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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "United States – Foreign relations – Economic aspects"
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Novikova, Elena, i Mikhail Rybalko. "Economic aspects of cooperation between New Zealand and the United States as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region". SHS Web of Conferences 134 (2022): 00148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213400148.
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The article analyzes economic aspects of the interaction between New Zealand and the United States of America as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region. The substantiation of the importance of the Asia-Pacific region in the foreign policy of the two countries is given. We determined that the economic component is one of the most significant components of bilateral relations. Statistical data for the five-year period (2016-2021) are presented, demonstrating the evolution of economic relations between New Zealand and the United States. We established that the economic policy of the two countries is aimed at continuing intensive international cooperation and implementing a recovery strategy in 2021. We concluded that the "soft power" course used by Wellington would enable the country to achieve significant benefits even more in cooperation with other states and reach qualitatively new levels in the existing system of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific". American History & Politics Scientific edition, nr 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Suparman, Suparman. "Analysis of British Foreign Policy Forming the Australia, United Kingdom, and United States (AUKUS) Security Alliance in 2021". Asian Journal of Engineering, Social and Health 3, nr 3 (5.03.2024): 548–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/ajesh.v3i3.260.
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Security has become a significant issue in international relations because it involves aspects of territorial protection, peacekeeping, economic stability, and other elements that influence the lives of countries worldwide. In international relations, security involves a deep understanding of threats, conflicts, and strategies to maintain peace and stability at regional and global levels. This research aims to analyze state behavior in the context of security cooperation, focusing on the UK's participation in the AUKUS security alliance formed in 2021. The UK's decision to join AUKUS was driven by two main factors, namely national role conceptions and role prescriptions. This research pays special attention to the uniqueness of Britain's participation in this alliance, considering its geographical position in the North Atlantic region, not in the Indo-Pacific region, which is the main focus of AUKUS. This analysis will provide valuable insight for the Indonesian Government in addressing security dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region related to forming the AUKUS alliance. By understanding the motivational factors driving UK participation, this research can contribute to formulating more effective policies addressing regional and global security challenges.
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Shabanova, Lyudmila Borisovna, i Irina Gennadievna Morozova. "Prospects for investment development in Russia and the Muslim world". Национальная безопасность / nota bene, nr 6 (czerwiec 2022): 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2022.6.38433.
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Ensuring investment attractiveness is one of the most important aspects of a country's economic activity in modern international relations. Foreign investments make it possible not only to ensure expanded social reproduction in the country, but also expand the possibilities of technological and economic development of the state.The purpose of the work is to analyze foreign direct investment in the Russian Federation in general and the Republic of Tatarstan in particular. The analysis and evaluation of statistical data revealed a reduction in the number of projects involving foreign direct investment in Russia in 2017-2020. In modern conditions, it is necessary to recognize the decline in the investment attractiveness of Russia from investors in the United States and Europe, which may lead to an even greater compression of foreign investment flows. An alternative to foreign investments from the United States of America and Europe can be foreign investments from the countries of the Muslim world. Already today, Russia has friendly relations with the countries of the Muslim world, in addition, there are entire regions with a high density of Muslim population living on the territory of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Republic of Tatarstan, which is already one of the most investment-attractive regions of the Russian Federation and occupies the 3rd place in the list of regions of the Russian Federation most in demand among foreign investors, could play an important role in increasing the number of foreign direct investment.
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Mikhalskiy, Igor, i Bohdan Toroptsev. "Kissinger's „shuttle diplomacy” as an active implementation of S. Cohen's concept". Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, nr 9 (347) (2021): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2021-9(347)-157-168.
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Foreign policy of the USA is one of the topical areas in contemporary historical and geopolitical research. The interest of scientists in this topic is due to the fact that the United States is the leader of the world community at the present stage, both in economic and geopolitical aspects. The state continues to actively develop economically and technologically, increases its military potential, actively spreads its culture all over the world, that determines its global role. The phenomenon of the world leadership of the USA, as well as the historical factors that have determined this status, are the subject of research of scientists in the historical, geopolitical, politological, sociological, cultural, and other scientific fields. A particularly topical issue in the history of the United States in the second half of the twentieth century is the concept and specificity of American „shuttle diplomacy” and its effectiveness in the foreign policy of the state. The purpose of the study is to analyze the concept of the American geographer S. Cohen, as well as the peculiarities of its implementation in the political activities of R. Nixon and H. Kissinger. It has been proved that S. Cohen's geostrategic concept played an important role in the foreign policy of the United States in the 1970s. Its principles were implemented in the policy of H. Kissinger and R. Nixon, the important results of which were the establishment of United States-China relations and the softening of relations with the Soviet Union.
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Prikhodchenko, A., i A. Tokarev. "The Influence of China and the United States on the Secession of Taiwan in 2016–2024: Quantification of Factors of Involvement". World Economy and International Relations 68, nr 7 (2024): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-7-102-117.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of relations in the China-Taiwan-USA triangle, from the point of view of the theory of the multidirectional development of two aspects of statehood under the secession of the island: status and stateness. The authors give an answer to the question of what pressure US and China provide on the status and solvency of Taiwan in 2016–2022, analyzing military, political, economic and demographic factors through their qualitative analysis and quantification. Military variables include the facts of the flag demonstration on the territory of Taiwan and the supply of weapons, economic variables include the volume of imports and exports, trade in goods strategically important for the island’s economy, the volume of FDI, passenger and sea traffic, and the number of flights. The visits of officials, the recognition of Taiwanese documents are political variables, as well as the specifics of political communication – this meant the characteristics of unofficial contacts between Beijing and Washington with the island in a particular year. Among the variables of human capital, the number of Taiwanese students studying on the mainland and in the United States and the number of passport holders stand out. Since the authors are interested in the dynamics of Taiwan’s relations with the United States and China, static indicators were not included in the object of analysis: the presence of embassies, deterministic legal recognition. Within the framework of the work, a comprehensive approach is presented, simultaneously considering Taiwan’s involvement in relations with the United States and China. According to the results of the analysis, it is recorded that Beijing exerts the greatest pressure on the state solvency and status of the island in terms of economic and demographic aspects of interaction. In turn, the United States supports Taipei on the political and military trade track. It is predicted that China will not reintegrate Taiwan militarily in the absence of escalation by the island or the United States (unilateral recognition of independence). The Chinese strategy assumes the smooth involvement of Taiwan with economic, international-political, infrastructural instruments, the reaction to Nancy Pelosi’s visit does not mean weakness of the leadership. In addition, the Chinese foreign policy and military culture does not imply drastic actions.
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Eremin, A. "“Breaking the Continuity” of the Latin American Vector of US Foreign Policy under Donald Trump and the Crisis of Pan-Americanism (2017-2020)". World Economy and International Relations 66, nr 5 (2022): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-5-68-77.
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In this article the author examines the process of revising the Latin American vector of US foreign policy under the presidency of Donald Trump. In particular, the paper analyzes the economic and political aspects of a new US policy in the Latin American region. The main focus of the research is on the reorganization of US economic relations with the countries of the region and cancellation of various financial aid programs and multilateral agreements, including the North American Free Trade Agreement. The main hypothesis of the paper is that US foreign policy under the 45th president underwent a profound change towards diminishing the role of the Latin American region among other foreign policy priorities of the United States. Vivid confrontation with China and the Russian Federation became the center of the contemporary foreign policy course of Washington, making relations with Latin American countries of secondary importance. This shift created a certain power vacuum in the region and opened additional opportunities for extraregional players. China could arguably become one of such players as it is known to have utilized Washington’s weakening grip on the region to its own economic and political benefit, expanding the “One belt, one road” initiative.
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OTHMAN, Suha Adel. "NOBUSUKE KISHI AND HIS ROLE IN JAPANESE POLITICS (1957- 1960)". Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, nr 1 (1.01.2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.4.
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The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the field of economy, and he was loved by the United States of America because of its strong and reassuring relations with him. The study was divided into an introduction, a conclusion, and three sections. The first topic dealt with Nobusuke Kishi, his life and political role until 1957. While the second topic spoke to Nobusuke Kishi's internal policy in Japan, as well as regarding the third topic, it shed light on it, dealing with Nobusuke Kishi's foreign policy. Finally, it should be noted that Nobusuke Kishi's political role still needs more studies and research, especially since this modest effort touched on one aspect of the political aspect. We hope that later studies will address the economic, social and cultural aspects that had an important impact on Japan's policy and in In conclusion. Key words: Nobusuke Kishi, Japan, Political, United States of America, Foreign Policy.
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Zhao, Minghao. "Is a New Cold War Inevitable? Chinese Perspectives on US–China Strategic Competition". Chinese Journal of International Politics 12, nr 3 (2019): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz010.
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Abstract In recent years, Chinese scholars and policy elites have discussed the ever intensifying strategic competition between the United States and China and its multifaceted implications for Chinese foreign policy. Some even worry about the possibility of a new Cold War between the United States and China. This article aims to offer an analysis of Chinese perspectives on US–China strategic competition. In the view of most Chinese observers, US–China strategic competition is inevitable because China is closing the national power gap between itself and the United States, while the latter resolutely upholds its global primacy. Other factors, including ideological disagreements, may fuel the major power competition that has extended to most aspects of US–China relations. Chinese observers believe that economic and technological rivalry between the United States and China has heightened and that the Western Pacific is the focal point of US–China strategic competition. Meanwhile, certain Chinese scholars attach greater importance to US–China competition over international prestige and leadership. However, Chinese analysts are not overly pessimistic about the prospects for US–China relations and have raised policy recommendations geared to managing US–China strategic competition and restoring a new equilibrium between the two major powers.
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Guan, Yichen, Dustin Tingley, David Romney, Amaney Jamal i Robert Keohane. "Chinese views of the United States: evidence from Weibo". International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, nr 1 (10.08.2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcy021.
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Abstract We study Chinese attitudes toward the United States, and secondarily toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam, by analyzing social media discourse on the Chinese social media site, Weibo. We focus separately on a general analysis of attitudes and on Chinese responses to specific international events involving the United States. In general, we find that Chinese netizens are much more interested in US politics than US society. Their views of the United States are characterized by deep ambivalence; they have remarkably favorable attitudes toward many aspects of US influence, whether economic, political, intellectual, or cultural. Attitudes toward the United States become negative when the focus turns to US foreign policy – actions that Chinese netizens view as antithetical to Chinese interests. On the contrary, attitudes toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam vary a great deal from one another. The contrast between these differentiated Chinese views toward the United States and other countries, on the one hand, and the predominant anti-Americanism in the Middle East, on the other, is striking.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "United States – Foreign relations – Economic aspects"
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Mills, Jason. "Sino-American economic relationship after the global economic slowdown". Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/33994.
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The continued funding of America's persistent trade and fiscal deficits has sparked debate among international economists. One controversial explanation argues that East Asia is pursuing "Bretton Woods II" and funding American deficits as part of a greater development policy. This paper examines the Chinese policy response to the global economic crisis and finds that China's policy actions provide evidence for "Bretton Woods II." Furthermore, the Sino-American relationship is now characterized by codependence which has implications for the policy decisions of each country.
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Burn, Adrian E. "From containment to detente : aspects of American foreign policy under Johnson and Nixon". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114553.
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The years from 1963 to 1974 were a turbulent and eventful period in American
life . From the assassination of John F. Kennedy to the resignation of
Richard Nixon, the period was characterized by social and political
upheaval. After the stability and predictability of the Eisenhower years
and then the optimism and excitement generated by the youthful President
Kennedy, the years o f Johnson and Nixon saw a sharp growth in domestic
political dissent , unprecedented attacks on political institutions and civil authorities , and a deep questioning of many of the foundations of American foreign policy.
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Зінченко, Катерина, i Kateryna Zinchenko. "Investment relations between Canada and the United States". Thesis, Національний авіаційний університет, 2020. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/43562.
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In the context of global transformation in the economic integration of Canada and the USA, there is a tendency towards the internationalization of economic rela-tions and the internationalization of capital. Very close relations between Canada and the United States contributed to the geographical proximity, historical and cultural similarities of the two countries.
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Riley, Joseph. "Hedging engagement : America's neoliberal strategy for managing China's rise in the post-Cold War era". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:307b4b67-77d0-40f3-bcfc-26d9598aa6bb.
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This thesis examines America's post-Cold War relations with China in the context of the neoliberal vs. neorealist debate. It concludes that neorealism - the dominant school of thought in the international relations literature - is incapable of explaining America's response to China's rise in the post-Cold War era. Because America was the leading global power and China was its most obvious potential rival, a neorealist theory that prioritized the distribution of relative power would anticipate this relationship to be a most-likely case for American policymakers to pursue containment and prioritize relative gains. However, I leverage insights from more than 100 personal interviews to demonstrate that in reality American leaders have overwhelmingly preferred a strategy of neoliberal engagement with China that has remained decidedly positive-sum in nature. My explanation for this consistent, bipartisan preference is that American policymakers have not adopted the neorealist assumption that conflict is inevitable between existing and rising great powers. As a result, policymakers have not focused exclusively on how to minimize the relative costs of a potential conflict with China by trying to contain China's relative power and limit America' exposure to China (as they did with the Soviet Union in the Cold War). Instead, policymakers have subscribed to the neoliberal belief that conflict can be avoided, and that increasing engagement and interdependence is the best strategy to maintain peace. They have pursued this strategy despite acknowledging that engagement and interdependence have increased the costs of a potential conflict by helping to facilitate China's rise in both an absolute and relative sense, and by increasing America's exposure to China. This thesis helps to define the differences between hedging and containing strategies. It argues that while relative material power is often important in deciding whether to hedge or not hedge, these purely material calculations play no role in decisions of whether to pursue containment or engagement. Instead, the decision to contain or not hinges on the target state's behavior and what that reveals about the regime's underlying intentions. Within this new framework, I argue that American policymakers' strategy has been to engage China economically while simultaneously hedging militarily. Furthermore, to the extent that American policymakers have expressed increased concerns about China in recent years, this has been primarily a consequence of China's increased assertiveness - not changes in its relative power.
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Traylor, John Christopher 1960. "American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
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Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.
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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.
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Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. "A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling: Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany". PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.
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Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.
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Haque, Mohua. "An Empirical Analysis of U.S. Foreign Direct Investment and Exports of Processed Food Industries". Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29869.
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This study examined the determinants of U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) and exports of processed food. This study also examined the impact of U.S. FDI on U.S. exports on processed food. FDI and export models used for estimation in this study were based on the cost-minimizing production function. The analysis focused on ten countries for the period of 1989-2004. Four of them were Asian countries: India, Japan, South Korea, and Thailand. Six of them were European countries: Belgium, France, Germany, Italy,
Spain, and the United Kingdom. The model was estimated using the two-way error component three-stage least squares (EC3SLS) method. Results from this study show that U.S. FDI and U.S. exports of processed food are complements. Major factors affecting U.S. FDI in the processing industry are GDP, GDP per capita, exchange rate, tariff rate, labor compensation cost, interest rate, and distance. Major factors affecting U.S. exports in the processed food industry are GDP, distance, and GDP from the agri-sector.
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Quan, Wei. "Sino-US strategic and economic dialogue mechanism : is it a trouble-shooter or just empty talk?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595576.
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Belousova, Valentina. "U.S. Bilateral Trade with its Major Trading Partners and Russia". Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29552.
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This study examines U.S. exports and imports to/from its major 15 trading partners and Russia. To analyze U.S. export and import flows the gravity model approach is used. Factors affecting U.S. bilateral trade flows with its 16 trading countries are evaluated using Generalized Method of Moments (GMM). Annual data from 2000 to 2009 are used for this study. Goods traded between the U.S. and its trading partners are disaggregated into three groups based on the Standard International Trade Classification (SITC). Results show that major factors affecting both U.S. export and import flows are distance and change in polity score. Also U.S. exports are influenced by U.S. trading partner Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for agricultural (AGR) and middle sector (MID) groups. U.S. foreign direct investment is a complement for U.S. exports of final (FIN) group and at the same time it serves as substitute for U.S. exports of AGR. On the other hand, U.S. imports of AGR and foreign direct investment (FDI) from 16 trading partners to the U.S. are substitutes. This study also reveals that the U.S. and Russia bilateral trade could be improved through economic growth in both countries, improving political cooperation and increasing inward and outward FDI.
Książki na temat "United States – Foreign relations – Economic aspects"
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Cathryn, Thorup, i Madian Alan, red. The United States and Mexico: Face to face with new technology. New Brunswick (USA): Transaction Books, 1987.
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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute i Army War College (U.S.). Press, red. Strategic retrenchment and renewal in the American experience. Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press, 2014.
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Hân, Võ Xuân. Oil, the Persian Gulf states, and the United States. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1994.
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E, Barfield Claude, i Perlman Mark, red. Industry, services, and agriculture: The United States faces a united Europe. Washington, D.C: AEI Press, 1992.
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Rothkopf, David J. The price of peace: Emergency economic intervention and U.S. foreign policy. Washington, D.C: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1998.
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Gadzey, Anthony Tuo-Kofi. The political economy ofpower: Hegemony and economic liberalization. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994.
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United States. Department of State. Foreign assistance, international development, trade policies, 1969-1972. Redaktorzy Duncombe Bruce F i United States. Dept. of State. Office of the Historian. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 2002.
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Gadzey, Anthony Tuo-Kofi. The political economy of power: Hegemony and economic liberalism. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994.
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Chin, Felix. Political and economic developments in Asia. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publisher's, 2011.
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Carpenter, Ted Galen. Smart power: Toward a prudent foreign policy for America. Washington, D.C: Cato Institute, 2008.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "United States – Foreign relations – Economic aspects"
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Dutzler, Barbara. "The Representation of the EU and the Member States in International Organisations — General Aspects". W External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 151–89. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_5.
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Chiavacci, David. "Navigating and Riding the Double Bind of Economic and Political Hedging: Japan and the US-China Strategic Competition". W China-US Competition, 221–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_9.
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AbstractJapan finds itself in a double bind. On the one hand, the United States (US) has been a committed military ally, guaranteeing the national security of Japan since 1952. Any discussion of abandonment by the US sends shockwaves throughout the conservative security establishment of Japan. On the other hand, the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has transformed it into the most important trade partner of Japan, by far. Japan is interested in a continued expansion of the PRC economy. This paper analyzes the foreign economic policy of Japan and the security policy of the conservative, LDP-led governments under the leadership of Prime Minister Shinzō Abe (2012–2020) and his successors in this complex interplay of international relations and national politics.
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Damm, Jens. "China and Germany After the 2021 Election: Between Continuity and Increasing Confrontation". W China-US Competition, 159–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_7.
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AbstractThis chapter presents and analyses various official statements, 2021 election programmes and party manifestos, media reports as well as public hearings with regard to the changing view of China in the German public discourse. While the importance of economic interests is still the overarching topic in German-Chinese relations (China has been Germany`s most important trading partner since 2015), there has been a shift towards a more critical stance with regard to human rights issues in recent years. Germany was also the driving force behind the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) with China, which the EU signed in December 2020 under Germany’s presidency of the EU Council but so far never ratified.After the formation of a new SPD led government under chancellor Olaf Scholz, the two smaller coalition partners, the Alliance 90/The Greens, and the FDP, are said to have a much more critical view of China’s human rights issues. In particular, the new German foreign Minister, Annalena Baerbock has publicly vowed to change Germany’s China policy. While Germany has remained within the hedging zone a shift from “economic pragmatism” to “soft balancing” can be observed, most noticeably in political terms: in particular, the new foreign minister Annalena Baerbock stresses the necessity for a closer cooperation both with the United States, but also a common policy of the EU towards China. Thus Germany, and the EU in general, seems to have shifted from “economic pragmatism” to “dominance denial” since the new government came into power, and the war in Ukraine has led to an even closer alliance of Germany, with the EU and the United States.
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Murray, Michelle. "Conclusion". W The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations, 191–224. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878900.003.0008.
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This chapter summarizes the book’s main argument, outlines its contribution to international relations scholarship, and applies the argument to current debates about the rise of China. Two positions dominate current debates about US foreign policy and the rise of China: engagement, which calls for integrating China deeply into the global economy and institutional architecture of the international order; and containment, which sees security competition as an inevitable outgrowth of Chinese power, and calls for the United States to preemptively increase its military presence in the region. This chapter argues that by focusing narrowly on China’s economic and military interests, the current debate misses an important aspect of China’s rise because it fails to consider the social motivations of rising great powers. Building on the core argument of this book, it suggests that only by accepting China’s recognition-claims can the United States facilitate China’s peaceful rise. The chapter concludes by exploring how the United States might navigate a foreign policy that both approaches China as a recognized partner in leading the international order and also protects its regional and global interests—and if such recognition is even possible.
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Neri, Rita E. "United States-Japan Economic Relations". W U.S./Japan Foreign Trade, 233–55. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315147178-13.
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"The United States: Economic Relations". W Japan's Foreign Policy, 1945-2003, 87–118. BRILL, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047414728_009.
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"The United States: Economic Relations". W Japan's Foreign Policy, 1945-2003, 87–118. BRILL, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047408543_009.
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"Economic interest and United States foreign policy". W American Foreign Relations Reconsidered, 49–63. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203425916-5.
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"Chapter Three. The United States: Economic Relations". W Japan's Foreign Policy, 1945-2009, 87–118. BRILL, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004185012.i-484.27.
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David, Mark. "United States-South African Relations—1962–67". W Economic Coercion and U.S. Foreign Policy, 215–29. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429048876-11.
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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. "The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model". W Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.
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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."
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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. "From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.
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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.
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Karaköy, Çağatay, Ahmet Uzun i Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "The Changes in Foreign Debt for the Transition Economies". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00279.
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1989 and the years following 1991 were the times in which many important economic and political turnovers had taken place in the world. That was the time when Berlin Wall fall down with scattering the Eastern block and many politically and economically independent states came into being, at the same time, ongoing about 70 years socialist system also started to spin into liberal system. The constituted 27 states in 1991 were tended to liberal economic system instead of socialist economy, and these stated were called as transition economies. With the transition period, there has have been significant decreases in the level of affluence, hyperinflation and some common properties seen at the beginning. It became inevitable to get foreign debt for reorganization and configuration of these economies. Nevertheless these foreign debts caused many serious problems in some of these economies. In the present work we tried to understand the economic structure and external loans of the transition economies, which are different with respect to their natural resources and are similar to each other in term of social, political and cultural aspects. It was under debated to investigate the relationship between indicated foreign debts and indicated domestic income and external trade so foreign trade financing problematic which thought to be the source of going into debt and economical development relations are searched.
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Karnyshev, Alexander. "Psychologo-Economic and Environmental Assessment Baikal Resources in the Geopolitics of China and Russia". W Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.37.
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In geopolitics, the concepts of geography and territory are reduced to the fundamental aspects of relations between States, they serve as a basic method of interpreting the past, they act as the main factors of human existence, organizing all other aspects of existence around them. It is in this perspective that the article examines the attitude to Baikal in the history of the mutually linked foreign policy of Russia and China. It is noted that the Mongols and Manchus, who once conquered China, not only found themselves largely assimilated by the defeated society, but over time, a large part of their ancestral territories began to be perceived as native Chinese. Far from being justified, this also applied to Baikal, although the Yakut etymology of its name, associated with the ethnic ancestors of the Yakuts — the Huns, has been clearly traced since ancient times. Since ancient times, Buryats and Evenks who voluntarily became part of Russia have lived around Baikal. Modern development is characterized by the “penetration” of the Chinese into the business of Asian Russia. In the Baikal region, this focus has basically three goals: forest, clean water, and ownership of land and other natural resources. In a special row, it is necessary to put projects for supplying the population of some Chinese territories with Baikal water, which is planned to be transported both in bottled form and in the future through pipes.
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Karatalov, Omurbek. "Open Economy and Economic Integration within the Framework of Eurasia". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00633.
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The Kyrgyz Republic economy openness is studied within the framework of the Eurasia. Insufficient level of the financial and economic standing of Kyrgyzstan is clarified. Reasons for Governmental regulating use in the area of monetary, tax and budget policy in USA have been set up. Conditions of the development of industrial countries economy are under consideration. The necessity of financialisation of all capital of country is defined. Kyrgyzstan public budget’s permanent deficiency formation reasons are studied. A necessity of integration economic relations development within the framework of Eurasia is offered. A necessity of sustainable economic relations establishment as well as finding solution for external debt between Kyrgyzstan and Russia have been justified. It is recommended to strengthen effective fight against a scale corruption, «shadow» economy and criminalization of economy and finances. The increase of efficiency and responsibility of top managers of the public administration level have been offered. The necessity of the independent mastering of own gold-mining fields is justified. The need to attract the foreign direct investments to the area of mining and processing industry have been offered. Within the framework of acceleration of economic integration. Needs for the development of exploring and processing of hydrocarbons as well as building of large economic entities especially the hydroelectric power stations, namely Kambar-Ata-1 Hydro-Power Plants have been suggested. By this it is also suggested to Russia to develop this as strategic partner of Kyrgyzstan. Creation of integral customs system and energy cooperation suggested. It should be supported by establishment of unique equivalent among Eurasia states. By this it is to be possible to find acceptable solutions in finance and economy and to form a united economic cooperation considering a sovereignty of each state. It is necessary to develop the identical financial reporting of point-of-sale and payment balances, balance of international investments, compliable national republics and on the whole on Eurasia. To walk away from the calculation and actual use of dollar of the USA in finance and economic operations. Based on econometric prognosis of gross internal product and the public budget of Kyrgyzstan is made calculating on the per to 2025 year.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "United States – Foreign relations – Economic aspects"
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, luty 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
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DeMetri, Olga, Samuel Moreno i Gerardo Funes. Seizing the Market Opportunity of the Growing Latino and Caribbean Community in the United States. Inter-American Development Bank, listopad 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005199.
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This study examines the transformative influence of the rapidly growing Latino and Caribbean community in the United States, both as a demographic and an economic powerhouse. Accounting for nearly one in five U.S. residents, this community is reshaping the nation's social, economic, and cultural landscapes. In 2019 alone, the economic output of Latinos in the U.S. was $2.7 trillion, marking them as a global economic force. The report highlights the community's role in enhancing trade and economic relations with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), including its influence on foreign direct investment (FDI) and diaspora direct investment (DDI). Remittances to LAC countries remain strong, further solidifying economic ties. Culturally and politically, the Latino and Caribbean community is becoming mainstream in the U.S., as evidenced by its growing impact on music, food, and voter participation. The study includes case studies from Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York to underline the community's diverse contributions across various sectors. In summary, the Latino and Caribbean community is not just growing in numbers but is a formidable force that is shaping the U.S. and strengthening its international ties with LAC. This growth presents numerous opportunities for both domestic and international economic and cultural collaborations.
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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony: Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, lipiec 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.
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Rodríguez, Ennio, i Anneke Jessen. The Caribbean Community: Facing the Challenges of Regional and Global Integration. Inter-American Development Bank, styczeń 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008676.
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On 4 July 1998, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary. CARICOM is one of the oldest integration schemes in the Western Hemisphere, the largest in terms of membership, yet by far the smallest in economic and geographic terms. In the wake of its historic anniversary, many have reflected on the Community's past achievements and future prospects. Has CARICOM served the development goals of its member states? Will it assist them in pursuing those goals into the next century? How can regional integration facilitate CARICOM's successful insertion into the global economy? The aim of this study is to answer those questions and, in doing so, to contribute to the ongoing debate on the future of CARICOM. With some exceptions, CARICOM economies have either stagnated or grown very slowly, and high unemployment has become chronic. Despite important policy changes, export diversification has been limited and insufficient for generating satisfactory growth rates. Size constraints have always hampered the potential for growth based on domestic markets and intra-CARICOM trade; decreased protectionism makes the size limitations even more evident. The region's overall export performance has been unsatisfactory despite privileged market access conditions. Today those conditions are becoming less favorable. Foreign aid, a key contributor to development in past decades, is also diminishing. CARICOM is clearly at a crossroads. Chapter I provides a general overview of the Caribbean Community, key features of its economies and the challenges facing the region on the eve of the new millenium. Chapter II offers an overview of the regional integration process, including progress on intra-regional trade liberalization, the deepening and the widening of CARICOM. Chapter III examines the external challenges facing the region today, particularly as regards its trade relations with Europe, the United States, Canada and Latin America. Chapter IV examines key areas of the services sector, both in terms of enhancing the region's export potential and supporting the establishment of a functioning single market. Chapter V briefly examines the Community's institutional structure, outlining existing bottlenecks to the effective design, implementation and enforcement of common policies. Chapter VI provides an analytical justification for promoting integration and cooperation initiatives in the region, and suggests a number of actions that could be taken to enhance the development prospects of CARICOM. The study argues that despite the limited contribution of regional integration efforts to economic development in the region so-far, integration can play a beneficial role if pursued under the right framework and with the right instruments.