk collection centres in hospitals throughout Malaysia to save the lives, intellects, and progenies of the at-risk premature babies. Fifth, Empowering Mothers Against a Malaysian Societal Convention: An Islamic Perspective: In this paper Nur Jannah Hassan believes thar: firstly, having greater women participations in the workforce potentially enhances the country’s prospects for growth; secondly, various agencies work towards increasing women’s participations in the labour force; thirdly, women’s contribution to the family’s and the nation’s income is significant. However, it is observed that the race to get women to ‘roll-up their sleeves’ economically is not without worrying downside trends, even at the current rate of only 55.5% of Malaysian women in the labour force. The paper deliberates on how this affects individuals’ and families’ well-beings, thus putting constrains on the family, society and the Nation at large. The paper draws guidance from the Qur’an and Prophetic traditions to propose a more realistic and well-balanced approach to empowerment of mothers. According to Nur Jannah, the demand to get women’s economic participation towards National growth is real. However, this should not endanger and threaten personal, familial, and societal holistic well beings. She adds, the role of motherhood, especially early motherhood must be included in the equation. Thus, the necessity to empower women. Sixth, Women Empowerment from Quranic perspective. The authors, Radwan Jamal, Rahmawati, and Ziyad Alhaq highlight present-day scenario of problems faced by women in education, social status, in job market, domestic violence, sexual assault etc. and presented a balanced Qur’anic approach to empower women. Seventh, Empowering Thinking and Moral Formation in Muslim Women Through the Philosophical Inquiry (PI) Approach: The authors of this paper, namely Norillah Abdullah and Mohamed Abdelmagid believe that much of what has been said about the social problems involving Muslim women in Malaysia is due to the lack of thinking skills and religious understanding. For this reason, this study is an attempt to highlight the PI method which integrates the Socratic questioning approach to help address the issue and lead to moral formation. This, according to them, would allow women to explore their thoughts and generate rational ideas and choices to achieve understanding and sound judgments (hikmah) and finally empower them in executing their roles and tasks. Eighth, The Role of Faith (Iman) in Women Empowerment: While the role of women in any development is undeniably very essential, the author of this paper Abdul Latif believes that there are women who are being side-lined; their role is being marginalized and consequently, they are being denied their rights. The purpose of his paper is to elaborate on the role of Iman in women empowerment. Abdul Latif describes a good believer as the one who upholds all the three integrated conditions that make the person strong and tranquil, namely profession by the tongue, conviction by heart and practice by limbs. He contends that true belief in Allah is the solution to many of the problems faced by women today. Ninth, The Role of Women in Achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Islam. Rownok Jahan and co-authors analyzed the role of women in achieving sustainable development goals according to Islam. The Islamic approach emphasizes a balanced realization of human rights, consumer welfare, social justice, ecological balance, and economic progress. Achieving these aims is not possible without the active involvement of women. Tenth, The Moral-sexual Empowerment of Women and Children in Hadith Literature: In this paper, Bachar Bakour describes sex as a human innate disposition and a basic need for the survival of the human race, and marriage as the primary appropriate avenue for satisfying sexual desire and living a moral and peaceful life. This article aims to briefly delineate the salient features of women and child sexual empowerment within the specific epistemic and cultural soil of Islamic tradition. Eleventh, A Close Study on Domestic Violence Against Women: Islamic Perspectives and Remedies: The authors of this paper, Maulana Akbar Shah @ U Tun Aung and Phoo Pwint Thu Aung, define women empowerment as: firstly, the process of giving women the power to take control of their lives, rights, and decision-making; secondly, the creation of a society where women are treated equally, with respect, and have access to the same opportunities as men. This, in their view, involves promoting women’s education, encouraging their participation in politics and breaking down gender stereotypes. Twelfth, Women’s Empowerment and Participation in Islamic Financial Planning Diversity, Equity and Inclusion: Evidence from Maqasid al-Shariah. Its authors Mohammad Habibullah, Rusni Hassan, and Nor Razinah Mohd Zain assert that it is imperative to consider the role played by women in the financial sector and their contribution to economic progress. Using an experiment, this study examined the relationship between confidence, gender, and race in relation to dealing with a financial planner among various groups and races with color and creed. The study demonstrates how women plan financially for retirement based on psychological concepts and sociodemographic variables, highlighting the importance of financial management and planning for women. Thirteenth, Muslim Women in Politics: Does it Align With Shari‘ah Parameters? In this paper Ahmad Akram Mahmad Robbi, Saidatolakma Mohd Yunus and Mohamad Faiq Mohamad Sharin examine the views of Muslim scholars regarding women's political participation. They opine that political participation is essential for women empowerment. Fourteenth, Empowerment and Faith: Unraveling the HUI Women’s Mosques in China: In this paper Mai Jianjun describes the Hui Muslims as the largest Muslim minority group in China and their mosques as a very unique phenomenon within the broader Muslim world. They (mosques) stand as a testament of the remarkable resilience of the Hui Muslims in preserving their Islamic faith and Muslim identity in a predominantly non-Muslim society heavily influenced by Confucian culture. Mai Jianjun argues that the previous studies on Hui women’s mosques left two crucial questions unanswered, i.e., why did Hui women’s mosque emerge exclusively in the eastern and central regions of China and not in northwestern region where the concentration of Hui Muslims’ population is higher? Why was this phenomenon limited to the Hui Muslim community and not observed among other Muslim ethnic groups in China? This study employs historical, analytical and contexture analysis approaches to accomplish three research objectives. Firstly, it aims to re-examine the historical background of the Hui Muslims and the emergence of Hui women's mosques during the Ming and Qing dynasties within this particular ethnic group. Secondly, the study seeks to address the aforementioned questions and reidentify the possible causes for the emergence of the Hui women’s mosques in specific regions in China. Thirdly, the study intends to provide an Islamic perspective to illuminate the unique phenomenon of Hui women's mosques in China. Fifteenth, Qadaya al-Mar’ah wa Anwa`uha fi daw’ al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah. Its author, Saad Eldin, sheds lights on various topics related to women's issues and their types, such as women's rights, sermons, the hadith concerning the deficiency of intellect and religion, and other issues related to women's rights in general. It also addresses the issue of the mahram (forbidden relationships) for women. Sixteenth, Dawr al-Mar’ah fi al-Marwiyyat al-Hadithiyyah: Mafahimuha wa Masaqatuha. Ahmed Elmogtaba in this article deals with the efforts of women in the narration of Hadiths, with a focus on the six major Hadith collections and the topics related to their narrations. It was found that the narrations of female scholars contributed to various areas of jurisprudence in general, and family laws in particular. The above observations and discussions are intended to prompt critical reflection on the current state of women and children and prompt researchers to consider areas where future research is needed. Editorial Team Associate Professor Dr. Kabuye Uthman Sulaiman, HOD, FIDS, AHAS KIRKHS, IIUM Associate Professor Dr. Maulana Akbar Shah @ U Tun Aung December 5, 2023

This study aimed to establish the degree of correlation of workplace spirituality and work engagement among the faculty of the Senior High School (SHS) of San Beda University–Manila. The correlational design was utilized to ascertain if there is a relationship existing between workplace spirituality (independent variable) and work engagement (dependent variable). The workplace components presented in the study are meaningful work, a sense of community, and alignment with organizational values. Work engagement was studied based on vigor, dedication, and absorption. Data were obtained through questionnaires that were sent to target respondents. The findings of the study established that there is a positive correlation between workplace spirituality and work engagement. The paper concluded with several implications and recommendations that will strengthen the workplace spirituality of faculty members that will benefit both the employee and the organization. The study also provided some suggestions for future researchers that will examine workplace spirituality in other industries.ReferencesNew American Bible. (Revised ed.). (2010). United States Conference of Catholic BishopsAprilia, E. and Katiara, O. (2020). Workplace spirituality and work engagement among High School Teachers in Banda Aceh. Jurnal Psikologi, 19(1), 61-71.Ashmos, D.P. and Duchon, D. (2000). Spirituality at work: a conceptualization and measure. Journal of Management Inquiry, 9(2), 134-145.Aumann, J. (1980). Spiritual Theology. Sheed and Ward.Bella, R. L. F, Quelhas, O. L. G., Ferraz, F. T., & Bezerra, M. J. S. (2018). Workplace spirituality: sustainable work experience from a human factors perspective. Sustainability. 10, 1887. doi:10.3390/su10061887Benedict (1981). In Fry, T., I. Baker, T. Horner, A. Raabe, & M. Sheridan (Eds.) RB1980: The Rule of Saint Benedict in Latin and English with notes. The Liturgical Press. 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An Overview of the Role of Traditional Institutions in Nigeria Mustapha Alhaji Ali Department of Political Science and Administration. Yobe State University, Damaturu. Nigeria Fatima Ahmed Department of Political Science University of Maiduguri Nigeria *Corrosponding author’s Email: mustaphaalhajiali2@gmail.com Mustapha Alhaji Ali, born in Yobe state Nigeria, a staff of Yobe State University. Currently pursuing Ph.D. Political Science in Universiti Utara Malaysia is the based eminent Management University. The University in the green forest. Fatima Ahmed was born in Borno state Nigeria, working with the University of Maiduguri. Presently pursuing Ph.D. Political Development in the University the famous university in the North-Eastern region. Peer-review under responsibility of 3rd Asia International Multidisciplanry Conference 2019 editorial board (http://www.utm.my/asia/our-team/) © 2019 Published by Readers Insight Publisher, lat 306 Savoy Residencia, Block 3 F11/1,44000 Islamabad. Pakistan, info@readersinsight.net This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Research Highlights The British officials in Nigeria framed and imposed rules and laws through the traditional rulers who only served as mediators between the people and the British officials. Though, the cultures and traditions of the Nigerian citizens were cherished and reserved by the British government in order to accept and welcome them by the citizens of the country. However, this system worked out well because of the support of the traditional rulers who claimed that since their cultures and traditions were not interfered with, they have no problem with the British authorities (Teslim, 2019). Before traditional rulers in everywhere in the world are attached with some important functions among which are contributing to development administration, linkage or "brokering" between grassroots and capital, extension of national identity through the conferral of traditional titles, low-level conflict resolution and judicial gate-keeping, ombudsmanship and institutional safety- valve for overloaded and sub-apportioned bureaucracies. In addition to the above roles, traditional rulers are meant to create educated chieftaincies meaningfully improves the success of traditional rulers (Miles, 1993). Furthermore, traditional rulers serve as another institute of conflict resolution in any nation where the state legal system is weakening to fully provide the judicial requirements of the country (Zeleke, 2011). A study by Isaac (2018) disclosed that in the olden days, traditional institutions are the administrative organizations in Nigeria. These establishments are entrenched in the history, cultures, and the traditions of several ethnic groups and cultural background. He further explained that traditional institutions plays an important role in the managerial process before, during, and after colonial rules, these institutions have contributed to the history of the nation. The role of traditional organizations was important and highly respected during these periods. Research Objectives The paper examined the roles of traditional institutions toward steady democracy To discover how efficient are these institutions in ensuring steady democracy Significance of the study This study is of great importance to the academician because it would add to the body of existing knowledge, by guiding and assisting students conducting research in a similar field of study. However, this research work is very significant because it would help the traditional institution in understanding their weakness and how to improve where necessary.This study helps in identifying the gap in the literature and it as well assists in filing the existing gap in the literature Methodology This paper is qualitative in nature because it is based on an organized review of related literature and a subtle examination of secondary data, in this case, data were established from various sources such as magazines, published and unpublished articles, books, journals, reports archives and newspaper articles (Braun & Clarke, 2013; Creswell, 2009). Research Design Under the research design the researcher adopted case study approach this is because it provides the researcher with an in-depth understanding of a phenomenon under inquiry, or it helps in providing an in-depth thoughtful of cases (Creswell, 2013; Othman, 2018). Theoretical Framework There are many theories that can explain these study, but for the purpose of this paper the researcher used two theories, these are dependency and servant leadership theory, and reason for using these theories is based on their applicability and relationship with the topic under examination, these theories dwelled on abilities of leader and leadership independence in all the society. The postulations of these theories are that traditional rulers should be an independent body, truthful, honest, loyal, responsible, forecast, sensible and above all dedication to administrative responsibilities (White and Clark, 1990; Stone, & Patterson, 2005). Findings Traditional rulers play an important role in the society by advising the elected leaders in different areas, these include; economic policy, security issues, equal sharing of goods and services, recommending aspirants for elections or appointment to serve the community, demand for good governance and general wellbeing of the people among others. Study by Lund (2006) and Osifo (2017) disclosed that before traditional institutions use religion power to settle disputes among the citizens as well as married couples in the society, it also uses religious sanctions in resolving issues related to land disputes among the people in their respective societies, and issues like robbery, and disputes between neighbors in the societies. Recommendations The paper recommended that traditional rulers should be given full independence and should be well connected into Nigeria democratic process, this would encourage them to contribute in no small measure to the social and economic development. The study further recommended that democratization of the states along traditional organization would help in enhancing economic development that would enhance the living standard of the citizens Conclusion The study concluded that traditional institutions play important roles in the olden day. By settling disputes among the citizens. They in addition help in maintaining peace and order among the general populace. References a Stone, A. G., & Patterson, K. (2005). The history of leadership focus.Servant leadership research roundtable proceedings.School of Leadership Studies, Regent University, Virginia Beach, US. Teslim, O. O. (2019). Indirect Rule in Nigeria. Victor O. (2017). 7 Roles of Traditional Rulers in Achieving Stable Democracy in Nigeria. Information Guide in Nigeria. White, L.G. & Clark, R. P. (1990). Political Analysis: Technique and Practice. California: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company. Yemisi O. I. (2018). Role of Traditional Institution in Nigeria Democratic Space: Contending Perspectives, Issues, and Potentials. Zaleha O. (2018). Important things about Qualitative Research. Zeleke, M. (2011). Ye Shakoch Chilot (the court of the sheikhs): A traditional institution of conflict resolution in Oromiya zone of Amhara regional state, Ethiopia. African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 10(1), 63–84.

Religious discourse is one of the most important aspects to be examined in order to understand a social system where religious authorities play a very vital role. Religions have always shaped society in various ways; while at times there have been issues related to religious persecution, at other times religions have also lead to national and societal unity among people. Religious leaders, who are called as ulama in Islam, have the authority and the dominant power to articulate any religious discourse by means of texts, both in written and spoken formats for establishing a social system. There is a strong relationship between the ulama and the ummat which means the believers in an Islamic society. This relationship is often commented with other discourses such as politics, economics and other important ideas in a society. These discourses play a critical role in creating power dominance through creating an authoritarian system where the ulamas feel very convenient to give a verdict on the society regarding any political or social issues. It seems that the ulamas have unquestioned power regarding religion and they use it conveniently in order to superimpose their views even if they are partisan and parochial.Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama ( NU) are the biggest Islamic social organization not only in Indonesia but also in the world. Both Islamic organisations have shifted the socio-religious discourses in Indonesia. Muhammadiyah which is earlier established, is well known as modernist Islamic organisation that is very keen to concern on philanthropy. While NU is traditionalist Sunni Islam group and it is as the biggest Islamic social organisation in Indonesia. This organisation was established on January 31, 1926 to preserve the local culture and maintain Aswaja (Ah-al-Sunnah wal Jama’ah) in Indonesia. Abdurrahman Wahid, the grandson of NU founder Hasyim Asy'ari, inherited the leadership from his father, and was later elected Presiden of the Republic of Indonesia in 1999. The NU is visible in the form of accepted traditional culture which is as part of Indonesian culture. The conggres of NU on 1-5 August 2015 declares itself as Islam Nusantara (Archipelagic Islam). This is an ijtihad, theological judgements based on the fundementals of religion, to elevate Islam as rahmat lil ‘alamiin (blessing for the entire universe). It is a concept of Islam which teaches its adherents to live together with others. Besides, this concept is also used to decrease social tensions between Islam and local cultures that have been existed before Islam entering to the society. For Muhammadiyah, Islam is not merely teaching peace but Islam should be progressive in the peaceful coexistence. Therefore Islam is not a religion as such, it is also civilisation.The issues are strongly relevant to current situation of Mulsims in the East and West, which have similar problem called humanity crisis such as Palestine in the East and Islamophobia in the West. However, Muslims still believe that Islamic value will be an alternative value for the future civilization both in the East and West. Besides, Islamic values have proved its history as ethical basis of civilizations. The shared values and cultures have been practised by people in the East and West for long time even when state nation (nationalism) had not been established yet. People to people contact around the world had been taken place to strengthen the shared culture (values). They have similar experience how Islam to manage the country which consists of diversity in culture and at the same time how to encounter social and communal problems such as radicalism, capitalism, and globalisation.

The environmental-ecological problem that humanity faces today is believed to be as ‘the ultimate life issue.’Such is the rationale for the study. This research investigates the said issue thru descriptive-historical research. Lonergan’smethod is used as a framework of the study. Lonergan distinguishes four realms of meaning as: (1) common sense, (2) theory, (3) interiority, and (4) transcendence. The investigation covers the gamut of the ecological problem, the causes and origins, the present environmental situation, its encompassing effects, and the different paradigmatic responses to it. The environmental crisis can be traced from how the people’s mindset and cultural attitudes operate in relationto how nature can be used in the pursuit of science, modernization, growth, and progress. The sad state of theenvironmental degradation includes the prevalence of continued deforestation, uncontrolled flooding, topsoil erosion,heavily silted inland waterways, destruction of coral reefs, and various forms of pollution. Amidst the crisis, hope can be seenfrom the moral values and beliefs of Filipinos. Social principles can be transformed into practice through authentic humanfunctioning associated with knowledge and choice. References Boff, L. Cry of the poor, cry of the earth. New York: Orbis Books. Bokenkotter, T. 1992. Dynamic Catholicism: A historical catechism. New York: ImageBooks, 1997. Byrne, B. Inheriting the Earth: The Pauline basis of a spirituality of our time. NewYork: Alba House, 1990. Cajes, P.A. Anitism and Perichoresis: Towards a Filipino Christian Eco-theology ofNature. Quezon City: Our Lady of Angel Seminary, 2002. Cane, B. Circles of hope: Breathing life and spirit into a wounded world.Makati: St.Paul Philippines, 1997. Christiansen, D. & Grazer, W. (Eds). “And God saw that it was good:” Catholic theologyand the environment. Washington: United States Catholic Conference, 1996. Church, A.T. Filipino personality: A review of research and writings. Manila: De LaSalle University Press Monograph Series Number 6, 1986. Church, A.T. & Katigbak, M.S. Filipino personality: Indigenous and cross-culturalstudies. Manila: De La Salle University Press, Inc, 2000. Conn, W. Christian conversion: A developmental interpretation of autonomy andsurrender. New York: Paulist Press, 1986. Dorr, D. Integrated spirituality: Resources for community, peace, justice and theearth. New York: Orbis Books, 1990. ________. The social justice agenda: Justice, ecology, power and the Church.NewYork: Orbis Books, 1991. Enriquez, V.G. From Colonial to Liberation Psychology: The Philippine Experience.Manila: De La Salle University Press, 1994a. _______________. Pagbabangong dangal: Indigenous psychology and cultural empowerment.Philippines: Pugad Lawin Press, 1994b. Gamalinda, E. (Ed.). Saving the earth: The Philippine experience. Manila: PhilippineCenter for Investigative Journalism, 1990. Grace, R.J. The transcendental method of Bernard Lonergan. Retrieved on July 1,2002, from http://pages.sbcglobal.net/rjgrace/lonergan.htm, 2001. Gorospe, V.R. Filipino values revisited. Manila: National Book Store, 1988. Haughey, J.C. The faith that does justice: Examining the christian sources for socialchange. New York: Paulist Press, 1977. Hill, B.R. Christian faith and the environment: Making vital connections. New York:Orbis Books, 1998. Holland, J. & Henriot, P. Social Analysis: Linking faith and justice. Revised andEnlarged Edition. New York: Orbis Books, 1983. Hui, S. Deforestation: Humankind and the global ecological crisis. Retrieved onJune 22, 2002, from http://www.aquapulse.net/knowledge/deforestation.html, 1997. International Commission on J.P.I.C. Manual for promoters of justice, peace andintegrity of creation. Quezon City: Claretian Pulications, 1998. Institute on Church and social Issues. The Philippine National Situationer. QuezonCity: Institute on Church and Social Issues, 1999. Johnson, E. A. Women, earth, and creator spirit. New Jersey: Paulist Press, 1993. _______________. “Losing and finding creation in Christian Tradition,” in Hessel, andR.R. Ruether. (2000). (Eds). Christianity and ecology: Seeking the well-beingof earth and humans. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000. Lonergan, B.J.F. Introducing the thought of Bernard Lonergan. London: Darton,Longman & Tood, (1973). Lonergan, B.J.F. Method in theology. Canada: Toronto University Press, 1994. McDonagh, S. To care for the earth: A call to a new theology. London: GoeffreyChapman, 1986. McDonagh, S. The greening of the church. New York: Orbis Books, 1990. _______________. Passion for the earth: The christian vocation to promote justice,peace, and the integrity of creation. London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1994. McFague, S. The body of God: An ecological theology. London: SCM Press, Ltd, 1993. Natividad, E.L. Chaos Theory and Theology: Scientific perspectives on Divine action.Unpublished doctoral dissertation, De La Salle University, Manila, 2000. Northcott, M.S. The environment and Christian ethics. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1999. Robbins, O., & Solomon, S. Choices for our future: A generation rising for the life onearth. Tennessee: Book Publishing Company, 1994. Romero, S.E. Changing Filipino values and the re-democratization of governance.In Han Sung-Joo. (1999). (Ed.). Changing values in Asia: Their impact ongovernance and development. Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 1999. Ruether, R.R. (Ed.). Women healing earth: Third world women on ecology,feminism,and religion. New York: Orbis Books, 1996. ______________. Sexism and God-Talk: Toward a feminist theology. New York: PaulistPress, 1983. Ruether, R.R. The biblical vision of ecological crisis. Retrieved on July 5,2002 from http://www.religion-online.org/cgi-bin/relsearchd. dll/showarticle?item_id=1807, 1978. Ryan, T. Ecology. In Dwyer, J.A. (1994). (Ed). The new dictionary of Catholic socialthought. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1994. Smith, P. What are they saying about environmental ethics? NY/Mahwah, NJ: PaulistPress, 1997. Streeter, C.M. “Aquinas, Lonergan, and the split soul,” Theology Digest, 32, 4, 1985. Swimme, B. Where does your faith fit in the cosmos? Retrieved September 14,2001, in http://www.uscatholic.org/1997/06/cosmos.html, 1997. Time Magazine. Global warming: Feeling the heat. Time Magazine Special Report.9 April 2001. Wenz, D.S. Environmental ethics today. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. White, L. The historical roots of our ecological crisis. Retrieved on July 5, 2002 inhttp://www.zbi.ee/~kalevi/lwhite.htm, 2002. Utting, P. (Ed.). Forest policy and politics in the Philippines: The dynamics of participatoryconservation. Quezon City: United Nations Research for SocialDevelopment and Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2000. Zimmerman, M.E. (Ed.). Environmental philosophy: From animal rights to radicalecology. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1993.

Introduction Daffodil Day, usually held in spring, raises funds for cancer awareness and research using this symbol of hope. On that day, people who donate money to this good cause are usually given a yellow daffodil pin to wear. When I lived in Auckland, New Zealand, on the last Friday in August most people walking around the city centre proudly wore a cheerful yellow flower. So many people generously participated in this initiative that one almost felt obliged to join the cause in order to wear the ‘uniform’ – the daffodil pin – as everyone else did on that day. To donate and to wear a daffodil is the social expectation, and operating in social environment people often endeavour to meet the expectation by doing the ‘appropriate things’ defined by societies or communities. After all, who does not like to receive a beam of acceptance and appreciation from a fellow daffodil bearer in Auckland’s Queen Street? States in international society are no different. In some ways, states wear ‘uniforms’ while executing domestic and foreign affairs just as human beings do within their social groups. States develop the understandings of desirable behaviour from the international community with which they interact and identify. They are ‘socialised’ to act in line with the expectations of international community. These expectations are expressed in the form of international norms, a prescriptive set of ideas about the ‘appropriate behaviour for actors with a given identity’ (Finnemore and Sikkink 891). Motivated by this logic of appropriateness, states that comply with certain international norms in world politics justify and undertake actions that are considered appropriate for their identities. This essay starts with examining how international norms can be spread to different countries through the process of ‘state socialisation’ (how the countries are ‘talked into’ wearing the ‘uniform’). Second, the essay investigates the idea of ‘cultural match’: how domestic actors comply with an international norm by interpreting and manipulating it according to their local political and legal practices (how the countries wear the ‘uniform’ differently). Lastly, the essay probes the current international normative community and the liberal values embedded in major international norms (whether states would continue wearing the ‘uniform’). International Norms and State Socialisation: Why Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’? Norm diffusion is related to the efforts of ‘norm entrepreneurs’ using various platforms to convince a critical mass of states to embrace new norms (Finnemore and Sikkink 895-896). Early studies of norm diffusion tend to emphasise nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as norm entrepreneurs and advocates, such as Oxfam and its goal of reducing poverty and hunger worldwide (Capie 638). In other empirical research, intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) were shown to serve as ‘norm teachers,’ such as UNESCO educating developing countries the value of science policy organisations (Finnemore 581-586). Additionally, states and other international actors can also play important roles in norm diffusion. Powerful states with more communication resources sometimes enjoy advantages in creating and promoting new norms (Florini 375). For example, the United States and Western European countries have often been considered as the major proponents of free trade. Norm emergence and state socialisation in a normative community often occurs during critical historical periods, such as wars and major economic downturns, when international changes and domestic crises often coincide with each other (Ikenberry and Kupchan 292). For instance, the norm entrepreneurs of ‘responsible power/state’ can be traced back to the great powers (mainly the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union) and their management of international order at the end of WWII (see Bull). With their negotiations and series of international agreements at the Cairo, Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam Conference in the 1940s, these great powers established a post-World War international society based on the key liberal values of international peace and security, free trade, human rights, and democracy. Human beings are not born to know what appropriate behaviour is; we learn social norms from parents, schools, peers, and other community members. International norms are collective expectations and understanding of how state governments should approach their domestic and foreign affairs. States ‘learn’ international norms while socialising with a normative community. From a sociological perspective, socialisation summarises ‘how and to what extent diverse individuals are meshed with the requirement of collective life’ at the societal level (Long and Hadden 39). It mainly consists of the process of training and shaping newcomers by the group members and the social adjustment of novices to the normative framework and the logic of appropriateness (Long and Hadden 39). Similarly, social psychology defines socialisation as the process in which ‘social organisations influence the action and experience of individuals’ (Gold and Douvan 145). Inspired by sociology and psychology, political scientists consider socialisation to be the mechanism through which norm entrepreneurs persuade other actors (usually a norm novice) to adhere to a particular prescriptive standard (Johnston, “Social State” 16). Norm entrepreneurs can change novices’ behaviour by the methods of persuasion and social influence (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 496-506). Socialisation sometimes demands that individual actors should comply with organisational norms by changing their interests or preferences (persuasion). Norm entrepreneurs often attempt to construct an appealing cognitive frame in order to persuade the novices (either individuals or states) to change their normative preferences or adopt new norms. They tend to use language that can ‘name, interpret and dramatise’ the issues related to the emerging norm (Finnemore and Sikkink 987). As a main persuasive device, ‘framing’ can provide a singular interpretation and appropriate behavioural response for a particular situation (Payne 39). Cognitive consistency theory found in psychology has suggested the mechanism of ‘analogy’, which indicates that actors are more likely to accept new ideas that share some similarities to the extant belief or ideas that they have already accepted (see Hybel, ch. 2). Based on this understanding, norm entrepreneurs usually frame issues in a way that can associate and resonate with the shared value of the targeted novices (Payne 43). For example, Finnemore’s research shows that when it promoted the creation of state science bureaucracies in the 1960s, UNESCO associated professional science policy-making with the appropriate role of a modern state, which was well received by the post-war developing countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia (Finnemore 565-597). Socialisation can also emanate actors’ pro-norm behaviour through a cost-benefit calculation made with social rewards and punishments (social influence). A normative community can use the mechanism of back-patting and opprobrium to distribute social reward and punishment. Back-patting – ‘recognition, praise and normative support’ – is offered for a novice’s or member’s cooperative and pro-norm behaviour (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503). In contrast, opprobrium associated with status denial and identity rejection can create social and psychological costs (Johnston 504). Both the reward and punishment grow in intensity with the number of co-operators (Johnston 504). A larger community can often create more criticism towards rule-breakers, and thus greatly increase the cost of disobedience. For instance, the lack of full commitment from major powers, such as China, the United States, and some other OECD countries, has arguably made global collective action towards mitigating climate change more difficult, as the cost of non-compliance is relatively low. While being in a normative environment, novice or emerging states that have not yet been socialised into the international community can respond to persuasion and social influence through the processes of identification and mimicking. Social psychology indicates that when one actor accepts persuasion or social influence based on its desire to build or maintain a ‘satisfying self-defining relationship’ to another actor, the mechanism of identification starts to work (Kelman 53). Identification among a social group can generate ‘obligatory’ behaviour, where individual states make decisions by attempting to match their perceptions of ‘who they are’ (national identity) with the expectation of the normative community (Glodgeier and Tetlock 82). After identifying with the normative community, a novice state would then mimic peer states’ pro-norm behaviour in order to be considered as a qualified member of the social group. For example, when the Chinese government was deliberating over its ratification of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety in 2003, a Ministry of Environmental Protection brief noted that China should ratify the Protocol as soon as possible because China had always been a country ‘keeping its word’ in international society, and non-ratification would largely ‘undermine China’s international image and reputation’ (Ministry of Environmental Protection of PRC). Despite the domestic industry’s disagreement with entering into the Protocol, the Chinese government’s self-identification as a ‘responsible state’ that performs its international promises and duties played an important role in China’s adoption of the international norm of biosafety. Domestic Salience of International Norms: How Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’ Differently? Individual states do not accept international norms passively; instead, state governments often negotiate and interact with domestic actors, such as major industries and interest groups, whose actions and understandings in turn impact on how the norm is understood and implemented. This in turn feeds back to the larger normative community and creates variations of those norms. There are three main factors that can contribute to the domestic salience of an international norm. First, as the norm-takers, domestic actors can decide whether and to what extent an international norm can enter the domestic agenda and how it will be implemented in policy-making. These actors tend to favour an international norm that can justify their political and social programs and promote their interests in domestic policy debates (Cortell and Davis, “How Do International Institutions Matter?” 453). By advocating the existence and adoption of an international norm, domestic actors attempt to enhance the legitimacy and authority of their current policy or institution (Acharya, “How Ideas Spread” 248). Political elites can strengthen state legitimacy by complying with an international norm in their policy-making, and consequently obtain international approval with reputation, trust, and credibility as social benefits in the international community (Finnemore and Sikkink 903). For example, when the UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), only four states – Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States – voted against the Declaration. They argued that their constitutional and national policies were sufficiently responsive to the type of Indigenous self-determination envisioned by UNDRIP. Nevertheless, given the opprobrium directed against these states by the international community, and their well-organised Indigenous populations, the four state leaders recognised the value of supporting UNDRIP. Subsequently all four states adopted the Declaration, but in each instance state leaders observed UNDRIP’s ‘aspirational’ rather than legal status; UNDRIP was a statement of values that these states’ policies should seek to incorporate into their domestic Indigenous law. Second, the various cultural, political, and institutional strategies of domestic actors can influence the effectiveness of norm empowerment. Political rhetoric and political institutions are usually created and used to promote a norm domestically. Both state and societal leaders can make the performative speech act of an international norm work and raise its importance in a national context by repeated declarations on the legitimacy and obligations brought by the norm (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). Moreover, domestic actors can also develop or modify political institutions to incorporate an international norm into the domestic bureaucratic or legal system (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). These institutions provide rules for domestic actors and articulate their rights and obligations, which transforms the international norm’s legitimacy and authority into local practices. For example, the New Zealand Government adopted a non-nuclear policy in the 1980s. This policy arose from the non-nuclear movement that was leading the development of the Raratonga Treaty (South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone) and peace and Green party movements across Europe who sought to de-nuclearise the European continent. The Lange Labour Government’s 1984 adoption of an NZ anti-nuclear policy gained impetus because of these larger norm movements, and these movements in turn recognised the normative importance of a smaller power in international relations. Third, the characteristics of the international norm can also impact on the likelihood that the norm will be accepted by domestic actors. A ‘cultural match’ between international norm and local values can facilitate norm diffusion to domestic level. Sociologists suggest that norm diffusion is more likely to be successful if the norm is congruent with the prior values and practices of the norm-taker (Acharya, “Asian Regional Institutions” 14). Norm diffusion tends to be more efficient when there is a high degree of cultural match such that the global norm resonates with the target country’s domestic values, beliefs or understandings, which in turn can be reflected in national discourse, as well as the legal and bureaucratic system (Checkel 87; Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 73). With such cultural consistency, domestic actors are more likely to accept an international norm and treat it as a given or as ‘matter-of-fact’ (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 74). Cultural match in norm localisation explains why identical or similar international socialisation processes can lead to quite different local developments and variations of international norms. The debate between universal human rights and the ‘Asian values’ of human rights is an example where some Asian states, such as Singapore and China, prioritise citizen’s economic rights over social and political rights and embrace collective rights instead of individual rights. Cultural match can also explain why one country may easily accept a certain international norm, or some aspect of one particular norm, while rejecting others. For example, when Taiwanese and Japanese governments adapted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples into their local political and legal practice, various cultural aspects of Indigenous rights have been more thoroughly implemented compared to indigenous economic and political rights (Gao et al. 60-65). In some extreme cases, the norm entrepreneurs even attempt to change the local culture of norm recipients to create a better cultural match for norm localisation. For example, when it tried to socialise India into its colonial system in the early nineteenth century, Britain successfully shaped the evolution of Indian political culture by adding British values and practices into India’s social, political, and judicial system (Ikenberry and Kupchan 307-309). The International Normative Community: Would States Continue Wearing ‘Uniforms’? International norms evolve. Not every international norm can survive and sustain. For example, while imperialism and colonial expansion, where various European states explored, conquered, settled, and exploited other parts of the world, was a widely accepted idea and practice in the nineteenth century, state sovereignty, equality, and individual rights have replaced imperialism and become the prevailing norms in international society today. The meanings of the same international norm can evolve as well. The Great Powers first established the post-war international norms of ‘state responsibility’ based on the idea of sovereign equality and non-intervention of domestic affairs. However, the 1980s saw the emergence of many international organisations, which built new standards and offered new meanings for a responsible state in international society: a responsible state must actively participate in international organisations and comply with international regimes. In the post-Cold War era, international society has paid more attention to states’ responsibility to offer global common goods and to promote the values of human rights and democracy. This shift of focus has changed the international expectation of state responsibility again to embrace collective goods and global values (Foot, “Chinese Power” 3-11). In addition to the nature and evolution of international norms, the unity and strength of the normative community can also affect states’ compliance with the norms. The growing size of the community group or the number of other cooperatives can amplify the effect of socialisation (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503-506). In other words, individual states are often more concerned about their national image, reputation and identity regarding norm compliance when a critical mass of states have already subscribed into the international norm. How much could this critical mass be? Finnemore and Sikkink suggest that international norms reach the threshold global acceptance when the norm entrepreneurs have persuaded at least one third of all states to adopt the new norm (901). The veto record of the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) shows this impact. China, for example, has cast a UNSC veto vote 17 times as of 2022, but it has rarely excised its veto power alone (Security Council Report). For instance, though being sceptical of the notion of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which prioritises human right over state sovereignty, China did not veto Resolution 1973 (2011) regarding the Libyan civil war. The Resolution allowed the international society to take ‘all necessary measure to protect civilians’ from a failed state government, and it received wide support among UNSC members (no negative votes from the other 14 members). Moreover, states are not entirely equal in terms of their ‘normative weight’. When Great Powers act as norm entrepreneurs, they can usually utilise their wealth and influence to better socialise other norm novice states. In the history of promoting biological diversity norms which are embedded in the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the OECD countries, especially France, UK, Germany, and Japan, have been regarded as normative leaders. French and Japanese political leaders employed normative language (such as ‘need’ and ‘must’) in various international forums to promote the norms and to highlight their normative commitment (see e.g. Chirac; Kan). Additionally, both governments provided financial assistance for developing countries to adopt the biodiversity norms. In the 2011 annual review of CBD, Japan reaffirmed its US$12 million contribution to assisting developing countries (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). France joined Japan’s commitment by announcing a financial contribution of €1 million along, with some additional funding from Norway and Switzerland (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). Today, biological diversity has been one of the most widely accepted international environmental norms, which 196 states/nations have ratified (United Nations). While Great Powers can make more substantial contributions to norm diffusion compared to many smaller powers with limited state capacity, Great Powers’ non-compliance with the normative ‘uniform’ can also significantly undermine the international norms’ validity and the normative community’s unity and reputation. The current normative community of climate change is hardly a unified one, as it is characterised by a low degree of consensus. Major industrial countries, such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, have not yet reached an agreement concerning their individual responsibilities for reducing greenhouse emissions. This lack of agreement, which includes the amount of cuts, the feasibility and usefulness of such cuts, and the relative sharing of cuts across various states, is complicated by the fact that large developing countries, such as China, Brazil, and India, also hold different opinions towards climate change regimes (see Vidal et al.). Experts heavily criticised the major global powers, such as the European Union and the United States, for their lack of ambition in phasing out fossil fuels during the 2022 climate summit in Egypt (COP27; Ehsan et al.). In international trade, both China and the United States are among the leading powers because of their large trade volume, capacity, and transnational network; however, both countries have recently undermined the world trade system and norms. China took punitive measures against Australian export products after Australia’s Covid-19 inquiry request at the World Health Organisation. The United States, particularly under the Trump Administration, invoked the WTO national security exception in Article XXI of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to justify its tariffs on steel and aluminium. Lastly, norm diffusion and socialisation can be a ‘two-way path,’ especially when the norm novice state is a powerful and influential state in the international system. In this case, the novices are not merely assimilated into the group, but can also successfully exert some influence on other group members and affect intra-group relations (Moreland 1174). As such, the novices can be both targets of socialisation and active agents who can shape the content and outcome of socialisation processes (Pu 344). The influence from the novices can create normative contestation and thus influence the norm evolution (Thies 547). In other words, novice states can influence international society and shape the international norm during the socialisation process. For example, the ‘ASEAN Way’ is a set of norms that regulate member states’ relationships within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It establishes a diplomatic and security culture characterised by informality, consultation, and dialogue, and consensus-building in decision-making processes (Caballero-Anthony). From its interaction with ASEAN, China has been socialised into the ‘ASEAN Way’ (Ba 157-159). Nevertheless, China’s relations with the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) also suggest that there exists a ‘feedback’ process between China and ARF which resulted in institutional changes in ARF to accommodate China’s response (Johnston, “The Myth of the ASEAN Way?” 291). For another example, while the Western powers generally promote the norm of ‘shared responsibility’ in global environment regimes, the emerging economies, such as the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), have responded to the normative engagement and proposed a ‘Common but Differentiated Responsibilities’ regime where the developing countries shoulder less international obligations. Similarly, the Western-led norm of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which justifies international humanitarian intervention, has received much resistance from the countries that only adhere to the conventional international rules regarding state sovereignty rights and non-intervention to domestic affairs. Conclusion International norms are shared expectations about what constitutes appropriate state behaviour. They are the ‘uniforms’ for individual states to wear when operating at the international level. States comply with international norms in order to affirm their preferred national identities as well as to gain social acceptance and reputation in the normative community. When the normative community is united and sizable, states tend to receive more social pressure to consistently wear these normative uniforms – be they the Geneva Conventions or nuclear non-proliferation. Nevertheless, in the post-pandemic world where liberal values, such as individual rights and rule of law, face significant challenges and democracies are in decline, the future success of the global normative community may be at risk. Great Powers are especially responsible for the survival and sustainability of international norms. The United States under President Trump adopted a nationalist ‘America First’ security agenda: alienating traditional allies, befriending authoritarian regimes previously shunned, and rejecting multilateralism as the foundation of the post-war global order. While the West has been criticised of failing to live up to its declared values, and has suffered its own loss of confidence in the liberal model, the rising powers have offered their alternative version of the world system. Instead of merely adapting to the Western-led global norms, China has created new institutions, such as the Belt and Road Initiatives, to promote its own preferred values, and has reshaped the global order where it deems the norms undesirable (Foot, “Chinese Power in a Changing World Order” 7). Great Power participation has reshaped the landscape of global normative community, and sadly not always in positive ways. Umberto Eco lamented the disappearance of the beauty of the past in his novel The Name of the Rose: ‘stat rosa pristina nomine, nomina nuda tenemus’ ('yesterday’s rose endures in its name, we hold empty names'; Eco 538). If the international community does not want to witness an era where global norms and universal values are reduced to nominalist symbols, it must renew and reinvigorate its commitment to global values, such as human rights and democracy. It must consider wearing these uniforms again, properly. 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At the outset of World War I the United States sought to remain neutral but because of Germany’s unrestricted submarine warfare ultimately entered the conflict on the side of Great Britain and France. American troops contributed to the Allied victory in 1918. At the postwar Paris Peace Conference the American president Woodrow Wilson orchestrated the creation of an international peace-keeping organization, the League of Nations, but the United States Senate rejected American membership in it. In the postwar period the United States attempted to support peace through naval arms control in the Pacific and to stabilize the European economies by adjusting Germany’s reparations payments to France and Great Britain, but the Great Depression brought severe economic hardship to Europe and North America and in East Asia Japan seized part of China despite American protests.

According to the UN World Tourism Organization’s (UNWTO) rules, this organization’s aim is to promote tourism through economic development, international understanding, peace, security, basic human rights and freedom, and to show respect throughout the world without exception of race, gender or religion. The World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) was founded in 1924 under the United Nations and it has been continuing its activities in Madrid, Spain since 1970. The World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) takes all necessary measures with tourism in order to achieve its goals. The UNWTO pays strict attention to the interests of developing countries in the field of tourism. For this reason, the UNWTO has a close relationship in the tourism field with the United Nations’ authorities and specialized institutions. It deals with the tourism problems of all countries and supports their contributions to tourism by international agreements. On the other hand, the UNWTO is cooperating with the United Nations Development Program and tries to contribute to the activities of this program. All countries are expected to be a member of the UNWTO and adopt its principles, because tourism will make it possible for them to increase National Income and Development. Macedonia hasn’t applied to be a member of this organization yet, but it is important to start the attempts immediately.