Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Walsdorf, Germany. (Benedictine Abbey)”

This article offers the first comprehensive study of Manchester, John Rylands Library, MS Latin 182, a twelfth-century codex formerly belonging to (and possibly produced at) the Benedictine Abbey of (Mönchen-)Gladbach in Germany. I begin with a full codicological and palaeographical analysis of the entire manuscript, before moving on to a discussion of its contents. These include the Venerable Bede‘s Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum and the Continuatio Bedae, as well as two hagiographical works copied at the end of the manuscript. I then propose a new possible context of reception for Bede‘s Historia ecclesiastica during the twelfth century, one that interlinked with the prevalent discourses on secular ecclesiastical lordship and monastic reform at Gladbach, as well as, perhaps, in Germany more widely. In doing so, I essentially argue for the possibility that the Gladbach scribes and their audiences may have used and understood the Historia ecclesiastica not only in the conventional context of history and historiography, but also (and perhaps equally important) as an example of the golden age of monasticism which during the later twelfth century was re-framed and re-contextualised as both a spiritual guide and a source of miracle stories.

Abstract: This volume presents the first English translation of the twelfth-century Chronicle of the Monastery of Petershausen (Casus monasterii Petrishusensis), an account of the history of a Benedictine community on the shores of Lake Constance written over three decades from ca. 1136 to ca. 1164. The anonymous chronicler ‐ very likely the future Abbot Gebhard I (r. 1164‐1170/1173) ‐ was an eyewitness to the most recent events of the chronicle, which charted the fortunes of his community from its late tenth-century foundation to its reform in 1086 by monks of Hirsau to the devastating fire that laid waste to the abbey in 1159. Thanks to the industry of Alison Beach and her fellow translators, readers can now experience the hopes and tribulations of Abbot Gebhard’s community in this lucid new translation.

The SacramentoriumTynecensis was written in circa 1060-1070, probably in Cologne. It was located in the Benedictine Abbey in Tyniec from 11th century to 19th century. In 1814 the illuminated manuscript was bought by Stanisław Kostka Zamoyski, then in 1818 he located the codex in the Zamoyski Ordynacja Library in Warsaw. It stayed there to the end of World War II. Two formations of Nazi Germany were as follows: a military unit led by Professor of Archaeology, Peter Paulsen and a group led by art historian Kajetan Mühlman. Both were responsible for the plundering of Poland's cultural heritage. They wanted to get the Sacramentorium Tynecensis because it was connected with German culture. The employees of the Zamoyski Ordynacja Library have tried to rescue the codex, sometimes at the risk of their own lives. In 1944 during the action of rescuing library collections from the ruins of the capital city of Poland (action called ‘Pruszkowska’), the manuscript codex was exported and hidden by Stanisław Lorentz in the Cathedral in Łowicz. Thankfully that the ST returned to Warsaw in 1947 and was deposited in the National Library of Poland.

Thomas Verner Moore (1877-1969) was one of the most prominent Catholic psychologists and psychiatrists of the first half of the 20th century. Born in Louisville, Kentucky, to a Presbyterian father and a Catholic mother, and raised as a Catholic, he entered the Congregation of the Missionary Priests of St. Paul the Apostle—the order called the “Paulists”—in 1896 and was ordained in 1901. The Paulist novitiate, located on the campus of the Catholic University of America, founded in 1887, provided Moore with the opportunity to study the “new psychology,” that is, experimental psychology, with Edward Aloysius Pace (1861-1938), who was a priest, a psychologist, and a Thomistic philosopher of renown. After Moore earned a doctorate in psychology in 1903 under Pace, he studied with Wilhelm Wundt, a leading light in experimental psychology, in Leipzig. Moore began teaching at the Catholic University in 1910. He met with the psychologist Lightner Witmer to discern how to establish a child clinic. To do so, he needed an MD, and he returned to Germany to study with Emil Kraepelin, the “grandfather” of the DSM. He also studied with Oswald Külpe, another leading experimentalist. The outbreak of World War I cut his stay short. Upon his return to Washington, he completed an MD under Adolf Meyer, at Johns Hopkins University. Moore then opened a clinic at Providence Hospital, Washington, in 1916. He served in the Armed Forces in World War I as a psychiatrist. In the 1920s, he left the Paulists and established a Benedictine Abbey, St. Anselm's, in Washington. He was a friend of Charles Spearman, who developed factor analysis, and Moore did statistical studies, including those investigating psychiatric categories. He taught several generations of graduate students, many of whom went on to establish psychology departments at Catholic colleges. When he retired from teaching, he entered the Carthusian order. He died in Spain in 1969.

King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary (1458‒1490), son of the “Scourge of the Turks,” John Hunyadi, was a foremost patron of early Renaissance art. He was only fourteen years old in 1470 when he was elected king, and his patronage naturally took some time and maturity to develop, notably through his relations with the Neapolitan Aragon dynasty. In December 1476, he married Beatrice, daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon, who brought to Buda a love of books and music she had inherited from her grandfather, Alphonse of Aragon.I studied the work of Beatrice’s brother John of Aragon (Giovanni d’Aragona), previously known mainly from Thomas Haffner’s monograph on his library (1997), from the viewpoint of his influence on Matthias’s art patronage. John was born in Naples on June 25, 1456, the third son of Ferdinand I of Aragon. His father, crowned king by Pope Pius II in 1458 following the death of Alphonse of Aragon, intended from the outset that he should pursue a church career. Ferdinand’s children, Alphonse (heir to the throne), Beatrice, and John were educated by outstanding humanist teachers, including Antonio Beccadelli (Il Panormita) and Pietro Ranzano. Through his father and the kingdom’s good relations with the papacy, John acquired many benefices, and when Pope Sixtus IV (1471‒1484) created him cardinal at the age of twenty-one, on December 10, 1477, he made a dazzling entrance to Rome. John was — together with Marco Barbo, Oliviero Carafa, and Francesco Gonzaga — one of the principal contemporary patrons of the College of Cardinals.On April 19, 1479, Sixtus IV appointed John legatus a latere, to support Matthias’s planned crusade against the Ottomans. On August 31, he departed Rome with two eminent humanists, Raffaele Maffei (also known as Volaterranus), encyclopedist and scriptor apostolicus of the Roman Curia, and Felice Feliciano, collector of ancient Roman inscriptions. John made stops in Ferrara, and Milan, and entered Buda — according to Matthias’s historian Antonio Bonfini — with great pomp. During his eight months in Hungary, he accompanied Matthias and Beatrice to Visegrád, Tata, and the Carthusian monastery of Lövöld and probably exerted a significant influence on the royal couple, particularly in the collecting of books. Matthias appointed his brother-in-law archbishop of Esztergom, the highest clerical office in Hungary, with an annual income of thirty thousand ducats.Leaving Hungary in July 1480, John returned to Rome via Venice and Florence, where, as reported by Ercole d’Este’s ambassador to Florence, Lorenzo de’ Medici showed him the most valuable works of art in his palace, and he visited San Marco and its library and the nearby Medici sculpture garden.In September 1483, Sixtus IV again appointed John legate, this time to Germany and Hungary. He took with him the Veronese physician Francesco Fontana and stayed in Buda and Esztergom between October 1483 and June 1484. The royal couple presented him with silver church vessels, a gold chalice, vestments, and a miter.John’s patronage focused on book collecting and building. He spent six thousand ducats annually on the former. Among his acquisitions were contemporary architectural treatises by Leon Battista Alberti and Filarete, which he borrowed for copying from Lorenzo’s library. They were also featured in Matthias Corvinus’s library, perhaps reflecting John’s influence. Around 1480, during his stay in Buda (approximately 1478‒1480), the excellent miniaturist, Francesco Rosselli made the first few large-format luxury codices for Matthias and Beatrice. Both Queen Beatrice and John of Aragon played a part of this by bringing with them the Aragon family’s love of books, and perhaps also a few codices. The Paduan illuminator Gaspare da Padova (active 1466‒1517), who introduced the all’antica style to Neapolitan book painting, was employed in Rome by John as well as by Francesco Gonzaga, and John’s example encouraged Matthias and Beatrice commission all’antica codices. He may also have influenced the choice of subject matter: John collected only ancient and late classical manuscripts up to 1483 and mainly theological and scholastic books thereafter; Matthias’s collection followed a similar course in which theological and scholastic works proliferated after 1485. Anthony Hobson has detected a link between Queen Beatrice’s Psalterium and the Livius codex copied for John of Aragon: both were bound by Felice Feliciano, who came to Hungary with the Cardinal. Feliciano’s probable involvement with the Erlangen Bible (in the final period of his work, probably in Buda) may therefore be an important outcome of the art-patronage connections between John and the king of Hungary.John further shared with Matthias a passion for building. He built palaces for himself in the monasteries of Montevergine and Montecassino, of which he was abbot, and made additions to the cathedral of Sant’Agata dei Goti and the villa La Conigliera in Naples. Antonio Bonfini, in his history of Hungary, highlights Matthias’s interest, which had a great impact on contemporaries; but only fragments of his monumental constructions survive.We see another link between John and Matthias in the famous goldsmith of Milan, Cristoforo Foppa (Caradosso, c. 1452‒1526/1527). Caradosso set up his workshop in John’s palace in Rome, where he began but — because of his patron’s death in autumn 1485 — was unable to finish a famous silver salt cellar that he later tried to sell. John may also have prompted Matthias to invite Caradosso to spend several months in Buda, where he made silver tableware.Further items in the metalware category are our patrons’ seal matrices. My research has uncovered two kinds of seal belonging to Giovanni d’Aragona. One, dating from 1473, is held in the archives of the Benedictine Abbey of Montecassino. It is a round seal with the arms of the House of Aragon at the centre. After being created cardinal in late 1477, he had two types of his seal. The first, simple contained only his coat of arm (MNL OL, DL 18166). The second elaborate seal matrix made in the early Renaissance style, of which seals survive in the Archivio Apostolico Vaticano (Fondo Veneto I 5752, 30 September 1479) and one or two documents in the Esztergom Primatial Archive (Cathedral Chapter Archive, Lad. 53., Fasc. 3., nr.16., 15 June 1484). At the centre of the mandorla-shaped field, sitting on a throne with balustered arm-rest and tympanum above, is the Virgin Mary (Madonna lactans type), with two supporting figures whose identification requires further research. The legend on the seal is fragmentary: (SIGILL?)VM ……….DON IOANNIS CARDINALIS (D’?) ARAGONIA; beneath it is the cardinal’s coat of arms in the form of a horse’s head (testa di cavallo) crowned with a hat. It may date from the time of Caradosso’s first presumed stay in Rome (1475‒1479), suggesting him as the maker of the matrix, a hypothesis for which as yet no further evidence is known to me. The seals of King Matthias have been thoroughly studied, and the form and use of each type have been almost fully established.John of Aragon was buried in Rome, in his titular church, in the Dominican Basilica of Santa Sabina. Johannes Burckard described the funeral procession from the palace to the Aventine in his Liber notarum. Matthias died in 1490 in his new residence, the Vienna Burg, and his body was taken in grand procession to Buda and subsequently to the basilica of Fehérvár, the traditional place of burial of Hungarian kings. The careers of both men ended prematurely: John might have become pope, and Matthias Holy Roman emperor.(The bulk of the research for this paper was made possible by my two-month Ailsa Mellon Bruce Visiting Senior Fellowship at the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts [CASVA] of the National Gallery of Art [Washington DC] in autumn 2019.) [fordította: Alan Campbell]

Abstract Chapter 6 focuses on the role—or lack thereof—of papal privileges in the tenth-century West Saxon (Cerdicing) ‘Kingdom of the English’. Why is our evidence for the use of papal documentary culture in England so comparatively poor for this period, when we know that strong Anglo-papal relations otherwise existed, and that a great many privileges were acquired across contemporary Europe? By surveying the dearth of English evidence against the corpus of acquisitions from Ottonian Germany and Italy, late Carolingian and Capetian France, and the emerging Catalan polity, this chapter argues that ideas about papal authority developed in the new English kingdom along lines quite different from those of the ‘post-Carolingian’ polities. The discussion includes reassessments of evidence of papal documents from within the milieu of the English ‘Benedictine movement’, at Dunstan’s Canterbury, Æthelwold’s Winchester, Oswald’s Ramsey, and Glastonbury abbey.

Abstract Conrad of Hirsau (c. 1070-c. 1150?) is supposed to have been a schoolmaster in the Benedictine abbey of SS Peter and Paul at Hirsau, in the Black Forest of Germany. In addition to his Dialogue on the Authors, from which selections are translated below, he has been credited with several other works, including Dialogus de mundi contemptu vel amore and a Speculum virginum. The Dialogue on the Authors has resisted efforts at exact dating. Its editor, R. B. C. Huygens, regards it as having been produced late in Conrad’s life, mainly because the surviving manuscripts have a number of errors and gaps which, in his judgement, indicate a penultimate draft; it might even be his final work, left slightly incomplete at the time of his death. But, as L. G. Whitbread has pointed out, ‘faults in later copies may well be due to circumstances other than the author’s age or demise’.3 The single incontrovertible fact about the work’s genesis seems to be that it often makes use of Bernard of Utrecht’s commentary on Theodulus, which was written between 10’]6 and 1099. Three parallels with Hugh of Saint-Victor’s Didascalicon (c.1127) are inconclusive and may simply reflect a common training in the artes. In sum, as Whitbread concludes, ‘a very provisional dating within the period c.1100-50 is all that the evidence seems to warrant’. The suniving text of the Dialogue is certainly far from perfect. Some of its errors and omissions are of a kind which are difficult to explain by reference to the vagaries of manuscript transmission. There are several passages of misunderstood or garbled information which would have annoyed a more careful grammarian (to view the matter in the light of medieval standards of competence). But Conrad’s overall plan is quite clear and rather impressive. The work falls into three sections, beginning with the ‘necessary preliminaries to reading the authors’, that is, basic definitions of literary terms (like book, prose, rhythmus, metre, and so forth). Here Conrad follows Bernard of Utrecht, who had drawn on Isidore of Seville’s Etymologiae either directly or through some medieval intermediary.