Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Villars (Dordogne, France)”

Direct dating of prehistoric paintings is playing a major role in Paleolithic art studies. Very few figures can be directly dated since the necessary condition is that they contain organic carbon-based material. Thus, it is very important to check the presence of organic carbon-based material in situ before sampling in order to protect the visual integrity of the paintings or drawings. We have tested and compared 3 different portable analytical systems that can be used in cave environments for detecting carbon in prehistoric paintings: (1) a very compact X-ray fluorescence (XRF) system in Villars Cave (Dordogne, France); (2) a portable micro-Raman spectrometer in Rouffignac Cave (Dordogne, France); and (3) an infrared reflectography camera in both caves. These techniques have been chosen for their non-destructiveness: no sample has to be taken from the rock surface and no contact is made between the probes and the paintings or drawings. The analyses have shown that all the animal figures have been drawn with manganese oxides and cannot be directly dated by radiocarbon. However, carbon has been detected in several spots such as black dots and lines and torch marks. 14C results were obtained from 5 torch marks selected in Villars Cave, with ages between 17.1–18.0 ka cal BP. Three methods were used to identify carbon in black pigments or to confirm the presence of torch marks by carbon detection. Thanks to these new analytical developments, it will be now possible to select more accurately the samples to be taken for 14C dating prehistoric paintings and drawings.

La petite ville s'est transformée au point que seuls les anciens s'en souviennent encore et narrent une ville qui désormais a disparu. Le plus remarquable est la séparation du politique et du système d'intégration à la ville désormais ouvert au système marchand. L'unité de la ville s'efface alors au profit de la qualité de séparation. Dans ce contexte, l'habitant en tant que statut disparaît au profit de l'habitant qualité qui s'acquiert. La petite ville n'est plus qu'un "habit vide" et les relations entre les individus s'effectuent ailleurs. Plus précisément, à partir d'un "archipel pavillonnaire" et donc dans des îlots séparés et différenciés socialement. Nous argumentons donc pour une séparation des univers sociaux à l'instar des territoires urbains et plus précisément des villes américaines. Les habitants vivent dans des groupes sociaux inclusifs organisés sur une base spatiale. L'archipel pavillonnaire est alors un monde de la complexité dans lequel l'individualisation et la séparation en formulent l'expérience. En définitive, dans l'archipel pavillonnaire, la qualité de séparation, la faiblesse des liens et l'évitement des conflits constituent un ordre moral singulier : le minimalisme moral
The little town has changed so much that only the elderly can remember it and tell the story of bygone days. What is worth noting is the separation between politics, and the town system of integration now open to free trade. The town unity is replaced by the quality of separation. In these circumstances, the inhabitant as status steps aside in favor of the inhabitant as quality, which can be acquired. The small town is merely an empty garment and the relationships between inhabitant are elsewhere, more precisely from a residential area in socially separate places. We therefore advocate for a separation of social universes following the example of urban territories and more precisely American cities. The inhabitant live in inclusive social groups organized on a spatial basis. The suburban area is then a world of complexity in which individualization and separation express this experience. In other words, in the suburban area, the quality of separation, the weak ties and the avoidance of conflicts compose a peculiar moral order : the moral minimalism

Cette thèse vise à appréhender les rapports à l’espace et la coprésence des individus habitant de façon temporaire ou permanente une ville soumise au double processus de patrimonialisation et mise en tourisme. Si de nombreux «hauts-lieux» touristiques dont le développement est fondé sur le patrimoine, tels les centres anciens de Venise ou Bruges ou Tolède, sont caractérisés par le fait qu’ils sont investis par les touristes jour et nuit tout au long de l’année, nous pouvons nous demander comment fonctionnent et évoluent les lieux urbains patrimoniaux qui connaissent une fréquentation touristique moins forte et davantage marquée par la saisonnalité.En ce sens, les petites villes mises en tourisme et en patrimoine constituent un terrain d’enquête fécond, d’autant qu’elles retiennent encore peu l’attention des géographes s’intéressant au tourisme. Considérant l’urbanité telle que définie par Lévy et Lussault comme le croisement de la densité et de la diversité, ces villes connaissent des degrés d’urbanité fluctuant, passant d’une certaine forme «d’entre-soi» hors saison touristique à une forte densité doublée d’une mixité importante en haute saison.Dans l’objectif d’appréhender les rapports à l’espace, nous nous intéressons aux représentations, aux pratiques et aux modalités d’appropriation de l’espace par des individus habitant de façon temporaire ou permanente Dinan (Côtes d’Armor) et Sarlat (Dordogne), deux villes connaissant des niveaux de mises en tourisme et en patrimoine conséquents mais différents. Reprenant la typologie développée par l’Équipe MIT, ce sera alors une lecture croisée d’une ville à fonction touristique et d’une ville touristifiée qui sera menée
This thesis aims at understanding the relation to space and the co-presence of individuals living temporarily or permanently in a city subjected to the double process of heritage and tourism. While many "hauts-lieux" which development is based on heritage, such as the ancient centers of Venice or Bruges or Toledo are characterized by the fact that they are invested by tourists day and night throughout the year, we can ask ourselves how urban heritage places, which have a lower level of tourist activity and are more marked by seasonality, operate and evolve.In this sense, small touristic and historic cities constitute a fertile ground of inquiry, especially since they still receive little attention from geographers interested in tourism. Considering urbanity as defined by Lévy and Lussault combining density and diversity, these cities experience various degrees of urbanity, moving from a form of "entre-soi" outside the touristic season to a high density coupled with a high mix in high season.In order to understand the relation to space, we are interested in the representations, practices and modes of appropriation of space of individuals living temporarily or permanently in Dinan (Côtes d'Armor) and Sarlat (Dordogne), two cities with different levels of touristic development and heritage making, substantial but different. Using the typology developed by the Equipe MIT, it will be a cross-reading of a city with a tourist function and a touristified city that will be carried out

In this chapter the author uses detailed local and regional archival, press and other records to show how the festival was celebrated throughout France. To demonstrate the wide-ranging nature of the celebrations, records from major cities, in particular Lyon, Bordeaux, Strasbourg, and Angers are used, as are those from large towns such as Amiens, Orleans, Grenoble and Bailleul as well as villages and hamlets in the Ile de France, the Dordogne and the alpine region. These records are analysed to demonstrate the national focus on the festival and how, despite the different ways in which the various communities celebrated it, the general tenor not only closely followed Robespierre’s original design but became genuinely specifically positive and individual local celebrations gives a clear impression of the national acceptance of the idea of a new and republican morality.