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1
Mills, Jason. "Sino-American economic relationship after the global economic slowdown". Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/33994.
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The continued funding of America's persistent trade and fiscal deficits has sparked debate among international economists. One controversial explanation argues that East Asia is pursuing "Bretton Woods II" and funding American deficits as part of a greater development policy. This paper examines the Chinese policy response to the global economic crisis and finds that China's policy actions provide evidence for "Bretton Woods II." Furthermore, the Sino-American relationship is now characterized by codependence which has implications for the policy decisions of each country.
2
Burn, Adrian E. "From containment to detente : aspects of American foreign policy under Johnson and Nixon". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114553.
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The years from 1963 to 1974 were a turbulent and eventful period in American
life . From the assassination of John F. Kennedy to the resignation of
Richard Nixon, the period was characterized by social and political
upheaval. After the stability and predictability of the Eisenhower years
and then the optimism and excitement generated by the youthful President
Kennedy, the years o f Johnson and Nixon saw a sharp growth in domestic
political dissent , unprecedented attacks on political institutions and civil authorities , and a deep questioning of many of the foundations of American foreign policy.
3
Зінченко, Катерина, i Kateryna Zinchenko. "Investment relations between Canada and the United States". Thesis, Національний авіаційний університет, 2020. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/43562.
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In the context of global transformation in the economic integration of Canada and the USA, there is a tendency towards the internationalization of economic rela-tions and the internationalization of capital. Very close relations between Canada and the United States contributed to the geographical proximity, historical and cultural similarities of the two countries.
4
Riley, Joseph. "Hedging engagement : America's neoliberal strategy for managing China's rise in the post-Cold War era". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:307b4b67-77d0-40f3-bcfc-26d9598aa6bb.
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This thesis examines America's post-Cold War relations with China in the context of the neoliberal vs. neorealist debate. It concludes that neorealism - the dominant school of thought in the international relations literature - is incapable of explaining America's response to China's rise in the post-Cold War era. Because America was the leading global power and China was its most obvious potential rival, a neorealist theory that prioritized the distribution of relative power would anticipate this relationship to be a most-likely case for American policymakers to pursue containment and prioritize relative gains. However, I leverage insights from more than 100 personal interviews to demonstrate that in reality American leaders have overwhelmingly preferred a strategy of neoliberal engagement with China that has remained decidedly positive-sum in nature. My explanation for this consistent, bipartisan preference is that American policymakers have not adopted the neorealist assumption that conflict is inevitable between existing and rising great powers. As a result, policymakers have not focused exclusively on how to minimize the relative costs of a potential conflict with China by trying to contain China's relative power and limit America' exposure to China (as they did with the Soviet Union in the Cold War). Instead, policymakers have subscribed to the neoliberal belief that conflict can be avoided, and that increasing engagement and interdependence is the best strategy to maintain peace. They have pursued this strategy despite acknowledging that engagement and interdependence have increased the costs of a potential conflict by helping to facilitate China's rise in both an absolute and relative sense, and by increasing America's exposure to China. This thesis helps to define the differences between hedging and containing strategies. It argues that while relative material power is often important in deciding whether to hedge or not hedge, these purely material calculations play no role in decisions of whether to pursue containment or engagement. Instead, the decision to contain or not hinges on the target state's behavior and what that reveals about the regime's underlying intentions. Within this new framework, I argue that American policymakers' strategy has been to engage China economically while simultaneously hedging militarily. Furthermore, to the extent that American policymakers have expressed increased concerns about China in recent years, this has been primarily a consequence of China's increased assertiveness - not changes in its relative power.
5
Traylor, John Christopher 1960. "American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
6
Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.
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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.
7
Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. "A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling: Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany". PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.
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Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.
8
Haque, Mohua. "An Empirical Analysis of U.S. Foreign Direct Investment and Exports of Processed Food Industries". Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29869.
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This study examined the determinants of U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) and exports of processed food. This study also examined the impact of U.S. FDI on U.S. exports on processed food. FDI and export models used for estimation in this study were based on the cost-minimizing production function. The analysis focused on ten countries for the period of 1989-2004. Four of them were Asian countries: India, Japan, South Korea, and Thailand. Six of them were European countries: Belgium, France, Germany, Italy,
Spain, and the United Kingdom. The model was estimated using the two-way error component three-stage least squares (EC3SLS) method. Results from this study show that U.S. FDI and U.S. exports of processed food are complements. Major factors affecting U.S. FDI in the processing industry are GDP, GDP per capita, exchange rate, tariff rate, labor compensation cost, interest rate, and distance. Major factors affecting U.S. exports in the processed food industry are GDP, distance, and GDP from the agri-sector.
9
Quan, Wei. "Sino-US strategic and economic dialogue mechanism : is it a trouble-shooter or just empty talk?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595576.
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Belousova, Valentina. "U.S. Bilateral Trade with its Major Trading Partners and Russia". Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29552.
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This study examines U.S. exports and imports to/from its major 15 trading partners and Russia. To analyze U.S. export and import flows the gravity model approach is used. Factors affecting U.S. bilateral trade flows with its 16 trading countries are evaluated using Generalized Method of Moments (GMM). Annual data from 2000 to 2009 are used for this study. Goods traded between the U.S. and its trading partners are disaggregated into three groups based on the Standard International Trade Classification (SITC). Results show that major factors affecting both U.S. export and import flows are distance and change in polity score. Also U.S. exports are influenced by U.S. trading partner Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for agricultural (AGR) and middle sector (MID) groups. U.S. foreign direct investment is a complement for U.S. exports of final (FIN) group and at the same time it serves as substitute for U.S. exports of AGR. On the other hand, U.S. imports of AGR and foreign direct investment (FDI) from 16 trading partners to the U.S. are substitutes. This study also reveals that the U.S. and Russia bilateral trade could be improved through economic growth in both countries, improving political cooperation and increasing inward and outward FDI.
11
Snider, Erin. "Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609684.
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Hachem, Daniel R. (Daniel Raymond). "A Study on U.S. Japanese Foreign Trade". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278155/.
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This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.
13
Gjochi, Marigona. "Economic Relations Between China and the United States of America". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-198691.
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The master thesis emphasizes the economic relations between China and the United States. It gives an overview and theoretical background support on the significance of contemporary the economic relations between countries in today`s globalized era. Secondly, it analyzes how the theoretical background of economic and trade relations affect the empirical case study of the economic relations between China and the USA. The goal is to show how the economic and trade relations between China and the United States influence each other`s economies and what is the effect of such relations on the economic performance of both countries. More precisely, in order to answer the question above, the master thesis deals with complex analysis in regard of historical perspective concerning the economic relations between these countries, their ongoing cooperation in terms of balance of payments, the current and potential issues what both countries face and the existing challenges for the future. In order to complete the analysis and answer the research question, list of various sources will be used, starting from academic journals, books, literature reviews, reports from the World Trade Organization (hereafter WTO), reports from the respective countries on their economic progress, data available from the ministries of trade of respective countries and other sources related to the analysis of the contemporary economic and trade relations between the countries participating in the global economy.
14
Duho, Drapeau Dann. "The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.
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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.
15
Hallock, Stephanie A. "Why states cooperate : international environmental issues /". Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-12172008-063637/.
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16
Ou, Yu Ying. "Analysis of American protectionism policy towards China : from the perspective of interest group theory". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595103.
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Hempson, Donald Allen. "The lion with two tales Czechoslovak economic and foreign policy-making and its impact on U.S. relations, 1919-1929 /". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1155052806.
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Shinn, Hal Jerome III. "The effects of the European communities 1992 program on United States export controls". Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/29208.
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Zhang, Jianxin. "U.S. - China Bilateral Trade 1972 - 1992". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278694/.
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The main task of this thesis is to investigate economic implications of U.S.- China trade. The study period covers from 1972 to 1992. Data are available from International Financial Statistics, Survey of Current Business, Statistical Yearbook of P.R.China. Various hypotheses are employed to explain the basis and gain of trade, the impact of trade on both economies, and the major determinants of bilateral trade flows. This thesis contains five parts: I. Introduction; II. Outlook; III. Theoretical Analysis; IV. Empirical Study; and V. Conclusion. The major findings of this thesis are that both countries have gained advantages from trade and have also faced some unpleasant problems; several widely recognized theories serve as good approaches to understand these issues; the time series distributed lag models are helpful in explaining the determinants of trade flows.
20
Dai, Ke. "Theoretical analysis of US's foreign aid". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595544.
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21
Sen, Siddhartha. "An analysis of US development aid flows : a test of two rationales". Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/20971.
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22
Clyne, Steven S. "The debates surrounding America's hegemonic decline : a critical assessment". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116111.
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As the United States led the military, economic and diplomatic response to Iraq's
invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker was asked whether the
determined American leadership discredited the frequently asserted notion tha t
America had been toppled from its hegemonic pedestal. He responded th a t he never
believed such theories.1 To many people, Secretary Baker's assessment would seem
fairly reasonable. After all, in the previous year he--along with the rest of the worldhad
witnessed the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the rejection of
communist controlled command economies in favour of democracy and market-based
economies, and the heralding of the 'end of the Cold War.' The obvious implication was
th a t the U.S., as the leader of the non-communist world, had 'won' the Cold War.
Furthermore, the Kuwaiti crisis was proving th a t global leadership could not be based
exclusively upon a vibrant national economy. Though endowed with flourishing
economies, Germany (or the European Community for th a t ma tte r2) and Japan
appeared incapable of assuming the mantle of world leadership. The United States,
alone, demonstrated the capability and willingness to project its military might into
the Persian Gulf to deter further Iraqi aggression and, ultimately, to eject Iraq from
Kuwait.
23
Walter, Jason Michael. "Determinants of Bilateral Trade between the United States and Japan". Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29311.
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The objective of this study is to evaluate the effects of macroeconomic policy variables on bilateral trade between the United States and Japan. An auto-regressive distributed lag model is developed to estimate the effects of government economic policies on four commodity groups: agriculture; materials and chemicals; machinery and transport equipment; and manufactured goods. Results indicate that monetary policy significantly affects U. S. and Japanese imports of manufactured goods and transport equipment. The results also show that changes in government expenditure have a significant long-run effect on U.S. imports of manufactured goods and Japanese imports of materials and chemicals, while the long-run
effects of income and exchange rates are significant for most commodity groups.
24
Marcotte, Christina, i University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "8,893 kilometres of cooperation : applying Kingdon's model to the development of Canadian border security policy since 9/11". Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2009, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2469.
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Canadian border security policies are largely shaped by the asymmetrical relationship that exists between Canada and the United States. American markets are the primary destination for over eighty percent of Canadian exports, creating an economic dependence highlighted in the days following 9/11. As wait times at the American border extended to sixteen hours the importance of the shared border came sharply into focus. To ensure Canada‟s economic security the Canadian government needed to develop policies that would satisfy the American need for physical security and the Canadian need for economic security. This thesis applies John Kingdon‟s policy streams model to demonstrate and explain the subsequent development of Canadian border security policies. It also examines the institutional context for border security policies and examines two case studies: the Container Security Initiative and NEXUS.vii, 133 leaves ; 29 cm
25
O'Neill, Thomas J. "Business, investment and revolution in Russia : case studies of American companies, 1880's - 1920's". Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76751.
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This study of the American business presence in Russia from the late 19th Century to the early Soviet period, focuses on more than twenty individual firms that operated there or otherwise conducted business with Russia. They are presented as primary and secondary case studies in three distinct groups: financial industries, manufacturing industries, and sales, services and light manufacturing industries.The primary cases, American Express, Case and Vacuum Oil Company, offer a detailed insight into: motives for opening installations in Russia, daily operations, the effects of war, revolution and nationalization as well as business relations under the early Soviet government. The secondary case studies include, Citibank, Chase Manhattan Bank, Morgan Guaranty and New York Life Insurance Company in the financial group; Western Electric, Westinghouse Airbrake and General Electric in the manufacturing group; and United Shoe, Otis, Moline Plow, Kodak, Parke, Davis & Co., Chesebrough-Pond's and Continental Gin in the sales, services and light manufacturing group.
Collectively these firms present a comprehensive account of the largely neglected and misunderstood role of private American business in Russia. The experiences of these companies help dispel conventional notions of U.S. commercial interests in Russia and place American involvement in proper perspective.
26
Baum, Chris W. "Nationalism in United States Foreign Policy in the Post 9/11 Era". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2531.
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One year after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, the administration of President George W. Bush introduced a revolutionary foreign policy strategy--the Bush Doctrine. Proponents of this strategy advocated the use of American 'hard power' as a tool to promote freedom and democracy, beginning with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Opponents of the doctrine saw it as dangerously nationalistic, with the potential to entangle the United States in a myriad of protracted international conflicts. This thesis will identify aspects of nationalism within post-9/11 American foreign policy and illuminate the incompatibility of nationalism and the fundamental tenets of conflict resolution. This study theorizes that nationalism played a significant role in the development of the Bush Doctrine. Although its advocates promote specific policies historically associated with nationalism, as a rule they have not acknowledged its influence. Conversely, opponents of the doctrine acknowledge this influence and warn of its destructive characteristics. The study presented herein identifies nationalism as a powerful force in American culture and politics--one that has a profound influence on American foreign policy and on the longevity of our foreign wars.
27
Wainer, Gwen. "Economic sanctions : an effective tool of foreign policy". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2000. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/210.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
28
Nukumi, Tetsuro. "Political Economy of Industrial Keiretsu Groups in Japan and their Impact on Foreign Trade with the United States". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278301/.
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The postwar transformation of the international environment has caused economic issues to become a main source of contention among industrial states. The trade imbalance between Japan and its trading partners became a major source of conflict. Reciprocity of access and opening the market of Japan became the main point of debate and the major issue affecting relations between Japan and the United States. While the distinction between the domain of domestic and international politics increasingly is blurred, different domestic political economies create bilateral political and economic conflict. The structure and politics of intercorporate groups or vertical keiretsu are a major feature of Japan's industrial structure and political economy. This case study examines how vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries affect the Japanese political economy and international trade. A political economy approach focuses on the political context of economic phenomena by analyzing both political and economic variables. Case studies of keiretsu were used in order to gain an understanding of Japan's political economy. A number of propositions or assumptions about the political economy and the dynamics of keiretsu were examined in these studies. It was found that vertical keiretsu influences the industrial sector, trade, and foreign policies in Japan. Japan's industrial policies cannot fully be understood without taking keiretsu into consideration. Scholars have not yet fully considered vertical keiretsu as major actors in the Japanese political process. Their political influence on industrial policies has largely been overlooked. Vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries were found in the case studies to have been shaping industrial policies since the early post war years. Findings about the nature of Japan's political economy help to explain the conflictive bilateral relationships between Japan and the United States. The findings also show that understanding political economies of nations is increasingly important as the world economy grows and greater trade interaction is imminent.
29
Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. "British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.
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Addey, Kwame Asiam. "The Role of Trade Facilitation Indicators and Genetically Engineered Restrictive Index on U.S. State Exports and Efficiency". Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29005.
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Trade Facilitation Indicators have become important mechanisms of monitoring the ease of trade. Another issue of rising concern is the pervasive debate on genetically engineered organisms and the development of Genetically Engineered Restrictive Index to evaluate its implications on trade. With regards to these, the objective of the United States Trade Representative is to eliminate implicit trade barriers. Hence, this study examines the impact of TFIs on U.S. agricultural export and its efficiency. From the results, a 1% increase in destination?s Genetically Engineered Restrictive Index leads to a US$ 9,426.82 and US$ 74,268.04 decline in corn and soybean exports while wheat experiences a US$ 26,204.05 increase. The ?I-State? paradox was also revealed from the efficiency rankings. This research recommends that GE labelling policies should be synchronized to match the requirements of the destination countries. Furthermore, information on GE foods must be transparent and disseminated to change destinations? negative perception.
31
Harning, Jeannie. "The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions". Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989.
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The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
32
Peng, Nian. "Myanmar's China policy since 1988 : a neoclassical realist approach". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/594.
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This thesis argues that Myanmar's China policy since 1988 has been jointly determined by systemic imperatives and domestic factors. To make this argument logically acceptable, I create a neoclassical realism model of 'strategic preference'. The strategic preference is the intervening variable which decides the state's reactions to external environments. It assumes that states will adopt active diplomacy if they have an 'integration' strategic preference, and that otherwise, they will to be neutral about foreign affairs or isolated from the world. The external environments are divided into inclusive and restrictive ones, where the former means economic and political competition between great powers, while the latter refers to military confrontation between them. The hypothesis is that states are more likely to hedge against the threatening state when they have an 'integration' strategic preference and are faced with an inclusive external environment. Alternatively, states will keep their distance from the threatening state. In the case of Myanmar, it formulated an 'integration' strategic preference in 1988 because the domestic politics remained stable and moderate leaders were in charge of foreign affairs. Meanwhile, it faced a high threat from the US and great opportunity of gaining benefits from China. Given this, Myanmar engaged closely with China and thus resisted the US. However, Myanmar switched to the 'isolation' strategic preference after 2004 and confronted moderate Sino-US competition, thereby keeping both China and the US at a distance. Myanmar then revived the 'integration' strategic preference in 2011 and was faced with high risks of over-depending on China and a good chance of re-approaching the US. Hence, Myanmar improved relations with the West and fostered relations with ASEAN, India, and Russia to balance the rising Chinese influence. It also attempted to reduce its over-dependence on China by decreasing Chinese investment and slowing down its strategic partnership with China. The successive NLD government inherited the 'integration' strategic preference and faced strong US criticism. Therefore, it enhanced engagement with China to relieve the US pressure while strengthening relations with neighbouring countries to balance China's influence. Myanmar has stabilised bilateral ties and won the support of China through the high-level exchanges between the two countries; it has benefited greatly from the close bilateral economic and defence cooperation. Nevertheless, Myanmar has expanded the country's trade and investment partners and aid resources, diversified its foreign relations, and promoted defence cooperation with other military powers, thereby selectively reducing its reliance on China. However, Myanmar's balancing act is a highly restrained one because of its vulnerability and limited access to external resources, especially the strong political support and economic assistance from other great powers, such as the US in particular. In the near future, Myanmar will continue to give top priority to engagement with China, while gradually expanding its balancing act.
33
Avny, Amos Ben. "Foreign aid, trade and development: analysis of the past, prospects for the future". Diss., Virginia Tech, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/40128.
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This dissertation addresses U.S. foreign aid as a policy problem and examines new avenues for future aid strategies. Contemporary scholars call for shifting the paradigm of world politics from power to a more economicoriented policy of "Cooperative Capitalism." They call to base US foreign policy on a system of "Global Partnership." In that vein this study argues that future aid policy should be reshaped and carried out as a comprehensive strategy that incorporates trade and aid activities. Such a policy will meet better American domestic and global interests.
The dissertation examines aid and trade policies, the linkages between them, and their effect on LOCs' economic growth. The inquiry, conducted as a multiple case study, analyzes past and contemporary documentation concerning u.s. aid and foreign trade activities from 1945 to 1990.Ph. D.
34
Young, Kelly M. "Nukespeak and psychic numbing metaphors in the academic texts of defense intellectuals". Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1048397.
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This study analyzed defense intellectuals' metaphors to determine if the metaphors minimize or ignore the negative effects of nuclear war. The study specifically analyzed 30 texts from Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy with the metaphorical criticism method. Once the texts were analyzed, the findings suggested that defense intellectuals' metaphors describe nuclear war as ordinary and non-threatening, as a game or relationship. In addition, the study found that the defense intellectuals used metaphors that deflected responsibility for building and using nuclear weapons away from world leaders. The findings also suggested that the defense intellectuals are not numb to the effects of nuclear war, as others claim. Instead, the defense intellectuals' metaphors acted as cognitive blinders that prevented them from discussing the effects of nuclear war. Finally, the study found that each journal's metaphors were aligned with a particular world view of international relations; Foreign Affairs belonged to the realist school of thought, while Foreign Policy belonged to the neo-liberal institutionalist school of thought.Department of Speech Communication
35
Durr, Samantha J. "A Brief History of United States Foreign Development Assistance to Benin, the Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Senegal Since 2000". Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1493389407692537.
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36
Miller, Brian Lawrence. "Human Rights & U.S. Foreign Aid, 1984-1995: The Cold War and Beyond". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6152/.
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This study attempts to cast empirical light on the traditionalist-revisionist debate regarding the impact of the Soviet Union's collapse on U.S. foreign policy decision-making. To accomplish this goal, the relationship between human rights and U.S. foreign aid decision-making is examined before and after the Cold War. In doing so, the author attempts to determine if "soft" approaches, such as the use of a country's human rights records when allocating aid, have garnered increasing attention since the end of Cold War, as traditionalists assert, or declined in importance, as revisionists content.
37
Van, Wyk Albertus Maritz. "The proposed SACU-US free trade agreement : impact on AGOA benefits". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/21977.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006.The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) was signed into law in May 2000 by President Clinton to allow sub-Saharan countries to export designated products duty-free into the US. AGOA is a temporary measure that is non-reciprocal and not negotiated by the participating parties. The initiative was launched to liberalise the markets of developing countries on the road to become integrated in the global economy. The initial success of AGOA was limited, with only a few countries making use of AGOA to increase their exports into the US markets. Problems encountered were high levels of protectionism from the US and the existence of technical trade barriers (including sanitary measures in agriculture) and nontariff barriers (including quotas). African countries are using shipment as the main transport for exports, and the US barred transshipment due to corruption that occurred in the past. The AGOA also made provision for 'special provisions' measures to enable AGOA eligible countries to export apparel and textile to the US. The export of apparel was very successful until the Multifibre Agreement expired in 2005, leading to relocation of apparel factories to lower cost bases. The real beneficiaries from AGOA are oil-exporting countries that make up more than 90% of total AGOA benefits. South Africa is the only country who succeeded in diversified AGOA exports. AGOA has been supplemented by AGOA II (extending the product range) and AGOA III (extending the expiry date to 2015). After the EU-SA Free Trade Agreement has been concluded in 1999, the US started with FTA negotiations with the South African Customs Union (SACU) to improve the exposure of US products to the SACU market and to decrease the trade deficit. However, the agenda of the FTA negotiations included second generation issues of intellectual property rights, trade in services, investment and government procurement. The SACU negotiators learnt some lessons from the EU-SA FTA and progress was slow. The extension of AGOA to 2015 saw a decrease in the urgency of striking a SACU-US FTA. Negotiations slowed down and the decision was made in April 2006 to conduct talks on a lower level. This breathing time can be used by the SACU negotiators to develop an aggressive offensive strategy for future negotiations, and to build competency against the efficient and offensive US negotiators. The US-SACU FTA must still be pursued to ensure that the benefits of AGOA are locked in. It will be beneficial for SACU if the different needs for all the SACU countries are addressed and the negotiations are done in incremental steps .
38
Odendaal, Daniel Jacobus. "AGOA III and the proposed Free Trade Agreement between SACU and the USA : implications of a Free Trade Agreement with an industrialised country for SACU". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/21982.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2007.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The SACU bloc, which accounts for one-half of the subcontinent's GDP, is the largest market for the US exports in SSA (Langton, January 2005). Wide differences exist among the economies of SACU - while SA has developed a significant manufacturing and industrial capacity, the other countries remain dependent on agriculture and mineral extraction. The grouping is dominated by SA, which accounts for 87% of the population, and 93% of the GDP of the customs area. SACU member states had a combined real GDP of $201bn in 2003. Services made up 65% of SA Trade in 2003 and had become a major player. In 2003, SACU was the 32nd largest trading partner of the US with two-way trade equivalent \ $7.3bn. Merchandise imports from SACU totaled $5.6bn in 2003, a 17.3% increase from 2002 and a 126% increase from 1996. They were composed of minerals such as platinum, diamonds, and titanium, textiles and apparel, vehicles, and automotive parts. Major US exports to the region include aircraft, vehicles, computers, and construction and agricultural equipment. Services trade between the US and SA has increased dramatically for both countries, with US exports increasing 154% and service imports from SA increasing by 383% respectively since 1992. The stock of US FDI in SA totaled $3.9bn in 2003 and was centered around manufacturing chemicals and services. The main economic objective of FTAs is to reduce trade barriers between member countries and liberalize trade and investment rules (Kanoute, November 2005). This improves market access which is the key to foreign export earnings and investment. But market access is a door that swings both ways, opening local markets to a flood of imports. This can undermine domestic production and employment, and thus exacerbate poverty. Some US civil society organizations have expressed concern that a SACU FTA could have negative consequences for poor Southern Africans, citing potential adjustment costs for import-competing farmers, poor enforcement of labour rights, privatization of utilities, and increased restrictions on importing generic drugs to treat HIV/AIDS (Langton, January 2005). The proposed FTA is ambitious, especially given the tight deadline and the broad range of topics on the negotiating table (Zunckel, Tralac). These include not only tariffs on goods, as is traditional in trade talks, but the wider global economic panoply of agriculture, rules of origin intellectual property, trade in services, investment, government procurement, trade remedies, labour, environmental standards and trade dispute settlement. The US gains reciprocity by gaining improved access to the SACU market than it currently enjoys under AGOA. The IP and "TRIPS plus" provisions are of particular concern to consumers (www.tralac.org.) Ongoing developments at the multilateral level bode against the advisability of entering into binding bilateral agreements with less favourable provisions on essential medicines. Foreign investment could lead to greater industrialization within SACU and competition within local industry, boosting efficiency. But safeguards and industrial policy must be utilized effectively to protect the region's developmental goals. Reliance on domestic courts as the forum of first instance (and state-to-state dispute settlements should those fail) is preferable, as it allows greater possibilities of defending the public interest of SACU citizens over investors' interests (Langton, January 2005). Reaching consensus on negotiating strategy in SACU is no easy feat. Formal negotiations began in June 2003, but talks have made little progress over the past years. The interests of the five different countries, at differing stages of development, have to be reconciled (Draper. 2004). No doubt SA, with its diverse array of interests relative to its BLNS partners in the customs union, will drive this. SACU negotiators, in common with those in many developing countries, have great difficulty in understanding, let alone mobilizing, their services sectors. Hence they have adopted a defensive posture, favouring liberalization only in those (few) sub-sectors that are well understood. SACU has formally accepted an offer made by the US to progress a so-called trade and investment cooperation agreement (TICA). Prior negotiation will be needed among SACU countries, who clearly have an interest in coordinating its negotiation with other US bilateral negotiating partners (Whalley & Leith, December 2003).
39
Anlar, Aslihan. "Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iraq In The Post-cold War Era". Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607149/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the nature of Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era. This thesis argues that the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era has been primarily determined by Russia&rsquos self-interests which are mainly defined in economic terms. The thesis follows the realist approach to international relations. It also emphasizes the importane of economic factors in foreign policy making process. The thesis consists of five chapters: In Chapter 1, the thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 explains the Soviet-Iraqi relations from a historical perspective. This is followed by Chapter 3 where Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Boris Yeltsin is examined. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Vladimir Putin. Then, Chapter 5 assesses the economic factors, socio-political factors and international factors affecting Russian foreign policy makers in the post-Soviet era. The last chapter concludes the thesis.
40
Conradie, C. F. G. "Is the US Farm Bill undermining the objective of AGOA?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50000.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates both the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) that was signed into US law in May 2000 and the subsequent US Farm Bill, signed in May 2002. AGOA is a temporary, non-negotiated, non-reciprocal law by the USA to allow dutyfree and quota-free access to almost all products produced in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Many people in SSA are dependant on agriculture to provide employment and livelihood. In the agricultural sector The Farm Bill is a unilateral law by the USA granting enormous subsidies to its farmers for a wide variety of products. It is the purpose of this study to investigate both these laws and to determine whether or not the Farm Bill undermines the objectives of AGOA. AGOA was studied and the real reasons for US interest in SSA determined. The main reason found for the inception of AGOA was US interest in the oil resources of SSA as well as other commodities like precious metals and textiles. The USA is also interested in SSA to find new markets for its own products as it can produce far more food and fibre than it can utilise in its domestic market. The study investigated the potential benefits of AGOA for SSA as well as the real benefits that were realised in the first two and a half years since its inception. It was found in the study that the real benefits were far less than the potential benefits and several reasons are offered for this phenomenon. The trade data between the USA and SSA was analysed to determine the effect of AGOA on trade and the major products traded. It was found that by far the largest product group was in the petroleum sector. The Farm Bill was investigated to determine the provisions of the Bill, the products involved and the conditions for subsidy payments. The payments include direct payments, counter-cyclical payments and marketing loan gains or loan deficiency payments. The detail of the calculation methods for the payments and a sample calculation of the subsidies are given, other provisions of the Farm Bill that apply to specific commodities like sugar and dairy products are also listed as these are important commodities for SSA. The Farm Bill was investigated in terms of AGOA and it was found in the study that the Farm Bill does indeed undermine the objectives of AGOA by reducing commodity prices. Both AGOA and the Farm Bill were further investigated in the context of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) to determine their consistency with the rules of the WTO. It was found that AGOA is consistent with the WTO rules, but the subsidies of the Farm Bill are trade distorting and therefore not consistent with these rules. There is a WTO limit set for the US support programmes and it is expected that the payments would exceed the limit during times of low commodity prices.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word beide die 'African Growth and Opportunity Act' (AGOA) wat in Mei 2000 deel van die Amerikaanse wetgewing geword het sowel as die daaropvolgende 'US Farm Bill' wat in Mei 2002 goedgekeur is, ondersoek. AGOA is 'n tydelike, eensydige, nie-wederkerige wet deur Amerika wat tariefvrye en kwotavrye toegang tot die Amerikaanse mark toelaat vir bykans alle produkte wat in Afrika Suid van die Sahara (SSA) geproduseer word. Baie mense in SSA is afhanklik van landbou vir werk om vir hulle families te kan sorg. Dit is juis in die landbousektor waar Amerika die 'Farm Bill' as eensydige wet goedgekeur het wat enorme landbousubsidies vir 'n wye reeks produkte aan sy boere toeken. Die doel van die studie is om beide hierdie wette te ondersoek en vas te stel of die 'Farm Bill' die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn, al dan nie. AGOA is eerste ondersoek en die werklike redes vir Amerika se belangstelling in SSA is bepaal. Daar is bevind dat die hoofrede vir die ontstaan van AGOA die strategiese belangstelling van Amerika in SSA se olie en ander kommoditeite soos edelmetale en tekstiele is. Amerika stel ook belang in SSA om nuwe markte te vind vir sy eie produkte omdat Amerika baie meer voedsel en vesel kan produseer as wat sy plaaslike mark kan absorbeer. Die studie het die potensiele voordele van AGOA vir SSA asook die werklike voordele wat in die eerste twee en 'n half jaar gerealiseer het, ondersoek. Die studie het getoon dat die werklike voordele baie minder as die potensiele voordele was en verskeie redes word vir die verskynsel aangevoer. Die handelsdata tussen Amerika en SSA is ondersoek om die effek van AGOA op handel asook die hoofhandelsprodukte vas te stel. Die data het getoon dat by verre die grootste produkgroep wat verhandel is, olie en verwante petroleumprodukte is. Die 'Farm Bill' is ondersoek om die bepalings van die wet vas te stel, watter produkte betrokke is en onder watter voorwaardes subsidiebetalings van toepassing is. Hierdie betalings sluit direkte betalings aan boere, wederkerige betalings en bemarkingslenings in. Die detail van die berekeningsmetodes van die verskillende dele van die subsidies asook 'n voorbeeld-berekening word getoon. Ander bepalings van die wetgewing wat van toepassing is op spesifieke kommoditeite soos suiker en suiwel word ook gelys omdat hierdie produkte baie belangrik vir SSA is. Die 'Farm Bill' is ook met betrekking tot AGOA ondersoek en daar is getoon dat die 'Farm Bill' inderdaad die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn deur die pryse van kommoditeite te laat daal. Beide AGOA en die 'Farm Bill' is verder ondersoek in die konteks van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) om vas te stel of elkeen van hierdie wette voldoen aan die handelsreels van die WHO. Daar is bevind dat AGOA wel voldoen aan die WHO reels, maar dat die subsidies van die 'Farm Bill' handel verwring en daarom nie voldoen aan die vereistes van die WHO nie. Daar bestaan 'n WHO-beperking vir Amerika op die hoeveelheid ondersteuning wat aan die boere toegestaan mag word en daar word verwag dat die beperking oorskry kan word in tye van lae kommoditeitspryse.
41
Al-Imam, Jamal D. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.
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This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
42
O'Malley, Terence T. "The impact of participation in the European monetary union of the abnormal returns to U.S. target companies acquaired by European firms". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2002. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/291.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Business Administration
Finance
43
Lee, Jin W. "The cost of the voluntary export restraint of Japanese automobile exports to the United States". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45776.
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At the request of the United States Government, effective as of April 1, 1981, the Japanese began voluntarily restraining exports of automobiles to the United States to provide the U.S. automobiles industry with a period of time to make the necessary adjustment to become more competitive with imports.
It is the purpose of this paper to examine the impact of the VER, particularly the costs to consumers and the benefits to U.S. producers, quota rents captured by the Japanese producer during 1981-84 will also be examined.
Between 1981 and 1984 the Voluntary Export Restraint Agreement cost the U.S. economy $8.4 billion. In terms of increases in the cost of purchasing a car, the estimate ranges between $95 in 1981 to as high as $241 in 1984. E During the four years of the VER, the consumer costs : amounted to $8.9 billion. Meanwhile, the U.S. producers of automobile benefited only $403 million as a result of the VER. If this benefit is translated to the number of jobs saved, it amounts to 29,000 jobs. Therefore, the consumer cost of creating each new job was $334,000.
As for the impact of VER on the Japanese producers, the result shows that the price effects of the VER has increased over the four years as the restrictive effect of the VER has intensified. During 1981, the VER added $733 to the price of each Japanese automobile, but by 1984, it was adding about $2,000.
Master of Arts
44
Toich, Peter. "The AGOA : assessing the opportunities'". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53085.
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Study project (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The African Growth and Opportunity Act was signed into law in May 2000 to allow qualifying SSA countries to export eligible products duty free to the US. The act is a non-reciprocal "agreement" designed solely by the US, with the objective of promoting increased trade and investment between the US and SSA. The US insist that trade will lead to development on the African continent if SSA countries liberalise their markets and become integrated into the global economy. The theory behind trade liberalisation is that it promotes allocative efficiency by exploiting comparative advantage. I however argue that trade liberalisation can realise its potential only if the US start dismantling the protectionist barriers that have been described in this report. The AGOA does reduce tariff barriers for a number of African products. However new non-tariff barriers have been erected which are less transparent, but just as effective as tariff barriers. The report documents the significance of existing trade barriers that seek to protect the US industries from harm, and evaluates the problems that are created in spite of the intentions of the AGOA. A number of specific issues that will be significant for the future outcomes of the Act were also dealt with. These included: the anti-dumping steel duties, US Farm Bill, NEPAD and the textiles and apparel debate. The problems found with the AGOA included: • Protectionism that is sector specific, involving the cases of the antidumping steel duties and the Farm Bill. • The unfavourable terms of trade associated with the Act, caused by the non-negotiable, non-reciprocal and temporary nature of the AGOA. • The eligibility conditions of the Act, which serve to bind African countries to the rules of the World Trade Organisation and exclude some countries on the African continent from obtaining benefits. • Internal reform problems within the SSA countries involving government departments, infrastructure and the macroeconomic environment. The evidence over the short time since it was enacted reveals that the SSA countries will not gain much from the extended trade benefits of the AGOA, unless their capacity to produce and supply the US market is enhanced. Furthermore, most of the AGOA benefits have gone to oil exporting countries and SA, who is the only non-oil country benefiting from a number of sectors at present. The Act has failed to increase trade flows from eligible countries to the US, as most of the SSA countries are not at the economic development to take advantage of the preferences that have been provided under the AGOA. Furthermore the liberalisation of many of the African economies has not been reciprocated by the US. The actions of many interest groups in the US indicate that they are "yes" to free trade but "not" at the expense of jobs and profits. This is evident, as the AGOA provides no exceptions to any of the US retaliatory measures and the fact that interest groups in the US influence many of the product decisions when domestic market share is threatened. One of the positive outcomes of the AGOA is the joint US Africa Trade and Economic Co-operation Forum that will provide future avenues for beneficial US-Africa trade relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: geen opsomming
45
Yuvaci, Abdullah. "International Politics, Special Interests and Foreign Trade Policy: A Study of Turkish-American Textile Trade Relations". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1271800423.
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46
Klopper, Annette. "Strenghts and weaknesses of AGOA from a Southern African point of view and lessons to be learnt for future trade agreements". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50455.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study sets out to analyse the trade performance of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) to determine the lessons that can be learnt from it strengths and weaknesses with the purpose to assist future trade negotiations - and specifically the current free trade negotiations between the United States of America (USA) and the Southern Africa Customs Union (SACU). A short overview of AGOA's content is given with specific reference to the many rules and regulations governing the arrangement. AGOA's trade performance over the past four years is analysed by country and sector to determine the main recipients of its benefits with specific attention to the performance of SACU countries. AGOA's strengths and opportunities are discussed by looking at the impact that AGOA had on investment and job creation in Southern Africa. The study takes a closer look at new markets that benefited from AGOA and how well SACU made use of the non-reciprocal nature of AGOA by looking at the trade balance with the USA. The weaknesses of AGOA are analysed by looking at its nature - the fact that it is a nonnegotiated arrangement with benefits that can be terminated at any point. The failure of AGOA to address non-tariff barriers is discussed by looking at the impact of subsidies, quotas, threat of anti-dumping actions and its restrictive rules and regulations. The unsustainability of the substantial growth that the clothing and textile industries experienced under AGOA is considered by looking at the Multi-Fibre Agreement and the impact that its termination had up to now on especially SACU countries. The analysis of AGOA's trade performance highlighted the fact that only a few countries and products benefited from AGOA. The study deliberates AGOA's failure to liberalise Southern Africa's exports. The knowledge gained by analysing AGOA, its trade performance with specifically SACU, and its strengths and weaknesses are applied by looking at the current US free trade proposal with SACU. The study looks at the motivations for the free trade agreement from both a US and SACU point of view and continues to analyse the content of the proposed agreement. The analysis includes the various problem areas within the proposed agreement as well as the potential benefits that such an agreement can bring about. The study concludes with a summary of the lessons learnt from AGOA and how they apply to the proposed US free trade agreement as well as future trade negotiations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om die resultate van die "African Growth and Opportunity Act" (AGOA) oor die afgelope vier jaar te ontleed met die doel om die sterk en swakpunte van die handelsverdrag te beklemtoon as basis vir toekomstige handelsooreenkomste. Daar word spesifiek verwys na die handelsooreenkoms wat tans beding word tussen die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) en die "South African Customs Union" (SACU). Die studie gee 'n kort opsomming van die inhoud van AGOA met spesifieke verwysing na die verskeie reëls en regulasies wat die ooreenkoms onderskryf. Die resultate van die afgelope vier jaar word ontleed per land en sektor om vas te stel watter lande en produkte die meeste voordeel getrek het onder AGOA. Weereens word daar spesifiek na SACU se resultate verwys. AGOA se sterkpunte word bespreek deur na die impak te kyk op investering en werkskepping in Suider Afrika. Die studie kyk na nuwe marksgeleenthede wat voordeel getrek het onder AGOA. Daar word ook gekyk hoe goed SACU van die nie-wederkerige natuur van AGOA gebruik gemaak het deur te verwys na die handelsbalans tussen SACU en die VSA. Die swakpunte van AGOA word bespreek deur te kyk na AGOA se inherente kenmerke, byvoorbeeld dat die "ooreenkoms" nie onderhandel is nie en dat voordele te enige tyd opgeskort mag word. Daar word ook gekyk na AGOA se gebrek om nie-tarief gedrewe handelsstruikelblokke in die vorm van subsidies, kwotas, die bedreiging van aksies teen handelsstorting en die impak van die vele reëls en regulasies aan te spreek. Die onvolhoubaarheid van groei binne die tekstiel en kledingsbedryf (wat merkbare sukses onder AGOA bereik het) as gevolg van die terminasie van die "Multi-Fibre Agreement" word bespreek - met spesifieke verwysing na die impak op Suider Afrika. Die analise van AGOA se handelsresultate het uitgewys dat slegs 'n handjie-vol lande en produkte by AGOA baat gevind het. Die studie oorweeg die moontlike redes wat gelei het tot hierdie verskynsel. Die kennis wat opgedoen is deur na AGOA se handelsresultate te kyk, asook sy sterk- en swakpunte te ontleed, word aangewend deur na die huidige VS handelsooreenkoms met SACU the kyk. Die studie oorweeg die motiverings vir so 'n handelsooreenkoms van beide 'n VS en SACU oogpunt en maak ook 'n ontleding van die inhoud van die ooreenkoms. Die ontleding kyk nie net na die verskeie probleme wat na vore kom nie maar ook na die voordele wat SACU te beurt kan val as gevolg van die oorkoms. Die studie sluit af deur 'n opsomming te maak van die lesse wat geleer is deur die ontleding van AGOA en hoe dit van toepassing is op die huidige VS ooreenkoms asook toekomstige ooreenkomste.
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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely. "An afrocentric critique of the United States of America's foreign policy towards Africa : the case of Ghana and Tanzania, 1990-2014". Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2610.
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Thesis (Ph. D. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016The United States of America’s (US) foreign policy towards Africa has been the subject for debate. This is partly because the country’s relationship with African countries is not consistent. By and large, such relations are shaped by a number of factors which include political orientation and material resources. Within this context, the present study uses case studies from two different parts of Africa to tease out US foreign policy towards Africa. This explorative study uses Ghana and the United Republic of Tanzania (hereafter referred to as Tanzania) as test cases to compare and critique the post-Cold War foreign policy of the US towards Africa. It does this by first analysing and constructing the theoretical material on the three pillars of the US Africa policy (oil, democracy and security) and subsequently, contemporaneously locating the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. Largely, the study carries a historical sensibility as it traces the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania from as far as the colonial era. History is crucial in this regard because the past provides a sound basis for understanding the present and future. To add, in International Politics theory holds sway and history is used as a laboratory. In this thesis, the researcher proposes Afrocentricity as an alternative theoretical paradigm crucial in understanding US foreign policy towards Africa. As it shall be seen, such a paradigm (theoretical lens) remains critical in highlighting the peculiarity of the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. It is envisaged that a deeper understanding of the US foreign policy towards Ghana and Tanzania is achievable when its analysis and interpretation is located within a broader continental context of Africa. To realise the purpose of this study, the researcher relies methodologically on interdisciplinary critical discourse and conversations in their widest forms. With reference to the test cases for this study, the agenda for democratic consolidation features prominently on both of them while oil is only applicable to Ghana in this regard. In contrast, Tanzania distinguishes itself both as a victim of terrorism and equally so as a strategic partner on the US anti-terrorism efforts in East Africa. Yet, oil in West Africa’s Ghana is important for the US both as an economic resource and a strategic energy source during wartime periods. Overall the ‘differential’ foreign policy towards individual African states is also a significant observation which dispels the myth of a universal US foreign policy framework. Keywords: Africa, Afrocentricity, democracy, East Africa, foreign policy, Ghana, oil, security, Tanzania, United States of America, West Africa.
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Busse, Michele Conrady. "Got Silk?: Buying, Selling, and Advertising British Luxury Imports During the Stamp Act Crisis". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3993/.
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Despite the amount of scholarship on the Stamp Act Crisis, no study has used advertisements as a main source. This study attempts to show that a valuable, objective source has been overlooked, through the quantitative analysis of 5,810 advertisements before, during and after the Stamp Act Crisis from five port cities: Boston, Charleston, Philadelphia, New York, and Portsmouth. The findings reveal the colonists' strong connection to imported British luxury goods, and a lack of interest in American-made goods, especially before and after the boycott. Advertisements also demonstrate that the decision of many merchants to place the needs and expectations of their community before their own personal gain offered a rare economic opportunity for others. The colonists' devotion to imports tested the strength of the boycott, especially among Boston merchants, who continued to advertise imported goods a good deal more than any other city. This lack of dedication to the boycott on the part of the Boston merchants shows disunity among the colonies, at a time when many argue was the first instance of colonial nationalism. Capitalism challenged and undermined a commitment to communal sentiments such as nationalism. Moreover, if Americans did share a sense of nationhood during the Stamp Act Crisis, it cannot be gauged by a rejection of "Englishness."
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Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa. "September 11 : catalyst for structural-genealogical narrative of a new world (Dis)order". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463.
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The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
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Callaway, Rhonda L. "Is the Road to Hell Paved with Good Intentions? The Effect of U.S. Foreign Assistance and Economic Policy on Human Rights". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2911/.
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Theories in the international political economy literature, economic liberalism and dependency, are explored in order to test the effect of U.S. aid, trade, and investment on human rights conditions in recipient states. Two measures of human rights conditions serve as dependent variables: security rights and subsistence rights. The data cover approximately 140 countries from 1976-1996. Pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, utilizing ordinary least squares (OLS) with panel corrected standard errors, is employed due to the temporal and spatial characteristics of the data. The results indicate that foreign assistance and economic policy may not be the best approaches to altering poor human rights practices in the area of security rights. Economic and military aid is negatively associated with levels of security rights, supporting the traditional dependency perspective. While the results from trade and investment are generally in the positive direction, the lack of consistent statistical evidence suggests that increased trade and investment relationships do not dramatically improve security rights. We can conclude, however, that trade and investment fail to have the negative effect on security rights in less developed countries which critics of globalization suggest. Economic aid has a statistically significant negative effect on subsistence rights, while military aid seems to benefit the human condition in recipient states. However, extreme negative effects on security rights accompany any benefit realized in the area of subsistence rights from military aid. Trade and investment have a positive and statistically significant effect on basic human needs providing support for the liberal perspective. It appears that American businesses and politicians can forge ahead with seemingly self-interested motivations and economic policies as American economic gain ironically serves to benefit the well being of citizens in other states. However, in spite of political rhetoric and even sincere intentions regarding foreign assistance policy, it appears that the road to human rights hell is paved with good intentions.