Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Women social reformers”

Social Reformers faced so many legal problems for women welfare in our society. They want to reform the condition of women in our society. There are so many bad traditions enforced on women who force them to follow rules which are against their development in our society, society never wants reforms to their condition which is against women but some social reformers fight against the law which is made by society for women. It is very clear they never want to change the Law against women which was fabricated by them but some social reformers fight against those Law which was made by the society. They also knew that all these laws which were imposed on women, that are the cruelty of society under which women can never develop in our society. Gradually, the awareness in women increased and she felt that all these laws were against her.

During the 1990s, the Berlin women’s prison was reformed to do justice to female inmates. This redesigning of space and programs was intended to meet women-specific conditions and needs. The present paper engages with this prison reform as transformation in the name of gender justice. Based on interviews with prison reformers, criminologists, and policymakers, as well as on the analysis of historical documents, we illuminate how a specific figure of the “criminalized woman” helps to translate the abstract notion of social justice into situated practice. From the 1970s onward, a new knowledge of women’s crime would emerge: it constituted female offenders as victims of patriarchal oppression and victimization, allowing the prison system to be criticized as androcentric and discriminatory against women. We argue that subsequent reform pursued gender justice in the form of difference-based, gender-responsive programs and spaces targeting individual inmates’ character and mindset. Thereby, the reformers’ initial critique of social justice would be unintentionally depoliticized and so gender, economic, and political inequalities remained unaddressed. Our purpose is hence twofold: first, to review the recent history of women’s incarceration in Germany, and second, to add a social justice focus to the international criminological debate on gender, prison, and reform.

India can presently be called a leading nation while considering the field of women education. But the scenario was not always the same. Women had to struggle to reach this summit. The path was not easy and smooth. Interestingly enough, eminent women themselves played a crucial role in not only establishing themselves, but also in promoting women’s education, health, shelter homes, care for the orphans etc. They established schools and other institutes to promote education to not only the women but also to the weaker section of the society and fight against the injustice. This paper is an attempt to remember few of these eminent women, like Tarabai Modak, Durgabai Deshmukh, Anutai Wagh, Pandita Ramabai, Pandita Brahmacharini Chandbai, Nawab Begum Sultan Kaikhusrau Jahan, who were path breakers in their attempt to transcend the homely domain and set a new milestone. This paper also attempts to credit these noteworthy women for their extraordinary contribution to social services. Keywords: Women Educators, Women Reformers, Female Education, Indian Women.

Marked differences in mid-twentieth-century reformers' approaches to politically active working women in Belize and Puerto Rico help to explain the emergence of colonial hegemony in the latter, and the rise of mass nationalism in the former. Reformers in both colonies were concerned with working women, but whereas British and Belizean reformers treated them as sexually and politically disordered, and aimed to transform them from militant wage-earners to clients of state social services, US and Puerto Rican reformers treated them as voting citizens with legitimate roles in the economy and labour movement. Although racialised moralism was not absent in Puerto Rico, the populism of colonial reform there helped cement a renegotiated colonial compact, while the non-populist character of reform in Belize – and the wider British Caribbean – alienated working women from the colonial state.

This paper looks at South Indian social reformer and anti-caste radical Periyar E.V. Ramasamy's approach to the women's question. Periyar was not just an advocate of social and economic equality between the sexes but espoused a radical concept of sexual freedom for women, which is central to his concept of liberty as such. While the anti-colonialists of his period defended native traditions and customs, Periyar welcomed modernity and saw it laden with possibilities for the emancipation of women. Likewise, where other social reformers addressed the women's question within the ambit of the nation and/or the family, Periyar saw both nation and family as institutions that limited the liberties of women. This paper compares his thoughts with The Dialectic of Sex, the key work of the radical feminist Shulamith Firestone, and highlights the similarities in their approach to women's liberation and sexual freedom, especially their critique of child-rearing and child-bearing. It explores Periyar's booklet Women Enslaved in detail and engages with lesser known, new primary material of Periyar on the women's question, concluding with a discussion of his perspective of the West.

Early twentieth-century social reformers claimed that public insurance was necessary because employers ignored the financial needs of their unemployed, injured, or ill workers. Reformers dismissed the idea that competition in the labor market would boost the wages of workers who faced greater chances of job-related financial distress. This article reports a test of the compensating-wage-difference hypothesis on wage samples of men, women, and children from 1884 to 1903. We found mixed support for the reformers' claims: unemployment risk tended to be fully compensated; accident risk was only partially compensated; and occupational illness went unremunerated.

Human society was degraded by superstitious practices without intellectual awareness. The society of the day was subjected to decline and suffering. The social reformers who emerged among the communities guided the people. Among them, Jesus, Prophet, Buddha, Gandhi, and others are notable. From time-to-time reformers appeared to reform society on the soil. Because of the illiteracy of the people, inequality and atrocities in society took place every day. Communalism and caste oppression swelled, and women and the downtrodden suffered from irrational acts. There are plenty of intellectual organizations on the soil that have arisen to reform human society to recover from them. The purpose of this article is to study the Dravidian movement that reformed the people against the atrocities of caste, religion, labour exploitation, and bonded labour in southern Tamil Nadu, and the creator Arangannal, who assimilated and spoke and wrote Dravidian ideology.

ABSTRACT: Elizabeth Gaskell’s protagonists are often categorized as redundant, particularly spinsters and widows. Such characters potentially complicate Gaskell’s feminist status, seemingly embodying the repressive stereotypes of Victorian femininity. But rather than portraying them as unproductive, ridiculous, and marginal, Gaskell creates characters who directly counter the idea of redundancy. Her spinsters and widows are reformers who catalyze significant social change and redefine the power of elderly, unmarried women against patriarchal paradigms. The shift from redundancy to reform is especially evident in Cranford (1853) and My Lady Ludlow (1858), which cast Miss Matty and Lady Ludlow as influential social figures who not only challenge tradition but reject its intolerance by working to rebuild their communities around a more inclusive model based on morality and relationality.

Until a few decades ago, crime was considered to be a predominantly male phenomenon, but as women increasingly joined the mainstream of society, their share in crime increased considerably the world over. The family unit has been torn apart because of economic necessity, increasing awareness of women’s rights and the need to step out of home to reach the work place. In fact the growing rate of woman prisoners can be linked to social changes, especially in urbanization and new agents of social control such as urban police and moral reformers. The fewer job opportunities and lower wages for women resulted in economic marginalization and increased the need for women to resort to crimes such as prostitution, especially during wars, when men were not able to support their families. Prostitution was often, the most readily available way for women to support themselves and their children.

This thesis aims to test the assumption that Progressive Era social reform was a product of "a generation" of reformers. It applies theoretical formulations advanced by socialists and historians, to a specific group of women progressive social reformers who have been characterised as a generation in a fashion common to the treatment of generations in the historiography on progressivism in general. The working hypothesis is that the concept of generation has no meaningful application to the period and has simply been used for rhetorical and literary effect by commentators within and following the Progressive Era. The methodology adopted consists of the following: the selection of a "prime generation candidate" i.e. a tight homogeneous grouping of reformers, of the same sex, roughly the same age, bound together by a dense interlocking network of agencies and institutions, and portrayed as members of a "progressive generation" by historians; the application to this group of generational criteria established by theorists: the subsequent examination of the limitations of the generational criteria to explain important aspects of the individual members' motivation, similarities, differences, decisions, preferences and actions. Chapter one surveys the use of the concept of "generation" by historians of the Progressive Era, and examines theoretical formulations of the concept of "generation" that have been advanced by social scientists and historians; the object being to establish that a "generational question" does indeed loom over Progressive Era social reform and over women's social reform in particular. In chapter two the sample of women social reformers to whom these theoretical formulations are to be applied is selected and the criteria on which the selection is made is justified.

This thesis traces the evolution and emergence of the new-vice regal woman during a high point of the British Empire. The social, political and economic forces of the age, which transformed British society, presented different challenges and responsibilities for all women, not least those of the upper-class. Aristocratic women responded to these challenges in a distinctive manner when accompanying their husbands to the colonies and dominions as vice-regal consorts. In the last years of Queen Victoria’s reign a unique link was established between the monarchy and her female representatives throughout the Empire. The concept of the new vice-regal woman during the period 1884-1914 was explored through three case studies. The imperial stores of Lady Hariot Dufferin (1843-1936), Lady Ishbel Aberdeen (1857-1939), and Lady Rachel Dudley (c.1867-1920), establishes both the existence and importance of a new breed of vice-regal woman, one who was a modern, dynamic and pro-active imperialist. From 1884-1914 these three new vice-regal women pushed established boundaries and broke new ground. As a result, during their vice-regal lives, Ladies Dufferin, Aberdeen and Dudley initiated far reaching organisations in India, Ireland, Canada and
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Thesis (Ed.D)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1991.
Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Ellen Condliffe Lagcmann. Dissertation Committee: Douglas Sloan. Includes bibliographical references (¡. 208-220).

Frances Wright attempted to reform America between 1825 and 1839. Her activities were unlike any other for a woman of her time. In public lectures to audiences of men and women throughout the East and Midwest, she spoke on the evils of orthodox religion and advocated abolition, equal rights, and universal education for all people regardless of gender or class. In both action and thought, she challenged all notions of nineteenth-century womanhood. Wright's public career helps illuminate the history of antebellum American reform because it reflects the ferment and range of such activity.This study will demonstrate that ideology as a category of study is useful when examining nineteenth-century women in several interrelated contexts. Unlike previous studies examining her as a women's rights advocate, however, this is not a feminist interpretation. Wright's significance as a humanitarian is much larger than any emphasis she gave to women in her rhetoric. Part of her motivation, like her sisters in benevolence reform, involved Christianity and orthodox religion. But unlike most women of her time, Wright believed religion prevented the realization of republican values -- in particular, equality -- because the clergy perpetuated elements of theology scientific methods could not prove true. Intellectual development and social improvement could not occur, she boldly asserted, until Americans threw off religion's blanket of ignorance. Most Americans rejected Wright's denunciations of religion and calls for equality, but to some her message rang true. Her rhetoric planted in progressive women concepts about religious constraints on females and the possibilities of egalitarianism. These individuals would become leaders in the women's rights movement during the final decades of the century.
Department of History

AbstractThis chapter considers pension protection and social services in the post-Soviet space as forms of social policy that can protect older people from risks of social exclusion. We draw on the example of two countries, Russia and Ukraine, which share a common Soviet background. Until relatively recently, both countries held a similar position with regard to the pension protection and social security of old people. However, recent reforms in the area of pensions and social services have generated various possible ways for the development of both countries. In Ukraine, pension reform took place in 2017, and can be described as “softer” in comparison with the Russian version. Ukrainian reform does not involve raising the retirement age, but rather increases the length of service required to retire. Pension reform in Russia has been taking place before our eyes, in 2018–2019. It assumes a sharp rise in the retirement ages for men and women. In addition to addressing pension reform, the chapter considers in more detail social services for older people in Russia and Ukraine. In broad terms, the chapter seeks to answer the following question: How do modern pension reforms and the structure of social services in the post-Soviet space (for example, Russia and Ukraine) affect the social exclusion of older people?

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

AbstractBenefits for families with children—the maternity benefit for pregnant women (1938), the family benefit for large low-income families (1943), and the child benefit for all children (1948)—were among the first reforms which broadened social legislation beyond the stigmatized poor relief in Finland. The practices of applying for and receiving the benefits open a view to the emerging institution of social benefits as lived social citizenship. In the chapter, Harjula approaches the encounters between families and local authorities as scenes of experience, which, as situational frames, set limits for the possible experience. The chapter shows how the early social benefits were characterized by many institutional and ideological continuities from poor relief, framing parallel and contradictory lived social citizenship. The chapter concludes by presenting how these competing citizenships as historical layers of experience had a presence in the later practices of the Finnish welfare state.

Abstract This chapter examines Frances Willard’s support of the late-nineteenth-century social purity movement. Largely associated with British reformers such as Josephine Butler, Ellice Hopkins, and William Stead, Willard drew attention to the double standard that allowed men to sexually abuse women and girls with impunity. In creating a Department of Social Purity, the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) campaigned for raising age-of-consent laws, as well as seeking ways to reach out to women nationally and globally who lived in forced prostitution. The chapter explores how the social purity movement in the WCTU was a major catalyst for the founding of the World’s WCTU. In creating an alliance with the British Women’s Temperance Movement (BWTA), Willard forged an Anglo-American women’s movement that increased Willard’s prominence. It also placed her in the orbit of international women’s leaders such as the Indian reformer Pundita Ramabai.

The epilogue explores the aftermath of war in the 1920s. Emphasizing the diversity of American women, the epilogue notes the inability of white women to find common cause with black women activists as well as the growing strength of right wing conservative women who challenged reformers and feminists whom they viewed as Bolshevist sympathizers. The Epilogue also explores the continuing debate over the “new woman” as it emerged in the 1920s by examining women in the context of politics, work, and family. The contested new woman offers a clue to the limits to change as a result of World War I. However much some women staked a claim to political, social, and economic equality, they faced deeply rooted ideas about women’s primary role in the home as a talisman of social order. Both continuity and change, with modern and traditional notions of womanhood co-existing uneasily, mark the post-war decade.

Abstract In 1899, for the first time ever, the “Girls’ and Women’s Groups for Social Work” in Berlin offered a twelve-month course for women interested in making a career of social work. Although at the end of the nineteenth century the idea of giving middle-class women formal education in social work was still very new, social work training by 1914 had been institutionalized in the form of female social work professional schools (soziale Frauenschulen) in several big cities because of the support of bourgeois feminists and charity reformers.

The study analyzes some barriers and obstacles in the context of women's careers. The aim of the study is to understand the factors and barriers that prevent women from making career decisions. Several career limits and barriers were analyzed, after which, based on the study of the scientific literature, the author proposes a systematization in four constă încategories: socio-economic; social psychological; cultural- traditions; managerial limit. Barriers are examined from the point of view of their reception in terms of gender in the society of the Republic of Moldova. Thus, this article includes the analysis of the information of experiences at national level and of the specialized literature, regarding the aspirations of creation and realization of the professional career.

The publication is dedicated to considering the features of social policy and mechanisms of social protection in the event of unemployment in the developed countries of the world, which have undergone changes as a result of the slowdown in economic growth and the strengthening of the influence of institutional factors. The consequences of the liberalization of reforms in the labour market are studied, with the identification of priorities for the institutionalization of national social policy, especially in the case of unemployment. In connection with the extractive nature of the national labour market in Ukraine, inclusive development with an emphasis on the formation of an inclusive employment policy and social protection of the population is of particular importance. This approach corresponds to modern world concepts of economic development and is relevant in connection with the further search for ways to restore the economy and the social sphere after military operations. The author's approach to overcoming the problems of unemployment and informal employment consists in expanding the coverage of the population by social protection with the development of stimulating the exit from the state of the beneficiary, which consists in reducing the barriers of social and labour inclusion of women, single parents, young people, persons with disabilities, transition from informal employment to formal, increased dependence between employment and access to social benefits.

Demographic change is putting pressure on the sustainability of State Pension systems in many developed countries. In Ireland, there have been recent calls to reform the system of contributions and/or increase the State Pension age in order to avoid significant shortfalls in the Social Insurance Fund (SIF), out of which the State Pension is paid. The Government of Ireland has committed to retaining the State Pension age at 66. In order to achieve this and maintain the viability of the SIF, it has also committed to increasing social security contributions through the Roadmap of Increases to Pay Related Social Insurance (PRSI), which will occur between 2024 and 2028. Using SWITCH, the ESRI’s microsimulation model for Ireland, this paper assesses the consequences of these planned reforms, focussing on the amount of revenue they will raise, on the distribution of income and on financial incentives to work. Our analysis shows that the reforms proposed by the Roadmap will result in revenue gains of €1.6 billion per annum by 2028. The reforms are progressive in nature, affecting high income households by more than low-income households. They affect men by slightly more than women due to their higher labour market participation. Across age-cohorts, the incomes of those aged 25-54 are estimated decrease the most. We estimate that the reforms will increase poverty rates slightly, particularly the child poverty rate. The proposed reforms slightly decrease the financial incentive to work, particularly for those in low-income households. We argue that further reform will be needed beyond 2028 to ensure the continued viability of the SIF, and suggest that policymakers may wish to consider some of the more structural reforms to PRSI and the SIF proposed by the Commission on Taxation and Welfare, the Commission on Pensions and the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council.

As a means to reduce discrimination and promote the economic empowerment of women, there is a growing understanding that tax policy, tax administration and tax research need to be gender transformative. Recognising this need, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) is reshaping and building its approach to tax and gender programming. K4D’s Tax and Gender Learning Journey brought together tax and gender teams to identify other tax and gender stakeholders and collaboratively craft a future approach to tax and gender for FCDO and partners. Initial exploration of the early impact from activities that have taken place amongst partner organisations in Pakistan suggests K4D’s inputs have the potential to bolster intended social reforms across the country’s revenue and other government departments.

Generally, policymakers and tax analysts (as well as donors concerned about gender equity) have not made proper consideration about how tax policies and tax reforms can interact with gendered cultural norms in developing countries. However, there are worries that tax systems are biased against women and that recent tax reforms may increase the incidence of taxes on women and other underprivileged groups – while, at the same time, failing to garner sufficient tax revenue to fund social programmes necessary to enhance their lives. Since women in developing countries are particularly vulnerable to poverty, a comprehensive and rigorous assessment of tax systems (e.g., existing tax laws, tax administrations and new tax reforms) is needed to understand how they are uniquely affected. Gender-responsive tax programming by donors (and developing-country governments) requires dedication to assess the gender impact of tax policy and tax administration – i.e., who benefits and who is losing from existing tax arrangements or proposed reforms. Although there is growing evidence in the academic literature about the gender dimension of tax, there is still very limited programming by donors on tax policy and tax administration with an explicit focus on gender. Similarly, rarely do donor-funded programmes targeting gendered inequities and empowerment of women incorporate a clear tax agenda. However, there is some evidence that this trend is changing. Some recent regional and country programmes on DRM (e.g., on tax administration, tax policy, tax research, etc.), as well as business and investment climate improvement programmes, are incorporating explicit gender targets into their tax programme components. Some of these regional and country programmes are briefly discussed in the review (with more information on these provided in Sections 4 and 5).

The objectives of improving competitiveness and reducing unemployment, in particular among the young and women, are a part of the economic and the political agenda of most Caribbean countries. Labor market institutions play a crucial role. This study analyzes six types of institutions: (i) labor legislation, related to collective bargaining and termination of contracts; (ii) minimum wages (iii) vocational training; (iv) industrial relations; (v) social dialogue, and (vi) the role of the Ministry of Labor, and proposes policies that could contribute to employment and competitiveness. The report adopts a political economy approach and puts forward a characterization of reforms in terms of their potential impact and viability. It concludes that the Caribbean countries have many assets and also some liabilities.

This Poverty and Equity Assessment aims to inform efforts to reduce poverty and inequality at what could be an important turning point for Suriname. The assessment was written as Suriname was gradually emerging from a severe macro-fiscal crisis. After the implementation of stringent reforms, the economy is now showing signs of recovery and Suriname is turning attention to longer-term priorities. The analysis provides insight into the characteristics of poverty and inequality in Suriname and opportunities to address them. The picture that emerges is one of human capital deficiencies at the heart of poverty and inequality and historical inequities still driving patterns of poverty and inequality. However, the current situation also represents a significant opportunity to reduce poverty and inequality through improvements in education outcomes, better connection of labor supply and demand, increased access to economic opportunities for women, and improvements in social assistance. It is our hope that this assessment will contribute to Suriname seizing these opportunities.