Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „United States – Politics and government – Textbooks”
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1
Takeda, Okiyoshi. "A Forgotten Minority? A Content Analysis of Asian Pacific Americans in Introductory American Government Textbooks". PS: Political Science & Politics 48, nr 03 (19.06.2015): 430–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096515000190.
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ABSTRACTTextbooks are the most important pedagogical tools in higher education and they should convey sufficient and accurate information on minority groups and women in the United States. Yet textbooks tend to marginalize these groups in their depictions. This article examines the coverage of Asian Pacific Americans in twenty-eight American Government or Politics textbooks. Asian Pacific Americans have faced a unique history of exclusion, discrimination, and stereotyping. The content analysis of the textbooks reveals that textbooks do not fully cover their history and contributions to US politics, either measured by page numbers or by historical events and figures important to Asian Pacific Americans. To rectify this lack of coverage, this article concludes with five constructive recommendations, including an option to invite scholars on Asian Pacific American politics to serve as textbook reviewers and textbook coauthors.
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Monforti, Jessica Lavariega, i Adam McGlynn. "Aquí Estamos? A Survey of Latino Portrayal in Introductory U.S. Government and Politics Textbooks". PS: Political Science & Politics 43, nr 02 (kwiecień 2010): 309–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000181.
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AbstractThe breadth of material covered in introductory U.S. government and politics survey courses creates a situation in which the textbooks used may serve as the primary source of information students receive about the country's political system. At the same time, their content represents a conscious choice by the authors, editors, and publishers of these textbooks regarding what topics and content are necessary and worthy of publication, which socializes students to accept particular viewpoints of the formation and operation of the U.S. government. Oftentimes, the information presented in textbooks across subdisciplines ignores the political experiences and influence of racial, ethnic, and other minority groups. We test this premise by engaging in a study of 29 introductory U.S. government and politics textbooks to assess the level of coverage and treatment of Latinos/as, the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the country. We find that the discussion of Latinos in these textbooks is incredibly brief and often limited to the civil rights chapters. Furthermore, Latinos are primarily mentioned in the discussion of immigration, while their overall contributions to the political development of the United States are largely ignored.
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Brandle, Shawna M. "It’s (Not) in The Reading: American Government Textbooks’ Limited Representation of Historically Marginalized Groups". PS: Political Science & Politics 53, nr 4 (22.07.2020): 734–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000797.
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ABSTRACTThe Introduction to American Government course, and its textbook, is a nearly universal experience for students in American colleges and universities, but what exactly is being taught in this course? Do the textbooks used in this widely taught course accurately reflect the diversity of populations and experiences in the United States? More specifically, how do textbooks for Introduction to American Government cover historically marginalized groups, if at all? This article builds on previous work by analyzing the representation of individual historically marginalized groups to conduct index search and content analyses on traditionally published and openly licensed (i.e., open educational resources [OER]) textbooks. This study finds that American government textbooks include little coverage of any historically marginalized groups, and that OER textbooks are average in this respect, doing neither better nor worse than their traditionally published counterparts.
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Wexelbaum, Rachel. "Book Review: Women in American History: A Social, Political, and Cultural Encyclopedia and Document Collection". Reference & User Services Quarterly 57, nr 1 (9.10.2017): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.57.1.6465.
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To this day, high school and college students rarely learn about the role of women in American history, cultures, or politics. Teachers and textbooks still focus predominantly on the white Christian heterosexual males that continue to take most of the credit for building the United States of America. While it is fact that, for most of American history, only white men could own land, vote, and serve in government, women of all races, religions, and sexual orientations have done a great deal to advance American culture, fight for justice, and impact the laws, businesses, scientific research, and education systems that have developed in the United States over time.
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Singh, Robert. "Teaching American Politics". Politics 21, nr 2 (maj 2001): 130–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00144.
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This article examines some of the hurdles that confront teachers of American government and politics in the United Kingdom. It argues that whilst the problems associated with teaching American politics are hardly unique within the politics discipline, they do pose substantial challenges. In particular, confronting students' stereotypes and prejudices about the United States is a key task of a successful teaching programme. To do this, and to make the study of US politics an ‘active’ one, some suggestions are made as to how the standard ‘textbook approach’ can be supplemented and enhanced.
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Yu, Miin-ling. "From Two Camps to Three Worlds: The Party Worldview in PRC Textbooks (1949–1966)". China Quarterly 215 (wrzesień 2013): 682–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013001021.
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AbstractThe worldview as reflected in the textbooks of the People's Republic of China during 1949–1966 centred on Party-led nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism. This article emphasizes both the continuities and changes in nationalist ideology during the Republican and Maoist periods. First, textbooks in Maoist China presented the imperialist powers as shifting away from Britain, Russia and Japan under the KMT government and towards the United States (since 1949) and the Soviet Union (since the 1960s), and emphasized class struggle. Second, the CCP had far greater control over the production of textbooks than the KMT. In this sense, the CCP truly carried out “partified” (danghua) education, a goal shared by the KMT which it never had the ability to achieve. In addition, “the language of Cultural Revolution” appeared with the outbreak of the Korean War. In other words, the education that cultivated revolutionary successors began in the early 1950s.
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Wilson, Mark R. "The Politics of Procurement: Military Origins of Bureaucratic Autonomy". Journal of Policy History 18, nr 1 (styczeń 2006): 44–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0032.
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No U.S. history textbook mentions Robert Allen, George H. Crosman, John H. Dickerson, Thomas Swords, or Stewart Van Vliet. Yet in certain respects they were five of the most important government officials in the nineteenth-century United States. Each was a high-ranking officer in the Quartermaster's Department, a bureau of the U.S. army entrusted with military procurement. During the Civil War, the supply depots in which they worked—in Philadelphia, New York, Cincinnati, and St. Louis—were indispensable adjuncts to the Union war effort. The magnitude of the procurement project was unprecedented: in four years, these five officers alone paid contractors and civilian employees $350 million. This sum amounted to nearly one-third of the total of over $1 billion that the Quartermaster's Department as a whole spent to equip the Union army. No other single project, in either government or business, involved the expenditure of such an enormous sum. In an age in which few Americans made $2 a day, $350 million was equivalent to the total wartime income of one hundred thousand households. Adjusted for inflation, this was roughly equal to the entire federal budget during the administration of President James Buchanan (1857–61).
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Jütersonke, Oliver. "Echoes of a Forgotten Past: Mid-Century Realism and the Legacy of International Law". Ethics & International Affairs 26, nr 3 (2012): 373–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679412000469.
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Those studying the work of Hans J. Morgenthau, widely considered the “founding father” of the Realist School of International Relations, have long been baffled by his views on world government and the attainment of a world state—views that, it would appear, are strikingly incompatible with the author's realism. In a 1965 article in World Politics, James P. Speer II decided that it could only be “theoretical confusion” that explained why Morgenthau could on the one hand advocate a world state as ultimately necessary in his highly successful textbook, Politics Among Nations, while writing elsewhere that world government could not resolve the conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States by peaceful means. According to Speer, Morgenthau posits at the international level a super-Hobbesian predicament, in which the actors on the world scene are motivated by the lust for power, yet he proposes a gradualist Lockean solution whereby the international system will move, through a resurrected diplomacy, out of a precarious equilibrium of balance-of-power anarchy by a “revaluation of all values” into the “moral and political” bonds of world community, a process whose capstone will be the formal-legal institutions of world government. This oscillation between Hobbes and Locke, Speer asserted, must be the result of Morgenthau's “commitment to the organismic mystique that comes out of German Romantic Nationalism,” although he admitted in a footnote that his reflections on the intellectual sources of Morgenthau's theories were “mere speculation.”
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Schull, Michael. "Commentary: Bioterrorism: when politics make the best prevention". CJEM 1, nr 03 (październik 1999): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1481803500004231.
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The United States dominates academic emergency medicine. In other specialties, century-old medical traditions and international leaders balance the US influence. But emergency medicine was born in the US, the number of US trainees far out-number those of other countries combined, and our textbooks and journals are written primarily by US authors.
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Jong Kon, Lee. "Regulation Growth and Bureaucratic Politics in the United States". Korean Journal of Policy Studies 30, nr 2 (31.08.2015): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps30203.
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Diverse public administration and governance studies have argued that leviathan governments are no longer capable of efficient administration and that new governing structures should be substituted for traditional government regulations. Nevertheless, a large regulatory structure remains intact in the United States. This paper explores why traditional government regulation has persisted even in the era of new governance. Several regression tests indicate that bureaucratic attempts to secure the survival of agencies rather than administrative effectiveness determine the extent of regulation.
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Yackee, Susan Webb. "The Politics of Rulemaking in the United States". Annual Review of Political Science 22, nr 1 (11.05.2019): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-050817-092302.
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Rulemaking is a critical part of American government and governance. This article reviews the political underpinnings of modern rulemaking. Specifically, it highlights the process and impact of agency regulations, as well as the key tools used by the legislature, elected executive, and courts to oversee the rulemaking process. The article also reviews who participates in the rulemaking process, as well as who influences regulatory content. Finally, new directions in regulatory policymaking are explored, including data collection advancements, as well as the potential role for guidance documents as replacements for more traditionally issued notice and comment regulations.
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STEEL, GILL. "Images of Government, Business, and Citizen Identity in the United States". Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, nr 1 (26.02.2010): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909990156.
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AbstractThis paper presents a country profile of the United States using data from the AsiaBarometer (2008) survey. I first examine how citizens see themselves, their government and big business. My findings show that Americans remain ambivalent toward politics, their government, and big business. Citizens overwhelmingly support democracy as a political system and are satisfied with a broad range of specific democratic rights, but, at the same time, they complain about the workings of their democratic system, policy output, and many distrust government and big business. I then examine the role citizens play in politics, analyzing who participates and why.
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Pomper, Gerald M. "The Politics of Tax Reform". News for Teachers of Political Science 50 (1986): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900002348.
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“No representation without taxation” could easily be the motto of American democracy. Like any other government, the United States cannot operate without taxes, and the politics of taxation reveals the workings of our democratic polity. The current national debate over tax reform offers an unusual opportunity to enliven introductory courses in American government.
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Enriquez, Daniella J. "The XVII Amendment’s impact to Economy, Politics, and European Immigration during Prohibition in the United States". Toro Historical Review 14, nr 2 (6.12.2023): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46787/tthr.v14i2.3314.
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Prohibition occurred between the years 1920 to 1933. The United States Congress ratified the XVII amendment prohibiting the sale, manufacture, and transport of intoxicating liquors. During these years United States emerged from its involvement in World War I, experienced the Roaring Twenties, and felt the impact of the Great Depression. The era historically transformed the United States during the period of thirteen years. Upon the ratification of XVIII amendment, the Volstead Act became the enforcing mechanism of the law, Prohibition took effect within the United States on January 17, 1920. The economy, law enforcement and European immigration were all sectors uniquely affected during the Prohibition era in the United States. The United States government political fallout occurred because they believed the ratification would positively impact the country’s economy, however; the government lost tax revenues immediately after the tax on liquor sales halted. The law’s goal was to eliminate all liquor within the United States. The government did not expect illegal smuggling nor the establishment of a bootlegging industry. The closure of saloons led to an illegal development of underground speakeasies. Alcohol smugglers thrived, while the National Anti-Saloon League influenced distinguished members of Congress and the government with their use of “pressure politics.” The Treasury Department assigned a Prohibition Unit agency known as the Federal Bureau of Investigation to follow paper tracks and anonymous tips about speakeasies and illegal smuggling. The United States endowed Border Patrol with law enforcement authority allowing them to make arrests without warrants on any violation of immigration laws. Immigrants found opportunities sidestepping the law and built speakeasies to supplement their incomes. Germans, Italians, and Irish Americans were all targeted because of citizens preconceived prejudices against immigrants in the United States.
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Byrnes, Timothy A. "The Politics of Religious Brotherhood". Comillas Journal of International Relations, nr 29 (22.04.2024): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i29.y2024.004.
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When six members of the transnational brotherhood of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) were murdered in cold blood in El Salvador in November 1989, the Jesuit community in the United States responded with a powerful combination of outrage and embarrassment bordering on guilt. The Jesuits assassinated at the Universidad Centroamericana were killed because their devotion to the Jesuit mission of “the service of faith and pursuit of justice” was seen by the leadership of the Salvadoran military as a direct threat. And they were killed by a Salvadoran military that was receiving in support of its war against an insurgent guerilla force over $1 million per day from the United States government. Using all of the substantial institutional resources at their disposal, Jesuits in the U.S. worked to pressure the Salvadoran government to hold accountable “the authors of the crime” within the military’s high command, while at the same time they worked to pressure the U.S. government to shut off the military aid that had been used to murder their fellow Jesuits. “Their” government was killing “their” brothers, and the Jesuits in the U.S. mobilized a complex, transnational political response out of both communal solidarity and national responsibility.
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Sullivan, Charles. "LOCAL ROOTS, GLOBAL BRANCHES: ELEMENT OF SECONDARY HISTORY EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES". Journal of Social Studies (JSS) 13, nr 1 (21.11.2017): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jss.v13i1.17740.
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The history of American education is a history of local control. Symbolized by the image of the one-room “little red schoolhouse”, from our nation’s beginnings, schools have been under the direction of local communities. Teachers were hired by local school boards, who paid their salaries and often provided housing and food as well. Curriculum was also set locally, although often through the choice of textbooks, or primers, that were the published work of various education “experts” from other places. Importantly, teachers were also fired locally. As a result, American education has long been quite sensitively calibrated to local outlooks, concerns and politics.
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Van Hor, Lawrence. "A Document and Indigenous Politics". Practicing Anthropology 22, nr 3 (1.07.2000): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.22.3.v117532r34572383.
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This article refers to the interpretation of a government document by five distinct groups. Involved are three indigenous governments, one ad hoc indigenous group, and the United States Government. The document in question is a nomination to the National Register of Historic Places. General agreement exists on the facts as stated in the document. What differs is what it purports to show according to the groups' various political purposes.
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Orren, Karen. "Union Politics and Postwar Liberalism in the United States, 1946–1979". Studies in American Political Development 1 (1986): 215–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000365.
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It is evident now that the political structures built in the United States over the last half-century depended for their successful functioning on a set of international conditions that no longer exist. The government programs of the 1930s to protect labor organization, promote high agricultural prices, and provide cheap credit would have caused, had the gold standard not been defunct, massive gold outflows, worsening the already severe economic contraction. The postwar offspring of these programs have multiplied under conditions of international trade and finance that in effect permitted the export of excess economic demand. For the last decade, with international circumstances less obliging, the task of whittling government down or at least controlling its growth has vexed successive administrations.
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Rønnedal, Vibeke Sofie Sandager. "The Politics of Gun Control in the United States". Leviathan: Interdisciplinary Journal in English, nr 5 (19.08.2019): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/lev.v0i5.115497.
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The discussion of the right to keep and bear arms has been a growing issue in American society during the past two decades. This article examines the origin of the right and whether it is still relevant in contemporary American society. It is found that the Second Amendment was written for two main reasons: to protect the people of the frontier from wildlife and foreign as well as native enemies, and to ensure the citizen militia being armed and ready to fight for a country with a deep-rooted mistrust of a standing army and a strongly centralized government. As neither of these reasons have applied to American society for at least the past century, it is concluded that American society has changed immensely since the Second Amendment was ratified in 1791, and that the original purpose of the right to keep and bear arms thus has been outdated long ago.
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Kunnan, Antony John. "POLITICS AND LEGISLATION IN CITIZENSHIP TESTING IN THE UNITED STATES". Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 29 (marzec 2009): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190509090047.
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Politics and legislation have been entangled in language planning and policy in the United States since 1776. Regulations for immigration and citizenship (naturalization) have been in place since the Naturalization Act of 1790. This article examines the history of immigration and citizenship legislation that started with this act up to the more recent act of 1952, which included regulations requiring ability in English language and knowledge of history and government. It concludes with brief examinations of the old and redesigned Naturalization Tests.
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Li, Ashley, i Zidong Zhu. "The Impacts of the Clean Water Act on the U.S. Economy". Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 13, nr 1 (13.09.2023): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/13/20230659.
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The purpose of our study is to delve into how the Clean Water Act influenced the United States economy. We used some secondary research such as results from previous studies, textbooks, relevant news articles, published academic research papers, government legal documents, and statistical databases. By using this solid data which was published on the government legal documents, we can ensure the accuracy of this data. We found the results of the Clean Water Act (CWA) are controversial, and they are two-sided. However, The CWA now looks like a pretty successful act. In 1972 the United States administration enacted the CWA to restrict the discharge of pollutants into waters of the United States and regulation of surface water quality standards [12]. So our research question is how the Clean Water Act influenced the United States economy both beneficial and harmful. Previous studies have shown that the Clean Water Act actually has improved the economy drastically which we will talk about later. But there are some critics who examine the realistic aspect of the huge funds used to support this legislation which could be harmful to the economy.
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Edney, Matthew H. "Politics, Science, and Government Mapping Policy in the United States, 1800–1925". American Cartographer 13, nr 4 (styczeń 1986): 295–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1559/152304086783887262.
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ROCCO, PHILIP. "OPEN GOVERNMENT AND THE POLITICS OF PUBLIC KNOWLEDGE IN THE UNITED STATES". Public Administration 94, nr 3 (22.06.2016): 846–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/padm.12269.
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Lee, Eugene C. "Reflections on local government and politics in England and the United States". Local Government Studies 11, nr 5 (wrzesień 1985): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003938508438794.
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Holman, Mirya R. "Women in Local Government". State and Local Government Review 49, nr 4 (25.09.2017): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x17732608.
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Women are underrepresented in most elected and appointed positions in local government in the United States. This essay details what we know about women’s representation in cities and counties, with a discussion of the factors associated with women’s higher or lower levels of representation. The effects of women’s lack of parity are then discussed including policy attitudes, the policy process, and policy outcomes. In sum, this essay organizes knowledge on women in local government, identifies gaps in what we know, and promotes future investigations to expand our knowledge of gender politics, local politics and governance, and public policy.
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Jacob, James Nda, i Zekeri Momoh. "Declining United States Leadership and the Future of International Political System". Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 14, nr 5 (5.09.2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2023-0027.
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Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been a major player in promoting international peace and security. Today the declining US leadership has raised some questions such as: What are the factors that led to the decline of US leadership internationally? How did the US react to its dwindling leadership role? Are the current US strategies for regaining leadership in international politics effective? Therefore, this study seeks to answer the following research questions: Is declining US leadership a potential threat to international peace and security? How effective are the current US strategies in regaining leadership in international politics? The long cycle theory was used in this study. The study also relied on secondary data such as textbooks, magazines and internet sources, while content analysis was used to analyze the data collected. This study argues that the declining US leadership role poses a potential threat to the future of the international system, as no state like no other is willing to provide the financial and other resources necessary to meet global challenges for years to come, compared to the US's overall commitment to promoting international peace and security. Finally, this study regards the current US approaches as ineffective and therefore advocates new approaches.
Received: 23 June 2023 / Accepted: 29 August 2023 / Published: 5 September 2023
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Dewi, Ni Made Citra Kusuma. "A Fight For Gender Equality Within The United States’ Government". Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 11, nr 1 (1.11.2018): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v11i1.4933.
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Due to the stereotypes that women are unable to do jobs besides household chores, the people mostly assume that women are unable to work in politics and government as well as men do. This assumption, implicitly, violates human’s right to reach their social welfare. This paper, hence, aims to explore how women are perceived and treated in the government of the United States, specifically in the Congress by analyzing the current situation through literature reading. Based on the historical studies, the authors argue that gender equality has not been applied properly in the United States’ political system. This case eventually results in the emergence of various doubts on the United States as a role model for countries around the world that promote her civilian rights as the main priority.
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Abramyan, A. S. "POPULIST POLITICS DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC". EurasianUnionScientists 6, nr 4(73) (12.05.2020): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/esu.2413-9335.2020.6.73.691.
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The purpose of the article is to identify the main measures of populists to combat the removal of COVID 19 on the example of the United States of America and Italy. The study analyzes populist leaders across the political spectrum coped with the COVID-19 outbreak. The observation shows how, in the example of the United States, Italy such as their optimistic bias and complacency, ambiguity and ignorance of science. The study analyzes the measures taken by the Italian government and the US President. The results of the research allow us to use its materials and theoretical results primarily in political science. They can also be used in the development of specialized courses on modern globalization processes, political leadership, party development, and multiculturalism policy.
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Mork, Gordon. "Lindaman & Ward, History Lessons - How Textbooks From Around The World Portray U.S. History". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 32, nr 1 (1.04.2007): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.32.1.46-47.
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We all recall Robert Burns's couplet, reminding us that we should see ourselves as others see us. Thus Dana Lindaman (a Harvard Ph.D. candidate) and Kyle Ward (a professor of history and politics at Vincennes University) have set a useful task for themselves. History teachers and students of the discipline in general should be interested in reading United States history as seen through others' eyes. But the task is not as straight-forward as it appears. Their study, though a useful and rewarding book, also raises as many questions as it answers.
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Neumann, Richard. "An Analysis of the Treatment of Corporate Influence on Government by United States History and American Government High School Textbooks". Social Studies 105, nr 2 (14.01.2014): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00377996.2013.820163.
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Smith, Brian G. "Myths and the American Nation: Jefferson’s Declaration and the development of American nationalism". Review of Nationalities 8, nr 1 (1.12.2018): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0001.
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Abstract The USA as a multinational country of immigrants is nevertheless a fertile ground for competing nationalist ideologies and the consequently competing myth-building that surrounds the construction of national identity. The myth of the 1776 Declaration of Independence as an important founding document for domestic politics in the United States continues to spread through popular culture and academic textbooks. The claim of the Jefferson’s Declaration as an aspirational founding document helped establish a myth supporting creedal nationalism, but obscures the arc of the ideological debate over national identity.
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Nincic, Miroslav. "The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Politics of Opposites". World Politics 40, nr 4 (lipiec 1988): 452–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010314.
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The notion that the attitudes of the American public vis-a-vis the Soviet Union are driven essentially by emotion, and that they are more extreme and volatile than those of the government itself, is widely believed but may not be valid. While the public typically desires a combination of tough and conciliatory policies, it also tends to express, at any given moment, particular concern about whichever of the two it feels is most slighted in U.S. policy. Thus, the public will tend to seek conciliatory behavior from hawkish administrations while preferring a tough stance from administrations it deems dovish. By so doing, the public is likely to have a moderating effect on official behavior toward Moscow. The proposition is tested with reference to shifts in public approval of presidential Soviet policy, and certain implications are suggested for the manner in which political leadership perceives of its mandate.
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Foglesong, David. "The politics of recognition: ukrainian struggles for support by the United States, 1917-1941". Revue des études slaves 95, nr 1-2 (2024): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/120ds.
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This article will analyze how Ukrainians and Ukrainian-Americans sought diplomatic recognition of Ukraine by the United States between 1917 and 1941. It will explain why the U.S. government, despite its commitments to the principle of self-determination, did not recognize Ukrainian independence and why it extended diplomatic recognition to the Soviet Union in 1933 despite protests by Ukrainian- Americans about the terrible famine of 1932- 1933. Drawing on new research in the unu- tilized or underutilized papers of leading Ukrainian-Americans, the article will discuss their tactics and examine their impact on both the press and U.S. government officials.
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Power, Mary R. "Reconciliation, Restoration and Guilt: The Politics of Apologies". Media International Australia 95, nr 1 (maj 2000): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0009500117.
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Current media emphasis recognises that politicians' apologies are powerful tools in the process of reconciliation with those who see themselves the victims of government policies. Through apologies, blame is managed, minorities are reconciled, lingering guilt is assuaged and the image of a government is restored. In this paper, Prime Minister Howard's refusal to apologise on behalf of the Australian government for the harm done to Aboriginal people, as described in the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission's Bringing Them Home report, is analysed in the light of theoretical writing about apologies and the effects of apologies by President Young-Sam Kim of Korea and President Clinton of the United States.
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Karp, Basil. "Teaching the International Dimension of American National Government". Political Science Teacher 2, nr 1 (1989): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000519.
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Despite enormous changes in the global circumstances that impinge on American government and despite a growing recognition that the undergraduate curriculum must be internationalized, relatively little has been done to incorporate a global perspective in the one place where political science teachers can reach very large numbers of undergraduate students—the introductory American national government course. The internationalization of the American economy, the developing interdependence between the United States and other countries, the growth of local-international links—these phenomena have scarcely touched the bedrock political science course.Textbooks for the introductory American government course reflect this neglect of the international dimension. They typically allude to the international factor briefly in the context of the president's powers in conducting foreign relations and discuss it more extensively in a chapter on “Foreign Policy” or “Foreign and Defense Policy.” As a practical matter, however, this chapter is usually near or at the very end of the book, which many teachers and students probably never reach. A perusal of various current textbooks confirms the conclusion made by a 1981 survey of 50 leading textbooks that very few of the books recognize the interdependence phenomenon or the importance of global circumstances. Apart from textbooks, learning packages designed for the American government course on such topics are rare.To expose students to the international dimension of American national government, the writer conducted a special project in two sections of his American national government course during the spring 1988 semester. The following instruction sheet was given to the students.
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Hurlbut, J. Benjamin, Ingrid Metzler, Luca Marelli i Sheila Jasanoff. "Bioconstitutional Imaginaries and the Comparative Politics of Genetic Self-knowledge". Science, Technology, & Human Values 45, nr 6 (18.05.2020): 1087–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243920921246.
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Genetic testing has become a vehicle through which basic constitutional relationships between citizens and the state are revisited, reaffirmed, or rearticulated. The interplay between the is of genetic knowledge and the ought of government unfolds in the context of diverse imaginaries of the forms of human well-being, freedom, and flourishing that states have a duty to support. This article examines how the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States governed testing for Alzheimer’s disease, and how they diverged in defining potential harms, benefits, and objects of regulation. Comparison before and after the arrival of direct-to-consumer genetic tests reveals differences in national understandings of what it means to protect life and citizenship: in the United Kingdom, ensuring physical wellness through clinical utility; in the United States, protecting both citizens’ physical well-being and freedom to choose through a framework of consumer protection; and in Germany, emphasizing individual flourishing and an unburdened sense of human development that is expressed in genetic testing law and policy as a commitment to the stewardship of personhood. Operating with their own visions of what it means to protect life and citizenship, these three states arrived at settlements that coproduced substantially different bioconstitutional regimes around Alzheimer’s testing.
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Newman*, Stephen L. "The Politics of Campus Free Speech in Canada and the United States". Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 29, nr 2 (3.04.2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/cf29397.
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Ontario Premier Doug Ford and US President Donald Trump have something in common: both recently issued directives to colleges and universities intended to promote free speech on campus. Premier Ford’s came first. In August 2018, shortly after winning the provincial election, Ford required all colleges and universities in the province to devise policies upholding free speech on their campuses in line with a minimum standard prescribed by his government. The policies were to be in place no later than January 1, 2019. Failure to comply would result in a reduction of operating grant funding from the province. President Trump’s executive order concerning “free inquiry” on American campuses was issued in March 2019. The order states that it is the policy of the federal government to encourage institutions of higher learning “to foster environments that promote open, intellectually engaging, and diverse debate, including through compliance with the First Amendment for public institutions and compliance with stated institutional policies regarding freedom of speech for private institutions.”1 Colleges and universities that fail to do so are threatened with the loss of federal research and education grants.
* Associate Professor, Department of Politics, Faculty of Liberal Arts and Professional Studies, York University where he teaches political theory.1 Andy Thomason, “Here’s What Trump’s Executive Order on Free Speech Says”, The Chronicle of Higher Education (21 March 2019), online: <chronicle.com/article/Heres-Wat-Trumps-Executive/245943?cid+bn&utm_medium=en&cid=bn>. An executive order is a directive issued by the President of the United States in his capacity as head of the executive branch and has the force of law. Trump’s executive order on campus free speech is reproduced in its entirety online.
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Ikenberry, G. John. "Market solutions for state problems: the international and domestic politics of American oil decontrol". International Organization 42, nr 1 (1988): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300007165.
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The dramatic upheaval in oil prices in the 1970s posed difficult policy dilemmas for the United States. Like other industrial importing nations, the United States was forced to make decisions concerning how to adjust its economy and society to the new and troubling international energy reality. From the Nixon to the Carter administrations, government officials attempted to implement policies of energy adjustment. These efforts began with ill-fated international schemes to form a “consumer cartel” of industrial nations, and ended with the decision in 1979 to decontrol oil prices.
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Kharkevich, Maxim Vladimirovich, Ivan Ivanovich Pisarev, Vsevolod Sergeyevich Cheresov i Marina Olegovna Novogradskaya. "Comparative Analysis of American NGOs in China and Chinese NGOs in the U.S." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, nr 2 (15.12.2021): 350–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-350-371.
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This article analyzes the activities of American non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China and Chinese NGOs in the United States in the context of global competition between the United States and China for the leadership in the future model of the world order. In International Relations theory, especially in its theoretical paradigm of realism, the consideration of states as actors in international relations dominates scholarship. However, in recent decades it has become apparent that researchers have a significant interest in non-state actors, such as interest groups and NGOs, and their impact on international relations. NGOs in China and the United States have different historical backgrounds, environments, and government institutions in different ways. Still, but in terms of comparative analysis they represent comparable categories. The analysis offered in this study shows that, firstly, despite the strict regulation of the activities of NGOs in place in China, American NGOs have more opportunities to work in this environment than Chinese NGOs do in the United States, where the situation for their activities is apparently more favorable. Secondly, despite the advantages that partnerships provide, neither American nor Chinese NGOs form partnership networks and therefore, lose momentum for their own development. Thirdly, although the conditions for their activities differ in both countries, American and Chinese NGOs have equal opportunities to pursue their goals. Finally, American NGOs in China are less dependent on their government than Chinese NGOs in the United States are on the Chinese government. The study is comparative and takes as its units of analysis Chinese NGOs in the United States and American NGOs in China. Developments in the field of interest group politics serve as the theoretical framework for this research. The investigation uses methods of comparative quantitative analysis and social network analysis, while the interdisciplinary nature of the methods allow them to take advantage of the analytical capabilities of Comparative Political Science, Interest Group Politics, and International Relations.
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Abelson, Donald. "The Government Taketh Away: The Politics of Pain in the United States and Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, nr 1 (marzec 2006): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906299992.
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The Government Taketh Away: The Politics of Pain in the United States and Canada., Leslie A. Pal and R. Kent Weaver, eds., Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2003, pp. xii, 340.Compiling edited collections is notoriously difficult because editors and contributors frequently work from a different script. The result is that instead of producing a coherent volume which addresses a particular theme, readers are often left with a collection of scholarly papers that share little in common. What may have started as a project with a single goal and focus can quickly disintegrate into a patchwork quilt. This major problem has been avoided in Leslie Pal and Kent Weaver's edited book, The Government Taketh Away: The Politics of Pain in the United States and Canada, a sophisticated and richly detailed analysis of how decision-makers in the two countries attempt to introduce policies that may adversely affect the economic, social and political interests of various groups while trying to minimize political fallout. As the title of this book suggests, the editors are not concerned about why policy makers reward certain sectors and groups in society. After all, common sense dictates that politicians need votes and attempt to acquire them by appealing to the broadest segment of the population. In this book, the focus is on how policy makers, when faced with potential opposition from different groups, make strategic decisions that result in the imposition of losses. Although the editors do not offer a concrete definition of loss, examples include policy decisions that result in the de-indexation of old age pensions, the closure of military bases and the retraction of tax benefits. This book is not an indictment of government—the editors acknowledge that in democracies politicians must often make difficult choices that will help some and hurt others. Rather, it is a thorough exploration of how decision makers make these decisions and how various groups and sectors react.
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MERTON, JOE. "RETHINKING THE POLITICS OF WHITE ETHNICITY IN 1970s AMERICA". Historical Journal 55, nr 3 (3.08.2012): 731–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1200026x.
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ABSTRACTHistorians have tended to characterize the ‘white ethnic’ identity politics of the 1970s in the United States as a significant feature of the conservative counterrevolution, especially the rise of populist racial conservatism and its splintering of the Democratic New Deal coalition. Seeking to provide a broader, more representative portrait of white ethnic mobilization, activism, and institutionalization in government, with particular focus on the work of Rev. Geno Baroni, the National Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs, and the Carter administration's Office of Ethnic Affairs, this article challenges that assumption. It posits that the politics of white ethnicity was a far more complex, diverse phenomenon, of appeal to liberals and conservatives in an era of considerable political flux. This reconsideration also reveals that the 1970s were not conservative in the United States, but a watershed decade of uncertainty, volatility, and experimentation, in which ethnic identities and affiliations were reshaped, political norms upended, and new forms of organization and mobilization trialled out, with great significance for today's ‘post-ethnic’ United States. White ethnic politics was of considerable importance to American political development in the late twentieth century, but not in the way usually thought.
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Iwanek, Krzysztof. "Wiele przeszłości jednego narodu. Nauczanie historii jako element budowy tożsamości w indyjskich podręcznikach rządowych i nacjonalistycznych". Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, nr 3 (27.09.2019): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.3.10.
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This article compares history teaching in two types of Hindi-language textbooks used in India. One group of sources includes textbooks issued by the National Council of Educational Research and Training, a central public institution. The other one contains those published by Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan, a network of private schools run by Hindu nationalists. The objective of this study is to analyse what political, identity-building purposes these two conflicted narratives on history reveal. Unsurprisingly, the author’s conclusion is that the Hindu nationalist textbooks are biased in a number of ways. They portray India as continuously assaulted by foreign forces across the ages and united by the Hindu religious traditions. The government textbooks also stress Indian national unity at times but do not build it on the bedrock of Hindu religious traditions. While part of their contents is tilted politically to the left, they are still more balanced than the publications of Hindu nationalists. They recognise diversity much more, challenge some of the common myths and biases, admit India’s various historical challenges and include perspectives of various social groups to a certain degree. The article’s concluding remarks also muse on whether and in what ways such debates on Indian history affect the country’s present domestic politics and foreign policy.
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Ardita, Nadia Dian, Septyanto Galan Prakoso, Ferdian Ahya Al Putra, Arif Sulistiobudi i Randhi Satria. "Cyberwarfare between the United States and China 2014 -2022: in Retrospect". Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 9, nr 1 (30.04.2023): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v9i1.1869.
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<p>The development of security in the context of international politics and international relations has developed from time to time. Nowadays, the practice of security done by a country's government can be imbued with the advancement of technological innovation, dubbed cyber-influenced. Hence the term cyber-security is often used to indicate the association of information technology with security. The United States and China, as two competing big-power countries, also actively utilize cyber-security over the years. This article will describe the cyberwarfare between The United States and China, focusing from 2014 until 2022. A qualitative descriptive method is used, complemented by cyber security and state sovereignty concepts to analyze the case. Results indicate that both countries are involved in cyberwarfare based on defensive reasoning. The fact that both countries are referred to as great powers in international politics also complicates the case, as they have a high-tension nature of the relationship.</p>
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Levchenko, Yuliya. "WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT: THE EXPERIENCE OF THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES AND OF CHINA". Scientific Journal of Polonia University 48, nr 5 (17.01.2022): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/4814.
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The article analyzed the political participation of women in the context of politics and governance in the UAE and China. A comparative analysis of women's political participation in the context of politics and governance in the UAE and China based on data analysis: official state information sources of these countries and reports of international monitoring missions, women's rights organizations, impartial scientists and researchers on women's rights, gender equality, women's representation in politics and government, their political participation. The author's hypothesis was confirmed: women are presented in state institutions in public positions, but they are not represented in local governments (they are not accepted in society itself), the real women's political participation and representation of women in politics and government of UAE and China is unsatisfactory, and the states deliberately produces false information about the situation regarding women's rights and gender equality.
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Wolbrecht, Christina, i J. Kevin Corder. "Turning Rights into Ballots: The Uneven Integration of Women into Electoral Politics after Suffrage". PS: Political Science & Politics 53, nr 3 (lipiec 2020): 479–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909652000027x.
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After a more than seven-decade battle, American women secured the right to vote in August 1920. The struggle for women to have a voice in elections was not over, however. The Nineteenth Amendment states that “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” The amendment gives Congress the power to enforce the law by appropriate legislation. It does not, however, empower or charge any government office or actor with ensuring that women can and do cast ballots. This article argues that this reality, often taken for granted, has serious implications for both the incorporation of women into the electorate and the representation of their political interests.
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Schrank, Andrew. "Rebuilding Labor Power in the Postindustrial United States". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 685, nr 1 (wrzesień 2019): 172–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716219868672.
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Workers in the United States have lost their voice (or influence) in Washington and the workplace. Industrial unions are ill-suited to the postindustrial economy, and alternative organs of representation and influence (i.e., “alt-labor”) are trapped in a vicious circle of vulnerability and volatility that limits their likely growth. As a result of this, power is increasingly skewed toward employers and their political allies, who add to labor’s difficulties by eliminating and evading remaining labor protections. The federal government could help to restore a balance of power between workers and employers by establishing and enforcing a robust wage floor: (1) a $15 an hour minimum wage, (2) a nationwide hotline for workers who believe that their rights had been violated (“911 for workers”), and (3) a database that would allow regulatory agencies and worker organizations to rationalize and coordinate labor and employment law efforts. Doing so would produce a positive feedback loop so workers regain their voice on the job and in politics.
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Coleman, William D., Michael M. Atkinson i Éric Montpetit. "Against the Odds: Retrenchment in Agriculture in France and the United States". World Politics 49, nr 4 (lipiec 1997): 453–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100008017.
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This article extends recent work on a comparative theory of retrenchment in social policy by asking whether the politics of retrenchment travels well across policy areas, with policy feedback remaining a crucial variable for explaining government success or failure. The article analyzes policy change in agriculture in the United States and France, a natural choice for an extension of retrenchment theory because agricultural policy resembles social policy in some respects but also provides telling points of contrast. The article finds that the call for new theories focusing on retrenchment is justified: the politics of agricultural retrenchment differs from that of expansion, and success at retrenchment varies by program.The analysis shows, as well, that retrenchment has been significant both in the U.S. and in France and the European Union. Variations in policy feedback help explain why these policy changes occurred. Moreover, the France-U.S. comparison highlights how systemic institutional factors shape the politics of retrenchment. Finally, focusing on agriculture, a policy sector in which international developments have a greater direct importance than they do in social policy, the article identifies an additional systemic retrenchment strategy: constraining domestic programs through international agreements.
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Cohen, Miriam. "Population, Politics, and Unemployment Policy in the Great Depression". Social Science History 38, nr 1-2 (2014): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.7.
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Working out large-scale processes through close attention to local-level analysis remained central to Louise Tilly's approach to social history. An ongoing commitment to agency and strategy undergirded her vision for a global history that made connections between large-scale processes across space, between human agency and structure, and between the past and present. Her vision remains an important influence in my coauthored comparative history of the welfare state in England, France, and the United States. This is illustrated by a discussion of unemployment policies in the three countries at one particular moment of crisis, the Great Depression, concentrating on the United States, where the Depression hit first and hit the hardest. Important differences in demography, the mobilization of ordinary citizens, the responsiveness of state structures to democratic pressure, and public attitudes about the legitimate role of government all affected the history of unemployment policy in each country.
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Napoli, Philip M. "The symbolic uses of platforms: The politics of platform governance in the United States". Journal of Digital Media & Policy 12, nr 2 (1.06.2021): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdmp_00060_1.
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Unlike many other countries around the world, the United States has taken relatively little substantive action in the realm of platform governance, despite the United States being directly impacted by occurrences such as Russian interference in the 2016 election, domestic disinformation related to the 2020 election, the Cambridge Analytica data breach scandal and the ‘infodemic’ of misinformation that has accompanied the Coronavirus pandemic. Yet the past four years have involved numerous Congressional hearings on various aspects of platform governance and a multitude of bills have been introduced addressing a similarly wide range of platform governance issues. With so many indicators of potential government action over the past half-decade, but so few actual policy interventions, platform governance appears to be a prime example of a policy-making context in which symbolic actions are taking precedence over substantive actions. This article illustrates this dynamic through an analysis of recent platform governance developments in the United States.
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Gamawa, Yusuf Ibrahim. "United States, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Middle East Politics After Khashoggi’s Murder". American International Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences 1, nr 1 (24.01.2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.46545/aijhass.v1i1.42.
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There is no doubt that the murder of Jamal Khashoggi has brought about dramatic changes in the politics of the Middle East, and the key players; U.S., Saudi Arabia and Turkey are all playing different roles in shaping opinion in the region in the aftermath of the murder. While Turkey continues to push for justice for the murder of the journalist, the U.S. is seen to be divided between support for Saudi Arabia and call for justice, and Saudi Arabia on its part is pushing hard to see that it overcomes all attempts to undermine its government and leadership. This article argues that the murder of the journalist has pushed Saudi Arabia into taking steps that would ensure its survival and dominance in the region. The Saudi regime appears to be stepping up its power in the region and has reached out to neighbors and renewed its ties with its Gulf partners and wider Middle East, including Syria to neutralize all attempts by Turkey to undermine its regime.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3376365