Artykuły w czasopismach: „Westminster system”

1

Powter, John, i John Fox. "The Westminster cable TV system". Electronics and Power 32, nr 11-12 (1986): 797. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/ep.1986.0469.

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Norris, Pippa. "The Twilight of Westminster? Electoral Reform and its Consequences". Political Studies 49, nr 5 (grudzień 2001): 877–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00345.

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The UK political system has long exemplified ‘majoritarian’ or ‘Westminster’ government, a type subsequently exported to many Commonwealth countries. The primary advantage of this system, proponents since Bagehot have argued, lie in its ability to combine accountability with effective governance. Yet under the Blair administration, this system has undergone a series of major constitutional reforms, perhaps producing the twilight of the pure Westminster model. After conceptualizing the process of constitutional reform, this paper discusses two important claims made by those who favor retaining the current electoral system for Westminster, namely that single-member districts promote strong voter-member linkages and generate greater satisfaction with the political system. Evidence testing these claims is examined from comparative data covering 19 nations, drawing on the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. The study finds that member-voter linkages are stronger in single member than in pure multimember districts, but that combined districts such as MMP preserve these virtues. Concerning claims of greater public satisfaction under majoritarian systems, the study establishes some support for this contention, although the evidence remains limited. The conclusion considers the implications of the findings for debates about electoral reform and for the future of the Westminster political system.

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Hanretty, Chris, Benjamin E. Lauderdale i Nick Vivyan. "Dyadic Representation in a Westminster System". Legislative Studies Quarterly 42, nr 2 (1.08.2016): 235–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12148.

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Grube, Dennis C., i Cosmo Howard. "Is the Westminster System Broken Beyond Repair?" Governance 29, nr 4 (5.08.2016): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12230.

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So, Florence. "More spotlight, more problems? Westminster parliamentary systems and leadership replacement in large opposition parties". Party Politics 24, nr 5 (21.11.2016): 588–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678885.

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In this article, I argue that Westminster parliamentary systems encourage large opposition parties to replace their leaders between elections. Parliamentary system structures how parties compete over legislative outcomes. In Westminster systems, the government’s dominance in the legislative process promotes an adversarial government–opposition relationship. Subsequently, large opposition parties’ electoral prospects are tied to their ability to discredit the government’s policy agenda. Since this responsibility falls to party leaders, leaders of large opposition parties directly affect their parties’ electoral prospects, and parties are more motivated to replace those who are ineffective in damaging the government’s credibility. Therefore, leaders of large opposition parties in Westminster systems carry a higher risk of replacement than their counterparts in other parliamentary systems. I construct an original data set on party leadership turnover in 14 established parliamentary democracies. Results from Cox proportional hazard models support my claim and suggest that institution influences intraparty dynamics.

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6

Jankowski, Richard. "Responsible, Irresponsible and Westminster Parties: A Theoretical and Empirical Evaluation". British Journal of Political Science 23, nr 1 (styczeń 1993): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000658x.

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In the only official policy position ever taken by the American Political Science Association, it advocated the transformation of American political parties into a strong, centralized two-party system. Olson has proposed a detailed explanation of why Westminster political systems and parties will produce more efficient public policy than weak, decentralized political parties. He argues that centralized political parties in two-party political systems are ‘encompassing’ and, hence, have an incentive to minimize redistributive policies. Olson thus provides a justification for the policy position taken by the APSA. I evaluate Olson's explanation from the perspective of Tullock's rent-seeking behaviour argument and the deadweight losses needed for Olson's argument to hold. An alternative formulation of encompassing organizations is presented and contrasted with Olson's definition as it applies to political institutions. Finally, an empirical test of the responsible and Westminster party systems arguments is provided. The evidence presented here rejects the claims of the Westminster and responsible party models.

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Mulgan, Aurelia George. "Japan's ‘Un-Westminster’ System: Impediments to Reform in a Crisis Economy". Government and Opposition 38, nr 1 (2003): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.t01-1-00005.

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AbstractJapan's Prime Minister Koizumi is attempting a bold program of ‘structural reform’ in order to revive a moribund economy. However, his actual achievements after more than a year in office have fallen far short of his original goals. Such lack of progress for a prime minister bent on reform can only be understood in the context of Japan's ‘Un-Westminster’ system in which the cabinet is not an authoritative decisionmaking body for government policy. Although modelled along Westminster lines, Japan does not have strong cabinet government; it has party-bureaucratic government. In practice this means that Koizumi's push for reform faces the de facto veto power of bureaucrats and his own ruling party.

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Studlar, Donley T. "The last Westminster electoral system? Canada, not Britain?" Representation 35, nr 1 (marzec 1998): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899808523374.

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Tey, Tsun Hang. "Singapore's electoral system: government by the people?" Legal Studies 28, nr 4 (grudzień 2008): 610–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.2008.00106.x.

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Singapore's Westminster parliamentary system of government was adopted as a historical result of it being a British colony. In its post-independence constitutional development, the dominant People's Action Party political leadership had made a series of constitutional amendments to its original electoral system, introducing innovative schemes such as Group Representation Constituencies, Non-Constituency Members of Parliament, Nominated Members of Parliament and the Elected Presidency. These changes have resulted in an electoral system that is so different and divergent from the Westminster model that it should be regarded a unique regime of its own. This paper advances the view that the constitutional evolution of its electoral system is reflective of a political vision structured along elitist lines – underscored by a desire to restructure the voting behaviour of its citizens, and ensure predictability and the preservation of the status quo. It has been driven by paternalistic assumptions about what is beneficial for its citizens. This paper examines the subsequent implementation of the schemes, before reflecting on how it is a system that has the potential to affect adversely the development of political participation and political pluralism, and dilute democratic politics in Singapore.

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Craft, Jonathan, i John Halligan. "Assessing 30 years of Westminster policy advisory system experience". Policy Sciences 50, nr 1 (13.07.2016): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11077-016-9256-y.

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Michaud, Nelson. "Designating the official opposition in a Westminster parliamentary system". Journal of Legislative Studies 6, nr 4 (grudzień 2000): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330008420640.

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SHINODA, TOMOHITO. "Japan's Top-Down Policy Process to Dispatch the SDF to Iraq". Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, nr 1 (31.03.2006): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905002070.

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In July 2003, Prime Minister Koizumi successfully passed the legislation to dispatch ground SDF units to Iraq in the Diet. His top-down policy process was completely different from Japan's traditional bottom-up system, which Aurelia George Mulgan calls the ‘Un-Westminster System’ in which the bureaucrats in the ministries play a central role with the LDP being the only political power to negotiate with them. Mulgan also argues that the system has not changed despite recent institutional changes. On the contrary, this paper illustrates how Koizumi and his Cabinet took advantage of the strengthened authority of the Cabinet Secretariat to initiate policies, and successfully pushed the controversial national security legislation through LDP decision-making organs and the Diet by gaining support first from the coalition partners, presenting a new style of Westminster system.

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13

Hadfield, Brigid. "The Nature of Devolution in Scotland and Northern Ireland: Key Issues of Responsibility and Control". Edinburgh Law Review 3, nr 1 (styczeń 1999): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.1999.3.1.3.

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Under three broad headings, namely, the internal dimension, the Westminster dimension and the intergovernmental dimension, this article seeks to analyse and explore the nature of devolution and to consider factors pertinent to its development. The article, thus, first compares the provisions of the Scotland Act 1998 and of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 on the electoral system, the size of the devolved legislature, the power of dissolution and the formation and the scrutiny of the devolved executive. The prime purpose of this section is to identify the principles enshrined in the legislation which may affect the way in which devolution will operate within its own borders. While this first dimension draws on the statutory provisions, the second, dealing with the relationships between the devolved system and Westminster, concerns issues to be regulated almost entirely by non-statutory “understandings” and by parliamentary/assembly Standing Orders. These issues include most crucially the power of the devolved legislature to debate non-devolved matters and the power of Westminster to debate devolved matters. Thirdly, the article deals with the mechanisms of co-operation to be introduced for the discussion of intergovernmental issues throughout the UK, that is, those arising between Westminster, Edinburgh, Belfast and Cardiff. In this context, consideration will be given to the proposed Joint Ministerial Committee. Mention will also be made of the British–Irish Council, although this is a body whose powers will go beyond solely UK devolution concerns.

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14

Strohmeier, Gerd. "Does Westminster (Still) Represent the Westminster Model? An Analysis of the Changing Nature of the Uk's Political System". European View 14, nr 2 (grudzień 2015): 303–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-015-0368-0.

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15

Quinault, Roland. "Westminster and the Victorian Constitution". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 2 (grudzień 1992): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679100.

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The British constitution is unwritten, but not unbuilt. The character of Britain's government buildings reflects the nature of its political system. This is particularly true with respect to the Houses of Parliament. They were almost entirely rebuilt after a fire, in 1834, which seriously damaged the House of Commons and adjacent buildings. The new Houses of Parliament were the most magnificent and expensive public buildings erected in Queen Victoria's reign. Their architectural evolution has been meticulously chronicled by a former Honorary Secretary of the Royal Historical Society, Professor Michael Port. But constitutionalists and historians have shewn little or no interest in the political character of the Victorian Houses of Parliament. Walter Bagehot, in his famous study, The English Constitution, published in 1867, made no reference to the newly completed Houses of Parliament. Likewise most modern books on Victorian political and constitutional history make no mention of die rebuilding.

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16

Russell, Meg, i Ruxandra Serban. "Why it Is Indeed Time for the Westminster Model to Be Retired from Comparative Politics". Government and Opposition 57, nr 2 (3.11.2021): 370–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2021.49.

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AbstractThe term ‘Westminster model’ is frequently used by political scientists and practitioners. But our recent examination (Russell and Serban 2021), published in this journal, uncovered wide variation in how it is defined – demonstrating that it is more ‘muddle’ than ‘model’. This sparked a response article from Flinders et al. (2021), which we in turn respond to in this piece. We briefly revisit our initial research questions, methodology and findings, before reflecting on their analysis. We emphasize that, notwithstanding the critics’ negative tone, we and they agree on certain fundamentals. In particular on our original central point, that the ‘Westminster model’ is an ill-defined term with a long history, which mostly makes it unsuited to positivist comparative political science research. While the ‘Westminster model’ may have some valid vestigial uses, within the UK political system, or as an object of study for interpretivist political science, it does not provide a rigorous basis for case selection and comparative political science analysis.

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17

Margetts, Helen, i Patrick Dunleavy. "Reforming the Westminster electoral system: Evaluating the Jenkins commission proposals". British Elections & Parties Review 9, nr 1 (styczeń 1999): 46–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689889908413020.

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Booth, Geoffrey. "Achieving Integrated Planning in a Federal Westminster System of Government". Queensland Review 7, nr 1 (sierpień 2000): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600002063.

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Since all resources are limited, their most judicious and efficient use can only be achieved through forethought and planning. Such resource allocation decisions are predominantly made by government. When this function is spread across three levels of government each with their own departments of state and other agencies this task is made more difficult. Integrated planning involves the coordinated delivery of Commonwealth, State, Local Government and private sector investment to implement an agreed plan. The level of government in both Canada and Australia best placed to initiate, formulate and guide the implementation of such integrated plans is local government. This is despite the fact that it has no constitutional recognition and, in both revenue raising and expenditure terms, it remains very much the third tier of government.

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Estéévez-Abe, Margarita. "Japan's Shift Toward a Westminster System: A Structural Analysis of the 2005 Lower House Election and Its Aftermath". Asian Survey 46, nr 4 (lipiec 2006): 632–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.4.632.

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This article argues that the political drama surrounding Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro is a direct result of the political reforms implemented in Japan during the last decade. The new rules of the game have produced a structural force pushing Japan to resemble a Westminster system.

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20

Catterall, Peter. "The British Electoral System, 1885–1970". Historical Research 73, nr 181 (1.06.2000): 156–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00101.

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Abstract At a time when the electoral system is coming under renewed scrutiny, this article examines the origins and creation of the present system in 1884-5, and its subsequent survival. This is the first such analysis to draw upon Public Record Office and party archives. Whilst showing that the political classes have been quite prepared to consider the merits of alternatives, particularly S.T.V., for Ireland or in colonial settings, they have usually been seen as less appropriate for Westminster. In exploring why that should be the case this article seeks to provide a new explanation for the longevity of the electoral arrangements of 1885.

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21

Żukiewicz, Przemysław. "COALITION BARGAINING IN THE WESTMINSTER SYSTEM – THE CASE OF NEW ZEALAND". Studia Politologiczne 53 (15.09.2020): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2019.53.3.

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Wolf, Loammi. "Pre- and Post-Trial Equality in Criminal Justice in the Context of the Separation of Powers". Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 14, nr 5 (8.06.2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2011/v14i5a2600.

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The previous Westminster criminal justice system entailed a different kind of separation of powers insofar as it concerns the role of state prosecutors. In the Westminster system prosecutors are part of the executive branch, whereas they were a split-off from the judiciary in constitutional states and function like a de facto second organ of the third branch of state power. Currently executive interference in state prosecutions often leads to pre-trial inequality. A further difficulty arises from the unconsidered manner in which the former royal prerogative of pardoning was retained in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. It used to be a royal veto of judicial sentences in the constitutional monarchy of the former Westminster model. Although the corresponding veto of parliamentary legislation by the head of state did not survive into modern times, the pardoning power has not been discontinued. Section 84(2)(j) thus causes an irreconcilable conflict with section 165(5) of the Constitution which guarantees the legally binding force of judicial decisions. It undermines the rule of law and leads to post-trial inequality in the execution of sentences. The parole system, which dates back to 1959, likewise allows the executive to overrule judicial sentences and is in conflict with section 165(5). The perpetuation of the status quo in criminal justice is in effect leading to a re-Westminstering of the constitutional state.

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Hill, D. "THE WESTMINSTER AND WHITEHALL MODEL OF GOVERNANCE: A SYSTEM UNDER STRESS". Parliamentary Affairs 49, nr 2 (1.04.1996): 362–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028687.

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Srivastava, G. P. "Beyond Westminster Model Restructuring Indian Political System for Greater Goal Achievement". Indian Journal of Public Administration 31, nr 3 (lipiec 1985): 514–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556119850306.

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Briggs, Freda. "Child sexual abuse and the legal system". Children Australia 32, nr 2 (2007): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200011512.

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When Australia signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990, federal and state governments agreed, under Article 19, to create appropriate legislation and all necessary social and educational measures to protect children from all forms of abuse and exploitation and provide treatment and social support for victims and their carers. Seventeen years later, Australian child advocates are wondering where those services are, especially for those outside state capital cities. More importantly, where is the justice system that protects children and caters for victims of sexual abuse?Australia, in common with other former British colonies, inherited the Westminster adversarial system, described by Mallon and White (1995, p. 50, cited in McGrath 2005) as:

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Kozhina, Tatyana N., i Alexander V. Petukhov. "WESTMINSTER MODEL OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM AND HISTORICAL FORMS OF ITS FEDERALIZATION". Oeconomia et Jus, nr 2 (28.06.2022): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2499-9636-2022-2-73-81.

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The article analyzes the historical transformation of the classical model of parliamentarism in the political systems of federal states of the republican form of government at the present stage of development and reveals the features of its functioning. In legal regulation, the mechanism of representative democracy today has varieties. The oldest, time-tested institution is the classical institution of parliamentarism of the Westminster system. But it has also undergone significant changes in connection with its use in states with a federal structure. The objects of the study are the historical forms of representative democracy in the federal states of the British Commonwealth (Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia and the Indian Union), the subject is the institution of the legislative power of the classical type and the forms of its transformation. The relevance of the topic is due to the search for optimal ways for various states to improve the legislative power in the system of separation of powers, the choice of the most effective legal means and methods of functioning of the parliamentary system. For the Russian Federation, despite the differences between the model of legislative power and the classical one, discussions about the political and legal composition of the legislative power are very important, this was noted by researchers when the constitutional reform of the Russian Federation in 2020 was being developed. Research methods are based on the principles of the dialectical approach, including deductive analysis from the standpoint of a formal legal definition of specific historical and legal facts. An important place is occupied by the method of diachronic and synchronous comparison in identifying the general and specific characteristics in the parliamentary systems of federal states, as well as the method of typology, that is, their comparison with the classical model. Based on the study of factual data and analytical studies, common features of the functioning of the legislative power in federal states that adopted the classical model of representative democracy have been identified. The work features of this system in connection with changes in political processes are indicated, the features of the manifestation of the crisis are revealed. Institutional and legal changes are identified in the course of solving current problems related to the distribution of functions of the upper and lower houses of parliament in the legislative process and the implementation of the procedure for monitoring the activities of the executive branch.

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Grube, Dennis C. "Rules, Prudence and Public Value: Public Servants and Social Media in Comparative Perspective". Government and Opposition 52, nr 1 (1.10.2015): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.21.

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The reach of social media is prodigious. Its ubiquitous nature has reshaped the ways in which government agencies can communicate with citizens. But amidst the rush to embrace the opportunities of Twitter, Facebook and other platforms, governments have had to lay down rules to govern how and when public service departments should use social media. This article undertakes a comparative analysis of the formal rules and guidelines in place across four Westminster jurisdictions – Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the UK – to identify the types of behaviours and activities that are seen as desirable when public servants are reaching out to the wider public through social media. The article argues that the horizontal communication patterns associated with social media are fundamentally at odds with the hierarchical structures of the Westminster system of government.

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Radek, Robert. "Hung Parliament and Minority Government Formation in Westminster Parliamentary System (selected aspects)". Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 28, nr 6 (31.12.2015): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2015.06.10.

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Diamond, Patrick. "The Westminster system under the Cameron coalition: ‘Promiscuous partisanship’ or institutional resilience?" Public Policy and Administration 34, nr 3 (7.11.2017): 241–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076717737595.

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Lascher, Edward L. "Loss Imposition and Institutional Characteristics: Learning from Automobile Insurance Reform in North America". Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, nr 1 (marzec 1998): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900008714.

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AbstractThis article reconsiders findings that emphasize the importance of governments' abilities to impose losses on powerful groups, while arguing that loss imposition is more problematic under separation of powers systems. The author argues that empirical evidence to this effect is thin, that more leverage can be obtained by comparing the policy decisions of subnational jurisdictions in the United States and Canada and that automobile insurance reform is an especially appropriate issue to study. Drawing on both aggregate analysis and case studies, the author presents findings suggesting that the Westminster-style parliamentary system in Canada indeed makes loss imposition easier than does the separation of powers system in the United States.

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Hay, William Anthony. "Henry Brougham and the 1818 Westmorland Election: A Study in Provincial Opinion and the Opening of Constituency Politics". Albion 36, nr 1 (2004): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054435.

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An extensive literature that has appeared over the past two decades on the Hanoverian electorate and political culture at the constituency level provides a more sophisticated understanding of party conflict in Britain during the long eighteenth century than earlier work focused on high politics or other subjects. H. T. Dickinson points out that most people experienced politics at the constituency level where negotiations between different political groups within communities and the voters provided a voice for competing interests that an older historiography focused on high politics failed to recognize. These local aspects of Hanoverian politics established the context for two important developments in the early nineteenth century; a greater appreciation for the impact of public opinion on politics at Westminster and the development of a two-party system. The emergence of a self-conscious provincial identity sustained by new economic and institutional forces drove both trends. Christopher Wyvill's Yorkshire Association formed in 1779, the General Chamber of Manufacturers founded in 1785, anti-war petitioning efforts by local groups during the conflict with Napoleon, and the successful campaign in 1812 against the regulatory Orders in Council demonstrated the growing impact of provincial activism. The intersection between new provincial interests focused on issues debated at Westminster and constituency politics with its own rituals and dynamics provides an opening to explore the final decades of the Hanoverian political order. Connections between local and metropolitan drew into sharper focus as party conflict at Westminster extended into national politics.

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Sanders, David. "The UK's changing party system: The prospects for a party realignment at Westminster". Journal of the British Academy 5 (4.05.2017): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/005.091.

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Dobszay, Tamás. "The Influence of the Estate System and Power Relations in the Late Feudal Parliament Seating Plan". Hungarian Historical Review 10, nr 1 (2021): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2021.1.129.

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“We shape our buildings and then they shape us,” Winston Churchill said when the question of rebuilding Westminster and modifying the interior of the House of Commons came up and he expressed his support for preserving the former system. Thus, according to the prime minister, a seating plan both expresses and determines the character and operation of parliamentarism. In light of this interconnection, in this essay I examine the formal characteristics of the late feudal Diet in Hungary between 1790 and 1848, as well as the power relations of the estates and strivings as they found expression within this system.

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Cho, Joseph. "NSW parliament’s oversight of human rights in the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic". Alternative Law Journal 47, nr 1 (22.12.2021): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x211054574.

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New South Wales (NSW) relies on a robust application of the Westminster system of government for its human rights protection. In 2020, the system was subjected to a major stress test via the COVID-19 pandemic, with new public conditions imposed on previously unregulated individual freedoms. The author examines the extent to which human rights featured in NSW parliament’s oversight of the 2020 pandemic response and finds it inadequate. The author concludes that the case study demonstrates a need for the state’s human rights protection model to be reconsidered.

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Gregory, Tardi. "CONSTITUTIONAL LIMBO IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO (THE UNCERTAINTY, NOT THE DANCE)*". Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 14, nr 2 & 3 (26.07.2011): 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9cq2c.

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Constitutional practice in Westminster-style parliamentary democracies throughout the Commonwealth can produce an infinite variety of scenarios of political law. In recent years, few such scenarios could have proved more intricate and intractable than the constitutional crisis that ended a short time ago in Trinidad and Tobago. A Canadian lawyer seeking to understand these difficulties would be navigating through instruments and practices not unfamiliar by comparison to his or her own system.

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Wenzel, Nikolai G. "Judicial Review and Constitutional Maintenance: John Marshall, Hans Kelsen, and the Popular Will". PS: Political Science & Politics 46, nr 03 (21.06.2013): 591–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651300053x.

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AbstractConstitutional restraints on government are tricky and evanescent; government failure (a lapse into anarchy or leviathan) has historically been the norm, and constitutional success an infrequent exception. To shed light on constitutional maintenance, this article examines the concept of constitutional review by studying three competing systems: the American/Marshall system of judicial review; the Commonwealth/Westminster model of parliamentary sovereignty; and the Kelsen compromise between the two. Each system's strengths and weaknesses are assessed, as constitutional framers navigate the treacherous waters between the Scylla of parliamentary tyranny and Charybdis ofgouvernement des juges. In the end, neither extreme is perfect, but lessons are drawn from each of the three models.

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Raffetti, A., F. Marangon i F. Zuccarelli. "Integrated Navigation System Safety Assessment Methodology". Journal of Navigation 53, nr 3 (wrzesień 2000): 425–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0373463300008985.

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This paper was first presented at the NAV99/ILA28 Conference on ‘Loran-C, Satellite and Integrated Systems for the 21st Century’ held at Church House, Westminster, London from 1–3 November 1999.The introduction of modern navigation systems highlights the need for efficient tools to assess the possible impact of these systems on the safety levels currently associated with the operation of a ship. In recent years this has led to investigation of the advanced safety/risk assessment techniques already applied in other industrial sectors, with encouraging results. The scope of this paper is to show a quantified safety assessment methodology that can be applied while designing or retrofitting navigation systems. The methodology adopted is the result of the review of the IMO Formal Safety Assessment (FSA) technique and comprises the development of a functional analysis, a hazard identification analysis and a risk assessment. The paper provides details on a specific application of this model to an integrated navigation system. This application is included in the work performed under the ATOMOS II research project, partly funded by the DGVII Directorate of the European Commission within the 4th Framework Programme in the field of Maritime Transport.

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Szczepański, Jarosław. "PODSTAWY PRAWNE FUNKCJONOWANIA SŁUŻBY CYWILNEJ ZJEDNOCZONEGO KRÓLESTWA, NOWEJ ZELANDII, KANADY I AUSTRALII. UWAGI O CANZUK". Studia Iuridica, nr 92 (22.01.2023): 270–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-92.16.

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The presented paper is a result of a comparative analysis of the legal foundations of the civil services or public services, which is more popular name in the narrowly understood Anglosphere countries – the CANZUK group. The comparative study deals not only with the provisions on the employment and the duties of the civil servants of the respective countries but also discusses the Westminster/Whitehall system, which was developed in United Kingdom, on the reformed systems of the former dominions. What is more, in the case of Australia – sometimes described as a place of birth of the Washminster system – remarks on the American influence were added. The article is one part of a cycle “Remarks on CANZUC”, devoted to the analysis of the law and politics of the narrowly understood Anglosphere.

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Collier, Cheryl N., i Tracey Raney. "Canada's Member-to-Member Code of Conduct on Sexual Harassment in the House of Commons: Progress or Regress?" Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, nr 4 (27.07.2018): 795–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391800032x.

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AbstractIn 2015, the Canadian House of Commons passed a new code of conduct governing non-criminal sexual harassment between members of Parliament becoming the first of its kind in any Westminster system in the world. Using a feminist institutional and violence-against-women-in-politics approach, we assess how the code challenges, legitimizes and upholds traditionally gendered norms and institutionalized sexism within Canada's parliamentary system including parliamentary privilege, party cohesion and party discipline. Despite its novelty, we argue this code fails to enact positive gender-friendly institutional change and may do more harm than good in its efforts to curb sexual harassment.

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Schoenefeldt, Henrik. "THE HISTORIC VENTILATION SYSTEM OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, 1840–52: RE-VISITING DAVID BOSWELL REID’S ENVIRONMENTAL LEGACY". Antiquaries Journal 98 (wrzesień 2018): 245–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581518000549.

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Between 1840 and 1846 the Scottish physician David Boswell Reid produced a scheme for a central ventilation system serving the Palace of Westminster. This scheme included a proposal for a sophisticated ventilation and climatic control system in the House of Commons. Although the plans for a central system were abandoned after six years, Reid was able to implement his idea within the confines of the House of Commons. Existing literature on Reid’s involvement in the design of the Palace of Westminster has focused largely on his difficult relationship with the architect Charles Barry, but his actual contribution to the design of the ventilation system has remained largely unexplored. Neither his unfinished early proposal nor his final design for the House of Commons has been studied in any depth before. This paper retraces the evolution of Reid’s original plans, and provides a systematic reconstruction of the ventilation system implemented inside the House of Commons between 1847 and 1854. The historic system is now completely lost, but new archival research, involving the study of several hundred letters, sketches and plans, has yielded detailed insights into its design and how it performed historically. In addition to revealing the ventilation system’s physical arrangements, research has uncovered how scientists and engineers had evaluated its design empirically from a human and technological perspective. As such, this paper provides a new perspective on antiquarian studies and illuminates how architectural technology in the mid-nineteenth century was shaped, evaluated and refined based on environmental performance. Although environmental factors, such as climate or air purity, were more transient dimensions of architecture, in the case of the House of Commons this paper shows that they were key drivers of architectural form.

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Eska-Mikołajewska, Justyna. "Znaczenie modelu westminsterskiego w kształtowaniu się pozycji ustrojowej parlamentu w Papui-Nowej Gwinei". Przegląd europejski 1 (5.10.2019): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5173.

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The article presents the issues of the political position of the parliament in one of the largest states of the South Pacific subregion – Papua New Guinea. Shaping its legal and political system, the state profoundly derived from the British practice. This process was initiated in the first decade of the 20th century as a result of Australian rule, which had lasted by that time the state gained its independence in 1975. As a consequence, all the basic features of Westminster democracy were adopted, with the unitary form of government and the unicameral parliament. The analysis allowed to indicate that the character of Papuan democracy has evolved over the years, and therefore some elements of the Westminster model have become inadequate and not very effective. These changes concerned mainly superior state structures, including the parliament. It is a body increasingly controlled by the executive nowadays, that lost its original representative character. In this article, the author has adopted the following research methods: an analysis of legal sources and a critical analysis as well as a descriptive method. The text was divided into three main parts, the introduction and the conclusion.

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Cloonan, Martin, i Peter Lynch. "Educating for Devolution: The Scottish Office Voter Education Campaign, 1999". Journal of Adult and Continuing Education 7, nr 2 (wrzesień 2001): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147797140100700203.

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This article examines the origins and impact of a political education campaign of a type, which had not hitherto been witnessed in the UK. It examines how the Scottish Office sought to educate Scotland's adult population about a new electoral system which combined the traditional first past the post (FPTP) system used in elections to the Westminster Parliament with the additional member system (AMS). We set out events leading up to the voter-education campaign by outlining the development of the voting system and the political sensitivities which surrounded it We then review a similar voter-education campaign in New Zealand, before examining the Scottish campaign and responses to it. We conclude by drawing together common elements from the two campaigns and analysing the lessons which can be drawn from them.

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Lijphart, Arend. "The demise of the last westminster system? Comments on the report of New Zealand's Royal Commission on the Electoral System". Electoral Studies 6, nr 2 (sierpień 1987): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(87)90016-3.

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Bridge, John W. "Judicial Review in Mauritius and the Continuing Influence of English Law". International and Comparative Law Quarterly 46, nr 4 (październik 1997): 787–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300061212.

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The law and legal system of Mauritius are an unusual hybrid and a remarkable instance of comparative law in action. As a consequence of its history, as an overseas possession of France from 1715 to 1810 and as a British colony from 1814 until it achieved independence within the Commonwealth in 1968, its law and legal system reflect the legal traditions of both its former colonial rulers. In general terms, Mauritian private law is based on the French Code Civil while public law and commercial law are based on English law: an example of what has recently been labelled a “bi-systemic legal system”. The Constitution, a version of the Westminster export model, was originally monarchical. It was amended in 1991 and Mauritius became a republic within the Commonwealth in 1992.

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Denisov, Vladimir, i Peter Kent. "Possible Russian Contribution to the ERNP". Journal of Navigation 51, nr 2 (maj 1998): 145–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0373463398007735.

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This paper, and the following five papers, were presented during the NAV 97 Conference held at Church House, Westminster, London on 11th and 12th November 1997. A full listing of the Conference, and how to obtain a copy of the proceedings, is shown on Page 279.The Government of the Russian Federation has made available, subject to certain conditions, the GLONASS satellite radionavigation system for civil use. Use of the system is free and there is no intention to introduce coding or to cause any deterioration to the accuracy of the signals. Discussions are currently taking place between the European Commission and the Russian Federation on cooperation concerning the implementation of a navigation satellite system for civil purposes. Discussions are also taking place between interested European Governments and the Russian Federation into the possibility of developing joint Chayka/Loran-C chains wherever this is feasible, and in particular, to cover the Barents Sea, the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea. The development of a concept on integration of radionavigation systems would probably be a significant contribution to the European Radionavigation Plan.

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Gordon, Wendy M. "The Obligation to Support the Widow: Settlement, the New Poor Law and the Scottish Local State". Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 35, nr 1 (maj 2015): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2015.0140.

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Although the New Poor Law was passed by the Westminster Parliament, it was implemented at the most local level through newly established parochial boards. By tracing the case of a Paisley widow in need of poor relief through the changing landscape of the Scottish Poor Law in the 1850s, this article analyses the changing interpretation of the law regarding widows’ settlements and highlights the interplay between local bodies and higher courts in interpreting the law. Individual experience and practice in localities worked together to create a national system that reflected Scottish understandings of gender, marriage, and independence.

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Manor, James. "Government and Opposition in India". Government and Opposition 46, nr 4 (2011): 436–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01347.x.

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AbstractInteractions between ruling and opposition parties in India have long been sorely neglected by political analysts. This study finds clear contrasts between interactions at national and state levels in this federal system, and further, often marked variations across the 28 states – each of which has its own Westminster-style legislature. Government–opposition relations range from semi-civilized to caustic, although most cases are situated some at distance from those extremes. So, despite a recent confrontation in the Indian Parliament, there are no strong trends towards either deterioration or greater accommodation. This is a study in ambiguity.

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Grube, Dennis. "Public voices from anonymous corridors: The public face of the public service in a Westminster system". Canadian Public Administration 56, nr 1 (marzec 2013): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/capa.12001.

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Baird, Jeanette. "University Governance for the Longer-Term". International Journal of Chinese Education 4, nr 1 (19.08.2015): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125868-12340047.

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Corporate governance models are becoming more prevalent in many universities, despite concerns over the effects of corporate practices on the identity of universities as a unique institutional field. In Westminster university systems, governance practices have become highly professionalized along corporate lines, not least to ensure a good fit with the necessary regulatory regimes for a marketized university system. Examples of Australian practices are provided to illustrate the governance dynamics, as both Western and Chinese corporate governance practices will affect the culture of Chinese universities, despite the continuance of deeply-inscribed State influence. Professionalization of governance in Australia has brought benefits but also generated some ‘blind spots’ to sustaining the longer-term features of successful universities. Stronger academic governance could provide a counterweight, yet the relationship between corporate governance and academic governance is not yet as well-defined as it needs to become.

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Offermans, G. W. A., A. W. S. Helwig i D. van Willigen. "Eurofix System and its Developments". Journal of Navigation 52, nr 2 (maj 1999): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0373463399008231.

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This paper, and the following six papers, were presented during the NAV 98 Conference held at Church House, Westminster, London on 9th and 10th December 1998. A full listing of the Conference, and how to obtain a copy of the proceedings, is shown on Page 300.The existing Loran-C and Chayka infrastructure can, with some minor changes, become a very powerful augmentation system for GNSS (GPS, GLONASS and the future Galileo). Delft University initially proposed the Eurofix concept in 1989. Although the necessary modification to the LF navigation systems are minimal, the GNSS user may get significant benefits from the Eurofix signals in terms of accuracy, integrity and availability. The reason is the high signal structure, signal propagation, and the operations dissimilarity of both systems. The broadcast correction and integrity data improves GNSS accuracy down to the metre level. In this way, the measured Loran-C and Chayka ranges are continuously updated. Thus, in the case of GNSS signal interruptions, highly calibrated Loran-C/Chayka may take over the navigation function. Tests carried out in Europe at the Loran-C station at Sylt (Germany) drew large international attention, leading to further tests in the USA by the US Coast Guard in 1998. Recently, a Dutch–Russian consortium implemented Eurofix on the Chayka transmitter at Bryansk (Russia) which is now successfully broadcasting DGPS as well as DGLONASS correction data. This paper highlights some on-air Eurofix DGPS performance experiments carried out in Europe and the USA. With all the European Loran-C and Chayka transmitters modified, Eurofix can be used all over the European continent. As multiple stations can normally be received simultaneously, the user may locally apply networked DGNSS, which may reduce spatial decorrelation effects significantly. Post- processed results of this Regional Area Augmentation System are presented.

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