Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Whitlam”

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Whitlam"

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Benvenuti, Andrea, i David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente". Journal of Cold War Studies 21, nr 2 (maj 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.

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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, i David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973". Journal of Cold War Studies 12, nr 4 (październik 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.
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Beilharz, Peter. "Whitlam Re-Visited?" Labour History, nr 63 (1992): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509145.

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Lee, J. M. "Wages and Whitlam: the wages policy of the Whitlam government". International Affairs 64, nr 1 (1987): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621572.

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Mishra, Ramesh. "Reviews : Gough Whitlam, The Whitlam Government 1972-1975 (Penguin 1985)". Thesis Eleven 16, nr 1 (luty 1987): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551368701600116.

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Edwards, Peter. "Gough Whitlam: A Moment in History / Gough Whitlam: His Time". Australian Journal of International Affairs 67, nr 5 (listopad 2013): 682–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2013.836946.

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Powell, Mike. "The Whitlam Labor Government: Barnard and Whitlam: A Significant Historical Dyad". Australian Journal of Politics & History 43, nr 2 (kwiecień 1997): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1997.tb01387.x.

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Teichmann, Max. "Assessing the whitlam years". Journal of Australian Studies 11, nr 20 (maj 1987): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058709386949.

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Thornley, Phoebe. "Debunking the ‘Whitlam’ Myth". Media International Australia 77, nr 1 (sierpień 1995): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9507700117.

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Davis, Wendy. "The Production of a Television Event: When Gunston Met Gough at Parliament House". Media International Australia 121, nr 1 (listopad 2006): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0612100112.

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This paper considers 1970s television character Norman Gunston's coverage of the dismissal of Australian prime minister Gough Whitlam on 11 November 1975. The paper explores the power of television comedy to intervene in the construction of a political event and transform it into a joke. Specifically, the paper describes how Gunston's comic practice of carnival mobilises resistance to the usual view of the Whitlam dismissal. The paper also considers television's capacity to transform a political episode into a television event resonating with the technology's cultural force. In particular, the paper considers Deleuze's (1995a). proposition of the connection between television and cultural operations of control. Exploring Deleuze's suggestion, the paper proposes that the Gunston–Whitlam television event demonstrates television's potential to produce a mode of resistance to control — a point about which Deleuze is not particularly optimistic (1995a: 76; 1995b: 175). With this critical perspective on Gunston's intrusion into an Australian political crisis, the paper provides an explanation of the way television comedy can transform and shape our understanding of such an event.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Whitlam"

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Anthonisz, Michael. "Lang and Whitlam : a comparison /". Title page, preface and contents only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ara6282.pdf.

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Meegan, David. "A minister reflects : a critical analysis of Clyde Cameron's view of Gough Whitlam and the Whitlam government /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm494.pdf.

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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.

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Watson, Bruce James. "‘The fig leaf of self-determination’: the triumph of realism in Australia’s response to the 1975 East Timor Crisis". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/22118.

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Indonesia’s 1975 invasion of Portuguese Timor was more than an authoritarian state violating a defenceless neighbour’s sovereignty. The Timor Crisis involved the convergence of major post-war forces: decolonisation of European empires, the Cold War, and the United States’ recalibration of its South East Asian role. This thesis examines the Crisis afresh from a range of perspectives and multi-archival sources. Hitherto, activists have dominated, bringing to attention Indonesia’s malefactions and holding to account those in the West who abetted Indonesia in this tragedy. Why did liberal Australia look away, and even be culpably involved in Indonesia’s invasion of Timor? This thesis argues that in addition to these larger global factors, Australia’s security and new policy of Asian engagement were paramount. Following the European powers failure to protect Australia during the Second World War, and departure from the region, Australia had to relate to its neighbours in a new way. The Timor Crisis was contextualised by Australia’s turbulent relationship with Indonesia, at times supporting Indonesian independence, to opposing it over West New Guinea, and in Confrontation, facing off militarily. With Sukarno deposed, Australia no longer perceived Indonesia a threat. Following Whitlam’s 1972 election, Australia accelerated Asian engagement, seeking acceptance as an independent member of the region. As the Carnation Revolution delivered Portugal’s African colonies to Marxists, Indonesia was determined to deny a communist outpost within its archipelago. Australia’s new policy was now tested: adhere to the norm of self-determination, or pursue engagement with Indonesia, with the social and political differences of both nations on stark display. This thesis shows that Australia’s liberal ideals are abstractions, abandoned in the face of realpolitik, clearly demonstrated in the witches’ brew of the global geopolitical elements that combined to generate the Timor Crisis.
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Johnson, Carol. "Social harmony and Australian labor : the ideology of the Curtin, Chifley and Whitlam Labor governments /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj659.pdf.

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Oden-Walder, Lee. "Dunstan and Whitlam : an examination of aspects of the political relationship between two reformist Labor leaders /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09aro235.pdf.

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Lavelle, Ashley, i n/a. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition". Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040226.151930.

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This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the party’s move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the party’s landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The party’s bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.
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Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, i mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest". Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.

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For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.
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Lavelle, Ashley. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition". Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366181.

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This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the party’s move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the party’s landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The party’s bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Politics and Public Policy
Full Text
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Sadleir, Christopher John, i n/a. "Australia's policy approach to Foreign Direct Investment 1968-2004 as a case study in globalisation, national public policy and public administration". University of Canberra. School of Business & Government, 2007. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20080304.145454.

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Since the latter half of the twentieth century patterns of economic flows and the deployment of systems of production have encouraged greater political and social integration between nation states. This phenomenon, called globalisation, has reinvigorated debate about the nation state as a mode of organisation, and created the conditions for an ongoing natural experiment concerning state adjustment. This experiment, while on a global scale, has led to different responses from national governments, as each grappled with how best to accommodate both domestic and international interests. One neglected aspect of analysis in these processes is the role played by national bureaucracy in state adjustment as a means to move with globalising pressures or to resist their impact. This thesis presents a qualitative analysis of the interaction of one globalising process, foreign direct investment (FDI), and the workings of the nation state, as a means of assessing the way in which the national government has used regulatory processes and its bureaucracy to control FDI. An extended historical case study is used to examine changes in policy, regulation and the organisation of the national bureaucracy concerned with FDI in Australia. The period examined is from 1968 to 2004 enabling comparisons to be made across the experience of seven successive national governments (those led by prime ministers Gorton, McMahon, Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke, Keating and Howard) in the way they managed the domestic and international circumstances that impacted on FDI. This thesis makes a contribution to the literature on the interaction of globalising processes, the nation state and the role played by national public bureaucracies where national and transnational interests intersect. In particular, this thesis identifies the national bureaucracy as a key agent for government in enabling and domesticating the processes of globalisation. This finding demonstrates that national bureaucracy is significant as both a facilitator and the inhibitor of processes of globalisation, and therefore is a key factor in understanding the issues of state adjustment in studies of globalisation.
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Książki na temat "Whitlam"

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Whitlam to Winston. St. Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1997.

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Wages & Whitlam: The wages policy of the Whitlam Government. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1987.

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The Whitlam government, 1972-1975. Ringwood, Vic., Australia: Viking, 1985.

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Gough Whitlam: A moment in history. Carlton, Vic: Miegunyah Press, 2008.

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Martin, Noelene. Freda: A biography of Freda Whitlam. Faulconbridge, N.S.W: Noelene Martin, 2009.

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Martin, Noelene. Freda: A biography of Freda Whitlam. Faulconbridge, N.S.W: Noelene Martin, 2009.

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A certain grandeur: Gough Whitlam in politics. Ringwood: Penguin Books, 1987.

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Terrill, Greg. Secrecy and openness: The federal government from Menzies to Whitlam and beyond. Carlton South, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 2000.

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Sexton, Michael. The great crash: The short life and sudden death of the Whitlam government. Carlton North, Vic: Scribe Publications, 2005.

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Whitman. Charleston, SC: Arcadia, 2003.

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Części książek na temat "Whitlam"

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Vine, Josie. "Larrikin-Journalists: Post-Whitlam (1975–1985)". W Larrikins, Rebels and Journalistic Freedom in Australia, 143–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61856-8_7.

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Battin, Tim. "The 1970s, and the Whitlam and Fraser Periods". W Abandoning Keynes, 81–106. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14350-4_5.

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Lavelle, Ashley. "Conclusion to Part III: Chalk and Cheese: A Comparative Assessment of the Whitlam and Whitlam-Hayden Periods (1975–1983)". W Opposition Vanishing, 169–70. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5825-7_11.

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Moran, Anthony. "Multiculturalism, Australian Style: Official Multiculturalism from Whitlam to Fraser". W The Public Life of Australian Multiculturalism, 25–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-45126-8_2.

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Lavelle, Ashley. "Conclusion to Part II: The First Whitlam Opposition (1966–1972)". W Opposition Vanishing, 97–98. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5825-7_6.

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Lavelle, Ashley. "Introduction to Part II: The First Whitlam Opposition (1967–1972)—The Mood for Change". W Opposition Vanishing, 41–50. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5825-7_3.

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Lavelle, Ashley. "The First Whitlam Opposition (1967–1972)—The Impact of the Vietnam War and Conscription". W Opposition Vanishing, 51–75. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5825-7_4.

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Lavelle, Ashley. "Introduction to Part III Back in the Wilderness: The Whitlam/Hayden Period (1975–1983)—‘Learning the Lessons’". W Opposition Vanishing, 101–18. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5825-7_7.

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Lavelle, Ashley. "The First Whitlam Opposition (1967–1972): The Sleeping Giant Stirs—Industrial Relations Policy and Labor’s Relationship with the Unions". W Opposition Vanishing, 77–96. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5825-7_5.

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Gooch, Jan W. "Whitlow". W Encyclopedic Dictionary of Polymers, 932. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-6247-8_15120.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Whitlam"

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Day, Kristen, i Erin Campbell. "Four Melbourne Architects (1979): The Creation of Contemporary Perceptions for Australian Architecture". W The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a3994pszy5.

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In 1979, Peter Corrigan conceived the idea for the ‘Four Melbourne Architects’ exhibition to be held at South Yarra’s Powell Street Gallery. Corrigan led the charge to draw a line between a new generation of architectural practitioners with a fresh design agenda and the conservative practices represented by the Royal Australian Institute of Architects (RAIA). This exhibition, along with the establishment of the Half Time Club and the launch of Transition Magazine, provided platforms for a lively and vigorous profession. The ‘Four Melbourne Architects’—Greg Burgess, Peter Crone, Norman Day and Edmond and Corrigan—were diverse in their approach to architectural design yet shared common concerns of the post-Whitlam generation. The research for this paper examines the documentation between the four architects as they prepared their exhibition, recording the projects exhibited, along with critical reviews of the exhibition. Interviews have been undertaken with the surviving architects involved and people who attended the exhibition. Four Melbourne Architects was the first of many exhibitions during that period, which became one of many vehicles for public engagement with early postmodernism and those creating it, where collaboration, inclusion, and connectivity informed designers. That process activated a search for a contemporary Australian identity leading to the development of the ‘Melbourne School’.
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Ashok, Arun, Iyappan Subbiah, Gabor Varga, Moritz Schrey, Andreas Achtzehn, Marina Petrova i Stefan Heinen. "whiteLAN". W SIGCOMM'14: ACM SIGCOMM 2014 Conference. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2627788.2627794.

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ABENDA, S., T. GRAVA i C. KLEIN. "ON WHITHAM EQUATIONS FOR CAMASSA-HOLM". W Proceedings of the 13th Conference on WASCOM 2005. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812773616_0001.

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Edelstein, José D., i Javier Mas. "N=2 supersymmetric Yang-Mills theories and Whitham integrable hierarchies". W The second meeting on trends in theoretical physics. AIP, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.59658.

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Mahmood, Bewar A., i Majeed A. Yousif. "A Numerical Approach of Fornberg-Whitham Equation Using Residual Power Series Method". W 2018 International Conference on Advanced Science and Engineering (ICOASE). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icoase.2018.8548934.

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"Kenneth J. Germeshausen award [awarded to K. Whitman]". W Conference Record of the Twenty-Fifth International Power Modulator Symposium and 2002 High-Voltage Workshop. International Power Modulator Conference. IEEE, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/modsym.2002.1189416.

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Danilov, V. G. "On the relation between the Maslov–Whitham method and the weak asymptotics method". W Linear and Non-Linear Theory of Generalized Functions and its Applications. Warsaw: Institute of Mathematics Polish Academy of Sciences, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4064/bc88-0-5.

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Li, Wei, i Xin-rui Wang. "The Simplified Homogeneous Balance Method and its application to Whitham-Broer-Kaup-Like equations". W 2015 International Conference on Advanced Mechatronic Systems (ICAMechS). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icamechs.2015.7287101.

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Kalair, Kieran, i Colm Connaughton. "Large Scale Performance Assessment of the Lighthill-Whitham-Richards Model on a Smart Motorway". W 2018 21st International Conference on Intelligent Transportation Systems (ITSC). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/itsc.2018.8569699.

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Lopez de Bertodano, Martin A., i William D. Fullmer. "Two Equation Two-Fluid Model Analysis for Stratified Flow Under Kinematic and Dynamic Instabilities". W ASME 2013 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2013-66743.

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Streszczenie:
The unstable one-dimensional incompressible two-fluid model including a hydrostatic force is reduced to a two equation model in terms of the liquid volume fraction and the liquid velocity. For small density ratios the model may be simplified to a formulation that is equivalent tothe Shallow Water Theory (SWT) equations [Whitham, 1975] with a source term corresponding to the two-fluid model constitutive relations for wall and interfacial shear and to a void gradient term that contains the Kelvin-Helmholtz mechanism. Linear stability of the SWT equations shows that the model is made well-posed stable by the hydrostatic force. However, unlike the SWT equations, the two equation two-fluid model is only conditionally stable. As the gas velocity increases the model becomes unstable once the kinematic instability occurs, i.e., the Viscous Kelvin-Helmholtz (VKH) instability. When the gas velocity is increased further the model becomes dynamically unstable, i.e., it reaches the Inviscid Kelvin-Helmholtz (IKH) instability limit. Beyond the IKH limit the model becomes ill-posed and requires higher order modelling, e.g. surface tension. Simple analytic expressions for the two instabilities are obtained because of the simplified mathematics of the two equation model. Furthermore, the wave “sheltering” effect, which allows more accurate predictions of the flow regime transition, may be easily incorporated into the analysis. The theory is validated with the new HAWAC flow regime map [Vallee et al., 2010]. The two equation two-fluid model is consistent with all previous results of two-fluid model linear stability for stratified flow and, since it is a special case of SWT, it is amenable to non-linear stability analysis and a very broad body of mathematics literature on non-linear kinematic waves, e.g., Whitham (1974) is now directly applicable when the model is not IKH unstable.
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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Whitlam"

1

Lu, Yadong, S. C. Wong, Mengping Zhang i Chi-Wang Shu. The Entropy Solutions for the Lighthill-Whitham-Richards Traffic Flow Model with a Discontinuous Flow-Density Relationship. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, styczeń 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada468108.

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Lu, Yadong, S. C. Wong, Mengping Zhang, Chi-Wang Shu i Wenqin Chen. Explicit Construction of Entropy Solutions for the Lighthill-Whitham-Richards Traffic Flow Model with a Non-Smooth Flow-Density Relationship. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, styczeń 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada458956.

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Wells, Aaron F. Deep canyon and subalpine riparian and wetland plant associations of the Malheur, Umatilla, and Wallowa-Whitman National Forests. Portland, OR: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2737/pnw-gtr-682.

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Highlighting High Performance: Whitman Hanson Regional High School; Whitman, Massachusetts. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), czerwiec 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/886046.

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