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Schoeman, Jacobus. "International relations and change : a Kuhnian interpretation /". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/248/.
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Kim, Hyung Min McKeown Timothy J. "Social network conceptualizations of international system structure and national power a social network perspective on international relations /". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,791.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Kong, Wei 1968. "U. S. China Policy During the Cold War Era (1948-1989)". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277993/.
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Mwandumba, Judith Victoria. "African solutions to African problems : learning from ECOMOG s experiences in Liberia and Sierra Leone". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3759.
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Basha, i. Novosejt Aurélie. "Robert S. McNamaraʼs withdrawal plans from Vietnam : a bureaucratic history". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3122/.
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The thesis looks at Robert S. McNamaraʼs support for withdrawal from Vietnam between 1962 and 1964, during the John F. Kennedy administration and during the transition to the Lyndon B. Johnson presidency. It offers a reassessment of McNamaraʼs role as one of the primary architects of the Vietnam War. From a methodological point of view, it approaches McNamaraʼs recommendations on Vietnam from the bureaucratic perspective of the Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD), explaining the evolution of the office and the balance of civil-military relations during his tenure. Through a bureaucratic lens, McNamaraʼs support for a policy aimed at disengagement from Vietnam is logical. First, the withdrawal plans – the Comprehensive Plan for South Vietnam (CPSVN) – supported a strategy informed by the counterinsurgency thinking of the Kennedy administration. McNamaraʼs changes at the OSD were designed to align defense tools to civilian strategy. As a result, as Kennedy and McNamaraʼs counterinsurgency advisers suggested, the CPSVN put the onus on self-help (i.e. the South Vietnamese doing the fighting themselves), clear-and-hold strategies and the strategic hamlet program that was buttressed by paramilitary, rather than traditional military, forces. Secondly, the CPSVN dovetailed with McNamaraʼs economic priorities for the OSD, both mitigating the departmentʼs impact on the nagging balance of payments deficit and, in the nearer term, the impact of South Vietnamese operations on the Military Assistance Program.
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Edit, Terek. "Uticaj odnosa s medijima na pojedine organizacione i poslovne performanse u preduzećima u Srbiji". Phd thesis, Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Tehnički fakultet Mihajlo Pupin u Zrenjaninu, 2017. https://www.cris.uns.ac.rs/record.jsf?recordId=104205&source=NDLTD&language=en.
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Disertacija se bavi uticajem odnosa s medijima (MR) na pojedine organizacione i poslovne performanse, u preduzećima u Srbiji. Konkretno, diesrtacija obuhvata uticaj odnosa s medijima (MR) na zadovoljstvo komunikacijom (CS), korporativni kredibilitet (CC), finansijske performanse (FP), distancu moći (PD), orjentaciju ka budućnosti (FO) i suštinsko transformaciono liderstvo (CTL). Podaci su dobijeni anketiranjem N = 394 srednja menadžera iz 123 preduzeća u Srbiji. Od metoda statističke obrade podataka korišćeni su: deskriptivna statistika, korelaciona analiza, regresiona analiza, t-test i hijerarhijska regresiona analiza. Osnovni zaključci istraživanja su: 1. Korelacije između uticaja odnosa s medijima i organizacionih i poslovnih performansi su statistički značajne, snažne i pozitivne, u najvećem broju slučajeva. Najveći uticaj na organzacione i poslovne performanse imaju savremeni mediji. 2. Odnosi s medijima imaju mali uticaj na korporativni kredibilitet, a taj uticaj se ostvaruje, pre svega, preko savremenih medija. 3. Među finansijskim performansama, odnosi s medijima naročito pozitivno utiču na tržišni udeo i rast prodaje. 4. Za povećanje organizacionih performansi, preduzeća bi posebno trebala da posvete pažnju savremenim medijima, kao i prisutnosti direktora u medijima. 5. Za povećanje finansijskih performansi, preduzeća bi posebno trebala da posvete pažnju, kako savremenim, tako i tradicionalnim medijima, pri čemu prisutnost preduzeća u medijima ima prednost nad prisustvom direktora u medijima. 6. Unapređenjem odnosa s medijima, preduzeće stvara dobru osnovu za podizanje nivoa organizacionih i poslovnih performansi.The dissertation deals with the impact of media relations (MR) on certain organizational and business performances in Serbian companies. Specifically, the dissertation deals with the impact of media relations (MR) on communication satisfaction (CS), corporate credibility (CC), financial performance (FP), power distance (PD), future orientation (FO) and core transformational leader behaviour (CTL). The data were obtained using questionnaires completed by N = 394 middle managers from 123 companies in Serbia. The statistical methodologies that were used in the data analysis are: descriptive statistics, correlation analysis, regression analysis, t-test and hierarchical regression analysis. The main conclusions of the study are as follows. 1. The correlations between the media relations items and organizational and business performance are statistically significant, strong and positive, in most cases. Modern media have the greatest impact on organizational and business performance. 2. Media relations have little impact on corporate credibility, and that influence is achieved primarily through modern media. 3. In terms of financial performance, media relations have a particularly positive influence on market share and sales growth. 4. To increase organizational performances, companies should pay close attention to modern media, as well as to the presence of the CEO in the media. 5. To increase business (financial) performance, companies should pay considerable attention to both modern and traditional media, while the company’s media presence has an advantage over that of the CEO.
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de, Larrinaga Miguel. "Alterity, social order, and the meaning(s) to security". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6124.
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This thesis provides a genealogy of security. The first two chapters situate it in relation to the discipline of International Relations and present the approach to develop the genealogy. It is argued that what has enabled the lack of problematization of the concept of security within the discipline is precisely the security project of the discipline itself: the securing of an ontological ground through the deployment of epistemological precepts that pervade the way the discipline is predominantly understood and its evolution is retroactively (re)written. I argue that the discipline itself is enabled by, and is a manifestation of, "sovereign thought"---i.e. a form of knowledge inextricably related to the articulation of the sovereign State as the predominant form of social order in modernity. What is revealed is how the structure of sovereign thought occults its generative principles and enables a framing of issues and problems via objective knowledge while simultaneously masking its role as a frame. It is this deployment of knowledge that enables the naturalization of "security." These first two chapters provide the groundwork and the rationale for the genealogical investigation found in the second part of the thesis. The three following chapters apply this approach to the relationship between the meaning(s) to security and the production of social order. This genealogy is developed by tracing the intimate complicity between the meaning to security and the articulation of social order via alterity. These chapters are constructed around three interregna : the shift from Roman Republic to Empire and the advent of Christianity; the shift from Christendom to sovereign State in the classical age; and the advent of the modern sovereign State and the present mutations of sovereign order. Through this genealogy it is argued that our present articulation of "security" serves as a mechanism of depoliticization in the service of sovereign order increasingly deployed throughout the social above and below statal space. Finally, I argue that it is within the context of modernity and its intimate relation with the advent of democracy that a new horizon of possibility to articulate a counter-discourse to security is opened up.
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Encinas-Valenzuela, Jesus Ernesto. "Mexican foreign policy and UN peacekeeping operation s in the 21st century". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2502.
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On December 1, 2000 a new administration took over the presidency of MeÌ xico. This event was especially anticipated because the new president, Vicente Fox, was coming from a different party than the PRI, the old official party. The arrival of President Fox brought important changes in the way of governing; with the moral obligation to be different, since the beginning of his administration one of the main goals was incline to pursue a more dynamic participation by Mexico in the political issues of the world. This was to be accomplished by taking up several measures that included enhancing economic trade with the United States and other nations, world summits in Mexico, improvement of human rights and others. Among those plans one attracted special attention when Mexico asked for a seat as a non-permanent member in the UN Security Council for the period 2002-2003 the third time in Mexican history. There were divided opinions on the subject because Mexico would be directly involved in UN decisions concerning internal situations of other countries, something that goes against the foreign policy principles of MeÌ xico. Eventually this discussion opened doors for other topics; one of them was the possibility of Mexico participating actively in peacekeeping operations by sending troops overseas; this initiated a biter debate in the political sphere. This study analyzes Mexican Foreign Policy and the historical perspective of the foreign principles stated in the Mexican Constitution[alpha]s article 89, followed by a discussion of their influence and interpretation in the politicalmilitary environment before and during the administration of President Fox. The study includes the analysis includes the new social and political scenario that MeÌ xico is facing in order to determine the odds and obstacles when dealing with military participation overseas. As MeÌ xico takes its place in the community of nations, the country[alpha]s leadership needs to search for possible options and test whether the new Mexican political apparatus has the flexibility to address current threats and requirements for international security. An analysis on the capabilities of the Mexican Armed Forces is also necessary in order to determine their capacity to execute multinational operations. Finally bring out the real benefits and/or risks from getting Mexico involved in these kinds of operations are identified.
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Šimečková, Barbora. "Komunikace státu: Jak u veřejnosti uspět s ekonomickými reformami". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192749.
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This diploma thesis deals with the communication of state substantial economic reforms. Methodology is a case study that examines the governmental communication of the pension reform in 2013. The introduction of the thesis briefly outlines the socioeconomic situation in the Czech Republic after 2008. The theoretical part sets out the necessary basis in the fields of media and communication, public relations, political communication, psychology and public choice theory and it also provides an overview of pension system reforms development in the Czech Republic area from the time of Austro-Hungarian Empire. It notes that this issue is one of the constant governmental agenda, especially after 1989, and its enforcement is depends on the political settlement. Practical part of the thesis analyzes the communication discourse of governmental pension reform effective from 1 January 2013. For this purpose it uses structured interviews with stakeholders, quantitative content media analysis and public opinion polls. It concludes that there was no communication strategy for the pension reform and governmental information activities were insufficient and time inadequate. The thesis results in a set of recommendations for the government and its future economic reforms communication. It includes political consensus, clear message and target group identification, detailed timeline plan and the principle of simplicity in the reform explaining.
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Wilkinson, Mark. "Playing the long game : UK secret intelligence and its relationship with chemical and biological weapons related foreign policy". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3373/.
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This thesis considers the influence of secret intelligence on UK chemical and biological warfare related foreign policy. Using the Butler Report, published in the wake of the 2003 Iraq War as a reference, a model of intelligence and foreign policy interaction will be constructed. This model will then be used as a baseline against which to compare the interaction of intelligence and foreign policy relating to chemical and / or biological weapons from three case studies; the Soviet Union, South Africa and Libya. Specifically, this thesis will consider how, in each of the three case studies: intelligence linked to foreign policy, what role intelligence had in the termination / exposure of those programmes, what factors might be seen to affect that relationship, and whether intelligence might be seen to be representative of state power. The thesis will argue that the 2003 Iraq War, as described by Butler, marked a paradigm shift in terms of the relationship between intelligence and foreign policy. In particular, it will be argued that the lead up to that war marks a transition in the function of intelligence from something that had always worked to gather information to inform foreign policy to hunting for information to directly support or justify a foreign policy decision that has already been taken. Each of the three case studies will also show the intelligence and foreign policy relationship is further influenced by other factors including personalities, organisational structures and cultures as well as the perceived importance of that case study as a political issue. The thesis will conclude by suggesting that the case studies examined provide several policy recommendations; that HUMINT is essential in counterproliferation efforts, that the development of technical specialists with UK intelligence agencies is vital to prevent future proliferation crises, and that pre-emptive war places such rigorous demands on the intelligence agencies it seems they are at present unable to respond quickly enough – this requires urgent action if UK foreign policy is to continue to purse counter-proliferation as a key objective.
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Moore, Caitlin M. "Third party intervention in humanitarian conflict : why the U. S. intervened in the Bosnian War /". Connect to online version, 2007. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2007/237.pdf.
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Hasan, Mubashar. "Ummah(s), Islam and Politics in Bangladesh". Thesis, Griffith University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367255.
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Against the backdrop of the resurgence of Islam and emergence of political Islam post 1970s, as well as the replacement of the ‘Red’ menace with the ‘Green’ menace at the end of the Cold War, Islam as a religion and political ideology has attracted renewed attention in international relations. Predictably, scholarship remains divided over Islam’s influence in politics and international relations. On one hand, many liberals, Western conservatives and neo-conservatives see Islam as an illiberal, violent and fascist religion. On the other hand, critics of conservatives and post-Islamist scholars argue that the forces of modernity, particularly democratisation and globalisation, can tame Islam. This thesis, by contrast, argues that international relations scholarship requires a more nuanced approach to explain and understand the relationship between Islam and politics. Drawing upon the political experience of Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim state in the world, this thesis shows that various waves of modernity, democratisation and globalisation have formed Islamist narratives of international relations and domestic politics, pushed nominally secular parties of Bangladesh towards supporting political Islam, and produced conflict within Islamist movements. Ultimately, it is the Islamic concept of “ummah” (the global brotherhood of Muslims) that forms the basis of ‘post-Western IR’ narratives.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Henry, Locksley Glenworth. "THE INFLUENCE OF CULTURE ON INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION STYLES: A COMPARATIVE CROSS-CULTURAL STUDY OF JAMAICAN AND U. S. NEGOTIATORS". NSUWorks, 2012. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/hsbe_etd/42.
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The influence of cultural diversity on international business negotiation continues to increase in importance as a result of globalization, liberalization of worldwide markets, and the growth of cross-border mergers and acquisitions. Negotiating styles' options and choices are key factors in determining successful outcomes in cross-cultural negotiations. While much research has been conducted on the influence of cultural dimensions on international negotiation styles, the samples and comparative studies have focused mainly on developed regions of the world - the United States of America, Europe, and Asia. This study focuses on the influence of selected cultural dimensions on the negotiating styles of the United States, and Jamaica - a developing Caribbean territory. Previous research in this area was minimal or non-existent. The study engaged tertiary student respondents in both territories and adopted the GLOBE Leadership Scale instrument to measure the effect of six cultural dimensions on cultural practices and cultural values in both countries. Simultaneously, the Glaser and Glaser Negotiating Style instrument was used to measure five different style choices grounded in the Dual Concerns Theory. The findings suggest that US negotiators would demonstrate a higher concern for self than Jamaican negotiators while Jamaican negotiators would show a higher concern for others in the negotiating process. This was also supported by the finding that the higher collectivism culture of the Jamaicans has a significant positive influence on their compromising style approach. Another significant finding was on the gender egalitarian cultural construct which suggests that both the US and Jamaican negotiators would embrace the participation of a greater number of female negotiators in the future. The US would also be more accommodative in their negotiating style where greater gender equity prevails. Power distance as a cultural dimension was not significant on negotiating styles in both countries but it was encouraging to note that power distance gaps would be narrower in the future.
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Hermann, Claire Boynton Lois A. "Communicating about the Rural Advancement Foundation International - USA an application of organizational identity, organizational image, and the situational theory of publics to a public relations plan /". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,864.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication (Public Relations)." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.
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Kadlecová, Veronika. "Propaganda in International Relations: A Case Study of the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-202088.
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The thesis identifies and further examines the role of propaganda in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, more specifically in the period around the annexation of the Crimean peninsula by the Russian Federation in March 2014. Critical discourse analysis is employed in order to analyse selected speeches of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, and the President of the United States of America, Barack Obama, relevant to the topic and in the period under investigation. The first chapter introduces a theoretical framework on propaganda in international relations, its definition, history and research. The methodology is described in detail in the second chapter. The historical context of the conflict is provided at the beginning of the empirical part of the thesis closely followed by a detailed analysis of the selected speeches. The findings support the prediction that there is a presence of propaganda identified within the speeches of both political leaders, thus in the conflict itself, and offer valuable insights into the hidden meanings and possible motives behind its use. The study advances our understanding of the phenomenon and helps us to expose and confront propaganda further.
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Galdino, Carolina Ferreira. "Moçambique e Angola na visão d'O Estado de S. Paulo (1975-1996) /". Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152030.
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Orientadora: Suzeley Kalil MathiasBanca: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
Banca: Samuel Alves Soares
Banca: José Miguel Arias Neto
Banca: Acácio Almeida
Banca: Marina Vitelli
Banca: Eduardo Mei
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A redução de vulnerabilidades frente ao exterior, a elevação dos saldos das exportações, bem como, o significativo aumento dos investimentos externos diretos são os principais componentes da nova conjuntura vivenciada por diversos países emergentes de conflito situados do outro lado do Atlântico. Dentre os países africanos de língua portuguesa, Moçambique e Angola possuem papel de destaque nas relações bilaterais empreendidas pelo Brasil com o continente africano, sendo estes os principais receptores das iniciativas de cooperação empreendidas pelo Brasil. Não raramente, os meios de comunicação apresentam parte do continente africano através de uma perspectiva eurocentrada, cedendo especial atenção à suas vulnerabilidades em detrimento de suas potencialidades e impossibilitando o conhecimento efetivo da realidade daqueles países. A forma como o continente africano é apresentado pelos meios de comunicação contribui para a perpetuação de uma visão e um discurso específico. Todo discurso tem o poder de dialogar com múltiplos discursos, razão pela qual a grande imprensa exerce papel fundamental na representação da realidade. A presente tese objetiva analisar como a grande imprensa paulistana, representada nesta pesquisa pelo jornal O Estado de S. Paulo, apresentou Moçambique e Angola entre 1975 e 1996.
Abstract: Reducing vulnerabilities to the outside world, rising export balances, as well as the significant increase in direct foreign investment are the main components of the new situation experienced in several emerging countries of conflict located on the other side of the Atlantic. Among the Portuguese-speaking African countries, Mozambique and Angola play a prominent role in the bilateral relations undertaken by Brazil with the African continent, which are the main recipients of the cooperation initiatives undertaken by Brazil. Not infrequently, the media presents a part of the African continent through a Eurocentric perspective, giving special attention to its vulnerabilities to the detriment of its potentialities and making it impossible to know effectively the reality of those countries. Every speech has the power to dialogue with multiple discourses, which is why the major press plays a fundamental role in the representation of reality. This thesis aims to analyze how the press in Sao Paulo, represented in this research by O Estado de S. Paulo newspaper, presented Mozambique and Angola between 1975 and 1996.
Doutor
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Gerlová, Iveta. "Vliv světové finančí krize na hospodářské vztahy ČR s Izraelem". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-16458.
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Diploma thesis deals with the bilateral economic relations between Czech republic and Israel in the context of global financial crisis. The first part includes the theoretical approach to financial crisis, its origins and impact on world economy. I continue with description of procedures adopted in EU in order to overcome the financial crisis as qickly as possible. Third part analyzes the economy of Israel, above all its development in last five years and shows, how did Israel deal with the impacts of crisis. This will predetermine the development of bilateral economic relations with Czech republic, that are analyzed in the last part of the thesis.
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Ružbacká, Michaela. "Analýza a pperspektivy zahraničně ekonomických vztahů ČR s Mexikem". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-9335.
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The diploma thesis deals with the analysis of international economic relations between the Czech Republic and Mexico. The goal of the thesis is to evaluate Mexico as a business territory in general and then in relation to the Czech Republic. It means the balance of trade between the both countries which are the perspective export and import items if there are any investment flows and where is it possible to find opportunities for deepening of bilateral relations-either at business or investment level.
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Michálková, Markéta. "Ekonomické sankce uvalené na Ruskou federaci v roce 2014 a jejich střednědobé a dlouhodobé dopady na politicko-ekonomické vztahy s Českou republikou". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193120.
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In 2014 The Russian Federation has become, according to The Ukraine Crisis, an object of the economic sanctions implement ion. The aim of this thesis is the analysis of impacts of the sanctions based on the theoretical prepositions and historical examples from praxis. The first part of the thesis describes the theoretical basis, history of sanction restrictions and their implementation by OSN and EU. The second part of the thesis is focused on the real-life examples of the implementation of the economic sanctions. The detailed analysis of the Russian case is followed by the evaluation of the impacts on international, political and trade relations with The European Union and the Czech Republic. Then the formed and future cost for The Russian Federation, European Union and The Czech Republic are evaluated as well.
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Cossa, Segone Ndangalila. "Corpo(u)s de história e províncias de relações empáticas : uma etnografia de corpos de direitos recusados em Moçambique". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/179431.
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As mulheres têm sido retratadas como inertes, sem vida e despojadas de seus lugares de sujeitos-históricos, dizem-nos isso os estudos sobre as relações de gênero em Moçambique. No entanto, os mesmos estudos ao construírem narrativas transversais dominantes sobre os gêneros, tendem a essencializar as mulheres como o único sujeito, oprimido pela cultura/tradição calcada pelo patriarcado. Com efeito, a mulher de que falam tais narrativas é sempre vitimizada, oprimida mesmo pelos estudos que têm a intenção de tornar sua voz audível. Sendo assim, nesta tese, objetivo traçar uma outra alternativa analítica que, a partir de uma corporalidade especifica – ubiquidade dos corpos – retrata-as de forma regenerada, como tendo agência feminina.Women have been portrayed as inert, lifeless and deprived of their places as subjects of history, we are told about studies of gender relations in Mozambique. However, the same studies, when constructing dominant cross-narratives about gender, tend to essentialize women as the only subject, oppressed by the culture/tradition traced by patriarchy. Indeed, the woman of whom such narratives speak about always is victimized, oppressed even by the studies that are intended to make her voice audible. Thus, in this thesis, the objective is to outline another analytic alternative that, based on a specific corporality – the ubiquity of bodies – portrays them in a regenerated way, as having a female agency.
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Nielsen, Jenny. "U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy and Iran (1969-1980) : an analysis of bilateral policy". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2010. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/340994/.
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During their efforts to reformulate and redefine U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy throughout the 1970s, the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations, engaged extensively, on a bilateral basis, with the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran’s (AEOI) Director, Dr. Akbar Etemad, in order to pursue an agreement establishing a cooperative relationship in the nuclear energy field. Although the United States attached high strategic importance to maintaining a strong bilateral relationship with Iran, and despite Iranian protestations of discriminatory treatment, the U.S. pursued an increasingly firm position in its negotiations with Iran, by insisting on the inclusion of progressively more restrictive elements to prevent proliferation, in the bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement between the two parties. Although the imposition of stricter conditions frustrated Iran, the US bilateral negotiating position was consistent with its evolving wider nuclear non-proliferation policy. Precisely because of the strong ties and alliance between Iran and the United States at this time, the U.S. --particularly the Carter administration -- wanted to showcase the eventual U.S.-Iranian cooperation agreement as a model for future bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements. The U.S. administrations also aimed to exploit their close relationship with the Shah by using him as an intermediary to advance U.S. proliferation concerns in the region. U.S. foreign policy is complex and multifaceted. As identified by Rosenau and further explored by Wittkopf et al, there are external, societal, governmental, role, and individual sources, contributing to foreign policy. Adapting this approach to a specific aspect of U.S. foreign policy -- that of nuclear non-proliferation policy -- this thesis identifies and examines the various sources contributing to U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy during the Nixon, Ford and Carter administrations. The analysis is refined further by examining the specific bilateral policy case study in the context of the general U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy during this period. This comparative approach allows the thesis to identify the objectives of U.S. bilateral nuclear cooperation policy with Iran in a systematic manner and conclude that the bilateral objectives were consistent with general U.S. nuclear non-proliferation objectives, which evolved throughout the three presidencies. This thesis contributes to the literature on U.S.-Iran bilateral foreign policy on nuclear issues in the 1970s and U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy more broadly. The originality of its contribution resides particularly in its is extensive empirical research using authoritative primary sources, specifically declassified official U.S. government documents sourced from the U.S. National Security Archive, and the relevant presidential libraries. These archival sources are supplemented and supported by existing secondary sources as well as semi-structured interviews of U.S. and Iranian officials.
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Ferreira, Mariana Toledo. "Centro(s) e periferia(s) na produção do conhecimento em genética humana e médica: um olhar a partir do Brasil". Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-14022019-115714/.
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A tese aborda diferentes dimensões da relação entre centros e periferias na produção, circulação e legitimação do conhecimento, a partir de um estudo de caso que se debruça sobre a área da genética humana e médica no Brasil. Busca-se discutir as razões, estratégias, contingências e constrições das colaborações internacionais realizadas pelas(os) pesquisadoras(es) brasileiras(os) em um contexto disciplinar percebido como estruturalmente desigual. Trata-se de explorar as potencialidades do estudo de caso para a identificação em termos mais específicos de fatores e processos que têm sido descritos de modo generalizante nos discursos contemporâneos sobre a internacionalização da ciência e a transformação dos modos de produção de conhecimento científico. Para tanto, foi feito um trabalho de campo que compreendeu a seleção de uma amostra de pesquisadoras(es) da genética humana e médica no Brasil, que levou à identificação dos programas de pós-graduação de excelência na área, localizados em quatro universidades públicas: Universidade de São Paulo campus Ribeirão Preto; Universidade Estadual de Campinas; Universidade Federal do Pará; e Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. Essa seleção baseou-se na Avaliação Trienal da Capes 2010-2012 (que eram os dados mais recentes disponíveis quando do desenho da pesquisa). Foram então realizadas 46 entrevistas semiestruturadas com pesquisadoras(es) pertencentes às instituições em que esses Programas estão sediados, a grande maioria delas realizada in loco, para cuja análise foi utilizado o programa Atlas Ti. A exploração desse material, devidamente localizado no contexto histórico do desenvolvimento da área no país, permitiu analisar as representações das(os) pesquisadoras(es) em termos de estratégias negociadas e renegociadas no cotidiano das colaborações nacionais e internacionais e a constituição das agendas de pesquisa, simultaneamente em consonância e em tensão com os padrões e parâmetros do que se convencionou chamar de ciência internacional. Os dados balizam a discussão sobre as possibilidades de reconhecimento da pesquisa em genética humana e médica realizada por brasileiras(os), que explora as tensões entre o local e o internacional, considerando os aspectos que marcam as formas contemporâneas de competição no interior de atividade científica em um campo disciplinar específico. A análise revela a pluralidade das relações entre centros e periferias, em dinâmicas sociais que transformam e recriam desigualdades nacionais, regionais e globais no campo contemporâneo da produção de conhecimento em genética humana e médica.This doctoral dissertation deals with different dimensions of the relation between centres and peripheries in the production, circulation and legitimation of knowledge, departing from a case study looking at human and medical Genetics in Brazil. Its aims are to discuss the reasons, strategies, contingencies and constrictions of international collaborations taken through by Brazilian researchers in a disciplinary context perceived as structurally unequal. Thus it is about exploring the potentialities of this case study to identify under more specific terms the factors and processes that have been hitherto described in a generalizing manner throughout contemporary discourses on internationalization of science and the transformation of the modes of production of scientific knowledge. To achieve this, a fieldwork has been taken through, comprehending the selection of a sample of researchers in the field of human and medical Genetics in Brazil, therefore leading to the identification of graduate programmes of excellence, located in four public research universities: Universidade de São Paulo campus Ribeirão Preto; Universidade Estadual de Campinas; Universidade Federal do Pará, and Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. This selection based itself upon the 2010- 2012 Triennial Evaluation Process of Capes (which were the most recent data available at the moment when the research happened to be designed). After this first preparatory step, 46 semi-structured interviews were held with researchers belonging to the institutions hosting these programmes, the most part of them in loco, after which the software Atlas Ti was used to analyse them. Exploring this material, duly situated in the historical context of the areas development in Brazil, allowed to analyse the representations of these researchers in terms of the strategies employed to negotiate and renegotiate in everyday national as well as international collaborations, alongside the constitution of research agendas, all of them simultaneously in consonance and tension regarding patterns and parameters of what has been agreed upon to receive the name of international science. This data appears as a yardstick to evaluate the discussion concerning the possibilities of recognizing research in human and medical Genetics performed by Brazilian researchers, examining tensions between the local and the international, taking into consideration the aspects that characterize contemporary forms of competition among scientific activity in a specific disciplinary field. The investigation and concurrent analysis reveal the plurality of relations between centres and peripheries, paying special attention to social dynamics that produce and recreate national, regional and global inequalities in the contemporary field of knowledge production in human and medical genetics.
23
Crilley, Rhys. "The visual politics of legitimation in the digital age : the cases of the British Army and the Syrian Opposition". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6906/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the discipline of International Relations, scholars have recently drawn attention to how political actors use narratives to claim legitimacy for themselves, their actions, and their use of force. Whilst such work provides welcome insights, there has been little attention given to how these narratives are often told through visual media on digital social media sites. In light of this, this thesis argues that visual media are central to how political actors claim legitimacy for the use of force in the digital age. Theoretically informed by work on aesthetics, narrative, and visual global politics, this thesis provides an analytical framework for studying the visual politics of legitimation. This is then explored through two case studies of the British Army and the National Coalition of Syrian Revolution and Opposition Forces. In each case study I draw upon multiple methods to analyse the narrative and visual content of each actor’s official Facebook Page, as well as the contexts of media production and audience reception. This thesis contributes to studies of global politics by illustrating how each actor uses visual media to claim legitimacy for the use of force, and thereby provides the first empirical analysis of the visual politics of legitimation.
24
Ozga, Deborah Ann. "The principles of nuclear control". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2001. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/43760/.
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This thesis develops the principles of nuclear control which are derived from control models initially developed in the 1940s, namely, The Acheson-Lilienthal Report, and the Baruch Plan. Authors of these works aspired to create a grand disarmament scheme establishing an international authority to manage nuclear energy and to prevent states from diverting nuclear energy production to nuclear weapon development. They identified principles, which they believed needed to be incorporated in any nuclear control plan, if the plan was to be effective in promoting international security and stability. The thesis then examines control models that were actually established and explores how they diverged from the suggested principles identified previously. In protecting states' economic and political sovereignty, a series of compromises were made on meeting principles of control. Political realities forced states to settle on a national inspection system (the International Atomic Energy Agency Safeguards System) which sought to detect the diversion of nuclear materials from peaceful uses to nuclear weapons. This type system was initially considered by analysts of the Baruch era but was emphatically rejected as having weaknesses that would undermine the system's effectiveness. Although decision makers were aware of the damage that compromises on the principles could have on the control system's effectiveness, they believed some imperfect control system was better than none at all. The thesis shows that departures of the established model from the earlier model weakened control system effectiveness as predicted by Baruch era analysts. This less rigourous adopted approach achieved broad international acceptability, but could not provide sufficient assurances to all parties. As a consequence, some governments took unilateral action to enhance their security in the face of inadequate controls and/or engaged in efforts to strengthen the system. The mechanisms they created incorporated some of the basic nuclear control principles originally identified a half-century earlier but were rejected on political grounds. The thesis sheds light on the difficulties in implementing control and the relevance of these implementation problems for disarmament. It highlights the struggle between states' desires for more credible systems requiring greater sacrifices on national sovereignty and a need for broad adherence to international control demanding less intrusiveness and wider benefits. The thesis reveals a long-term trend that states appear more willing to accept international control measures as globalisation occurs and concludes that the control system is evolving towards incorporating the principles identified in the 1940s that were not included in the established system.
25
Dýcková, Eva. "Mezinárodní postavení Československa v období tzv. normalizace (vtahy s USA a Velkou Británií)". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-142222.
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This thesis gives a picture of international status of Czechoslovakia in the time period 1969 -- 1989, it is specifically illustrated on relations with USA and Great Britain. After characteristics of the given time period and the czechoslovak foreign policy the thesis deals with the key events which influenced mutual relations with given states in the period of normalization. Further on the case of czechoslovak monetary gold is described. In the end the thesis analyses picture of Czechoslovakia in the U.S. and British media during the observed period.
26
Berry, Chad Michael. "Looking for a Friend: Sino-U.S. Relations and Ulysses S. Grant's Mediation in the Ryukyu/Liuqiu Dispute of 1879". The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1397610312.
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27
Miranda, Cristobal M., i Cristobal M. Miranda. "Towards A Balanced U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/620870.
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Nuclear weapons remain salient to international security and stability given their continued existence within the strategic context of interstate relations, as well as their continued proliferation to state actors and potentially to non-state actors. Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. and Russia have dramatically reduced their nuclear arsenals; however, the U.S and Russia today still have the large majority of the world's nuclear inventory, with thousands of nuclear weapons each and plans to maintain these large stockpiles. The central question of this study is-how does one reconcile the size and continued existence of the U.S. nuclear arsenal with U.S. nonproliferation policy and the U.S. commitment to pursue nuclear disarmament? This study's primary argument is that a nuclear-armed state can craft a weapons policy involving nuclear posture and force structure that balances the requirements of nuclear deterrence with nuclear nonproliferation objectives and eventual nuclear disarmament, and that the U.S. has imperfectly pursued such a balanced nuclear weapons policy since the end of the Cold War. This study's primary policy recommendations are that the U.S. nuclear arsenal can be reduced further and the U.S. can modify its nuclear posture to limit the role of nuclear weapons; such nuclear weapons policy changes that limit the mission and size of U.S. nuclear forces would demonstrate genuine commitment to nuclear nonproliferation and progress towards nuclear disarmament, while also maintaining a strategic deterrence capability for the foreseeable future. The pursuit of a balanced nuclear weapons policy will allow the U.S. to function as a genuine actor to positively influence the international nuclear environment towards a potentially nuclear-free world. Ultimately, global nuclear disarmament will likely require major developments within the international system, including the solving of the world's major security issues.
28
Miller, Brian Lawrence. "Human Rights & U.S. Foreign Aid, 1984-1995: The Cold War and Beyond". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6152/.
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This study attempts to cast empirical light on the traditionalist-revisionist debate regarding the impact of the Soviet Union's collapse on U.S. foreign policy decision-making. To accomplish this goal, the relationship between human rights and U.S. foreign aid decision-making is examined before and after the Cold War. In doing so, the author attempts to determine if "soft" approaches, such as the use of a country's human rights records when allocating aid, have garnered increasing attention since the end of Cold War, as traditionalists assert, or declined in importance, as revisionists content.
29
Vinická, Tereza. "Zapojení Angoly do mezinárodního obchodu a spolupráce s ČR". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15912.
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My thesis is focused on Angola, its participation in international trade and business relations with Czech republic. Especially it presents Angola from economic point of view, its current standing in the world and how it is participating in international trade. Not least it analyses mutual business relations between Angola and Czech republic. It covers their possible future development too. The aim of my thesis was to describe and analyse these highlights.
30
Nilvander, Emil, i Frida Ålund. "Cleantech in China : A study of the possibilities for Swedish SME´s to conduct business in China, and the mutual benefits for China and Sweden". Thesis, University of Gävle, Department of Business Administration and Economics, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-425.
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31
Akseki, Emin. "Oman'". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12611979/index.pdf.
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In this thesis, Oman&rsquos foreign policy between 1970 and 2008 is examined. The main question of this thesis is what the main characteristics of Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy are. In order to identify the main characteristics of Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy its determinants are analyzed by looking at its three interacting environments: domestic, regional and international. In other words, the impacts of these three environments on Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy conceptions, behaviors and decisions are discussed. While examining Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy, special attention is exerted to its foreign policy towards Iran which is the most influential regional power in the Gulf. It is observed that Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy towards Iran is the best telling example of how Oman balances the benefits and constraints of the three environments. Keywords: Oman&rsquo
s Foreign Policy, Characteristics of Oman&rsquo
s Foreign Policy, Domestic, Regional and International Environments, Oman&rsquo
s Foreign Policy Towards Iran.
32
Walters, Andrew John Charles. "Inter-war, inter-service friction on the North-West Frontier of India and its impact on the development and application of RAF doctrine". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7681/.
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India’s North-West Frontier was the one area where the British Raj could suffer a knockout blow from either external Russian invasion or internal revolt. Frontier defence was amongst the greatest burdens during India’s inter-War financial austerity. Despite the RAF’s operational and financial efficacy in 1920s Iraq, air control was never implemented on the Frontier and air power’s potential was never fully exploited. Instead, aircraft were employed to enhance the Army’s traditional battlefield capabilities, resulting in efficient tactical co-ordination during the 1930s Waziristan campaign - the RAF’s most operationally-active pre-War theatre. To address why air power was constrained on the Frontier, the Thesis examines the inter-War relationship between the Armies of India and the RAF and its impact on the development and application of RAF doctrine. It concludes that the conservatively-natured Indian Armies were slow to recognise the conceptual shift required to fully exploit air power. This entrenchment was reinforced by inter-Service rivalry and the threat of aircraft replacing land forces with a concomitant loss of political standing. The enduring high-level internecine conflict resulted in the squandering of both resources and the opportunity to test independent, ‘strategic’ air power theory prior to WWII. Its legacy impacted on Army-RAF relations into WWII.
33
Benneyworth, Iwan. "Narco wars : an analysis of the militarisation of U.S. counter-narcotics policy in Colombia, Mexico and on the U.S. border". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/91408/.
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The U.S. War on Drugs has been underway for several decades. Since it was declared by the Nixon Administration narcotics have been understood as a growing security threat to the American public, their health, economy and society. Illicit drugs have gradually become a securitised issue. From the Nixon Administration onward, the law enforcement and eventually military assets of the United States government were increasingly deployed in an effort to counter this drug threat. While initially regarded as a minor issue, as the potency and addictive qualities of illicit drugs increased during the 20th Century, so too did the concerns of influential actors from the political and public spheres. Nixon's actions did not represent the high-water mark of U.S. counter-narcotics. There was growing violence on American streets linked to the drug trafficking cartels out of Colombia, especially in Southern Florida where traffickers battled each other for lucrative drug markets. In response to this national security threat, the Reagan Administration – followed by the successor Bush and Clinton Administrations – gradually increased the involvement of the U.S. military in counter-narcotics policy. This occurred both at home in the form of greater militarisation of police forces, and abroad in support of several Latin American countries’ security forces. In 2000, drug-related instability in Colombia resulted in the launch of the Plan Colombia initiative, a dedicated package of American financial and security assistance, with counter-narcotics the primary purpose. In 2008, as drug-related violence in Mexico reached epidemic proportions and threatened to spillover across the American border, the U.S. launched the Merida Initiative in an attempt to aid Mexican counter-narcotics efforts. This thesis uses qualitative research methods to examine the militarisation of U.S. foreign counter-narcotics policy by analysing the case studies of Colombia and Mexico and their American-backed efforts. It also examines domestic policy, by considering the historical development of U.S. counter-narcotics, the progressive militarisation of law enforcement as a consequence of the drug war, and the security situation on the southern border with Mexico. This empirical research is facilitated by the development of a militarisation analytical framework, which builds upon the securitisation framework. Based on the findings of the case studies, the processes that drive militarisation are explored, and the framework itself is further developed and refined. The research possibilities for counter-narcotics policy and future direction for militarisation research are also explored in the Conclusion. Ultimately, this thesis offers a detailed analysis of militarisation in U.S. foreign and domestic counter-narcotics policy, the processes behind this, and develops a militarisation framework applicable to any security situation, contributing to the overall securitisation debate.
34
Anvin, Matts. "Racial Representation in Swedish Children´s Picture Books : A Reflection of Hegemonic Whiteness". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43551.
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In this thesis, through critically analysing images and text in a selection of Swedish children's picture books, the aim is to investigate how white and non-white bodies are represented, and how racial differences between these white and non-white bodies are depicted and racial meanings addressed. Theoretical concepts from within the field of Critical race- and Whiteness studies are applied, to demonstrate how hegemonic whiteness and colour-blindness as discourse is prevalent in these children´s books, which is achieved by using non-white characters as tokens. Moreover, this study of representation is an illustrative case for how race can function as social construct, and thus should have value as an analytical concept also in IMER-studies performed in the Swedish context. It can additionally lift a discussion about the importance for children at an early age, to develop awareness and understanding of how race can affect individual lives.
35
Mazlum, Burcu. "The European Neighbourhood Policy:an Effective Foreign Policy Tool For The European Union?" Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608645/index.pdf.
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This thesis assesses whether the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) could evolve as
an effective foreign policy tool of the EU. It aims to analyze the ENP&rsquos impact on the EU foreign policy in general and the Union&rsquo
s transformative capacity over its neighbours in particular. To this purpose, the thesis initially explores the underlying motives behind the origins and emergence of the ENP and further elaborates its policy framework and its phase of implementation so far. The thesis then identifies the limits of the ENP, namely the internal and external constraints of the policy and on the basis of these shortcomings, discusses the overall impact of the ENP on the EU foreign policy. More specifically, the thesis focuses on the ENP&rsquo
s impact analysis for the EU&rsquo
s transformative capacity in its direct neighbourhood. Finally, the thesis assesses the main reasons of why it seems unlikely that the ENP could not evolve as a fully-fledged foreign policy tool for the Union and highlights the need for a major reform or re-adjustment of the policy.
36
Kimura, Keiki 1955. "An analysis of the Japanese voluntary export restraint upon automobiles to the U. S. and Canada : an investigation of its impacts upon international, bilateral and domestic legal frameworks for safeguard measures". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65419.
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37
Sciorati, Giulia. ""Rooting Out Resistance in Uyghur Society": The Making of China's Counterterrorism Policy in Xinjiang (1996-2017)". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/273479.
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The diffusion of episodes of terrorism and political violence around the world has heightened the need for states to design effective counterterrorist measures. Orthodox studies on terrorism hold that the frequency and intensity of terrorist attacks determine the levels of assertiveness maintained by counterterrorist measures. This research builds on this assumption by developing the link between terrorism and counterterrorism policy through two unit-level variables. Besides the frequency and intensity of terrorist attacks, this study examines the political orientation of states’ elites, and states’ integration in multilateral security frameworks. The research tests for these factors by studying counterterrorist authoritarian regimes, and questions the notion that their political orientation makes state terrorism a measure of choice.
In empirical terms, this study investigates the making of China’s counterterrorism policy in Xinjiang from 1996 to 2017. The period is analysed by comparing three within-cases, bookended by pre identified critical junctures. China’s counterterrorist measures in Xinjiang have experienced a revival since President Xi came into power in 2013, and the country has been quick to adopt a counterterrorism policy that has come to resemble state terrorism. Yet, no substantial variation in the opposition to the country’s elite nor exceptionally violent terrorist attacks have been recorded in the region.
This study relies upon qualitative data, such as political discourse and documents, news media and scholarly writings, and aggregated data is examined to complement the qualitative sources. Methodologically, this thesis supplements process tracing with qualitative content analysis.
The evidence provides support for a theory of ‘multi-causal counterterrorism’, according to which counterterrorism policy depends on the combination of systemic and domestic factors. Other than the incidence of terrorist attacks, states choose their counterterrorism policy in the context of ever-changing power relationships at the international and domestic levels. It is concluded that these power relationships impose constraints on states’ decision-making abilities.
38
Lewandowski, Jens. "Does National Identity have an impact on Gender Equality? A Feminist-Constructivist analysis of Estonia´s identity formation process and its impact on Gender (In-)Equality today". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23245.
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The shift of mainstream International Relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union as well as societal changes challenged the way we see the world. This research is concerned with the, for the researcher most pressing issue of our social coexistence, (In-)equality. To further narrow down, the author engages with identity formation and the issue of gender in Estonia. After assessing the International Relations relevance of Feminist IR and pointing out Constructivist similarities ontological and epistemological assumptions are presented, where the author shares the Feminist claims of seeing states as the analytical unit in the international system but as a representational conglomeration of a population. Estonia´s transformation process, from a oppressed socialist society to economic liberalization will show a deeper connection to the population´s national identity. The methodological endeavour takes two indexes the Gender Equality Index and the World Value Survey and cross-analyses opinion with reality and finds correlation in the Socialist past influencing the opinion in Gender Equality. The comparative study with Slovenia shows ineffectiveness of Gender quotas and a general slow progress in terms of Gender Equality. Concluding, that the past and the constructed identity against the former Soviet ideology and the constructed national identity has an influence on Gender Equality.
39
Gulmez, Seckin Baris. "The Republican People". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607640/index.pdf.
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This study aims to examine the foreign policy orientation of the Republican People&rsquos Party (CHP) during 2003 and 2005. Thus, four major foreign policy issues during this period will be scrutinized. These issues are namely, Turkey&rsquo
s EU membership process, the Cyprus problem, the US-Turkey relations and the Armenian question. Taking into consideration the current development concerning these issues, this study will focus on the views and reactions of the CHP. In this respect, the main determinant factors behind the foreign policy stance of the party will be discussed. Finally, comparing the foreign policy understanding of the CHP in the past, the study will focus on the question whether the CHP of today constitutes continuation or a shift from the past CHP administrations. At the end of the study, the results of a research issued at the current CHP deputies so as to evaluate their foreign policy orientations will be revealed.
40
Kurzweil, Matěj. "Role jedince v mezinárodních vztazích: Vůdci a jejich postavení v mezinárodním systému". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191706.
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The main goal of the thesis was to find out why leaders decide the way they do. Using the example of the Cuban Crisis from 1962 I try to analyze the decision making process of the american president John F. Kennedy and the soviet leader Nikita S. Khrushchev. The Cuban Crisis was the most dangerous moment since World War II and the world got to the edge of a nuclear war. The lives of thousands of people were in the hands of the two leaders. Their decision making process was influenced by many internal and external factors and in this thesis I am trying to find out which factors and to what extent had the biggest influence on their decisions.
41
Sandevärn, Johan. "Hard Ice, Soft Politics : EU:s och USA:s utrikespolitik i den arktiska regionen". Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-6825.
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The polar ice in the Arctic is melting resulting in new opportunities for the Arctic states to extracting vital resources and to find new shorter transport routes. Two of the largest actors who both presently have published polices towards the Arctic region is the EU and the US. This work firstly aims to offer a descriptive view of the EU and the US’ polices towards the Arctic region. Secondly, investigate the documents quantitatively and qualitatively to show weather the EU and US policies are featured by ‘hard power’ or ‘soft power’ by the research of Joseph S. Nye Jr. to find out if Robert Kagan’s hypotheses that the EU mainly use ‘soft power’ and that the US mainly use ‘hard power’. The findings showed that Kagan in this case was right about the EU and the use of ‘soft power’ but that the US mainly uses ‘soft power’ politics in their Arctic policy.
42
Kale, Basak. "The Impact Of Europeanization On Domestic Policy Structures: Asylum And Refugee Policies In Turkey&". Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606927/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the impact of Europeanization on domestic policy structures in states which are not European Union (EU) members within the framework of asylum and refugee policies. It focuses on the influence of Europeanization during Turkey’
s pre-accession process to the EU after 1999. This thesis has three main goals. The first one is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics behind Europeanization of asylum and refugee policies. The second goal is to highlight the institutional, administrative and ideational environment in which these policies take place. Finally, it aims to analyze how the dynamics of European integration through legislative harmonization creates systemic transformation in domestic governance systems in the EU candidate countries in their pre-accession process.
43
Fiala, Petr. "Lidská práva v zahraniční politice Číny v Africe". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124825.
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The thesis deals with the analysis of the importance of human rights issues in China's foreign policy in Africe. Its aim is to assess the importance of this issue in relations between China and Africa, and the perspective of changes of its importance in the further development of these relations. The thesis examines, how the Chinese stance on human rights is reflected in its foreign policy in Africa, and what impacts on their relations it has. In addition, it estimates how the further development influences Chinese approach to the issue of human rights. At first, the work analyzed the human rights issue and the International human rights regime. Then it studied the special African and Chinese stance on the issue of human rights. Further it analyzed Chinese foreign policy, and the projecting of the human rights issue into the foreign policy. Then the work analyzed the relations between China and Africa, and the significance of human rights issue in it. Finally, the thesis deals with the changing of the Chinese approach to human rights in Africa.
44
Miranda, Clicea Maria Augusto de. "Repercussões da Guerra Civil americana no destino da escravidão no Brasil - 1861-1888". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-30112017-124524/.
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Considerada como um dos maiores marcos da história norte-americana, a Guerra Civil (1861- 1865) marcou as transformações das relações sociais, trabalhistas e raciais nos Estados Unidos e circunscreve-se no âmbito das mudanças do século XIX, especialmente nos eventos que concorreram para o fim do tráfico de escravos africanos e da abolição do cativeiro nas Américas. As questões da guerra ultrapassaram as fronteiras norte-americanas e influenciaram as mudanças nas formas de trabalho responsáveis pela economia no Brasil. Através de fontes parlamentares, diplomáticas e da imprensa, entre outras, investigamos entre 1861, ano que se inicia o conflito americano, e 1888, data que marca oficialmente o fim da escravidão no Brasil, como as informações sobre a Guerra Civil e seus desdobramentos influenciaram os debates políticos sobre o destino da escravidão. Por meio de uma perspectiva transnacional e articulando o debate sobre o processo de emancipação nas Américas, este trabalho procura enfatizar as ideias de abolicionistas e políticos, seus pensamentos sobre as mudanças do trabalho servil para o livre, o destino da população escravizada, as questões raciais e a produção econômica no Brasil. Consequentemente, este estudo tem como objetivo compreender como a Guerra Civil americana foi interpretada no Brasil e como isso influenciou os discursos políticos, projetos de emancipação, bem como os escritos de abolicionistas entre as décadas de 1860 e 1880.Considered one of the biggest moments in the history of North America, the Civil War (1861- 1865) marked transformations in social, worker and race relations in the United States given the broader changes in the nineteenth century, especially related to the end of the African slave trade and the abolition of captives in the Americas. The war passed North-American boundaries and influenced changes in the forms of laborin the Brazilian economy. Through parliamentary, diplomatic and journalistic sources, among others, this thesis investigates how the information about the Civil War and its repercussions influenced political debates on the destiny of slavery between 1861, the year that the American conflict began, and 1888, the date that marks the official end of slavery in Brazil. Through a transnational perspective and articulating with the debates on the emancipation process in the Americas, this work aims to emphasis the ideas of abolitionists and politicians, their thoughts on the changes from servile to free labor, the destiny of the enslaved population, racial questions and economic production in Brazil. Consequently, this study has the objective of understanding how the American Civil War was interpreted in Brazil and how it influenced political discourses, emancipatory projects, as well as the writings of abolitionists between 1860 and 1880.
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Grohmann-Nogarède, Annette. "L’hebdomadaire « Die Zukunft » (1938-1940) et ses auteurs (1899-1979) : penser l’Europe et le monde au XXe siècle". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL194.
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Die Zukunft, un hebdomadaire de l’émigration antifasciste allemande qui a paru à Paris de 1938 à 1940, nous invite à enquêter sur l’influence des intellectuels pendant l’entre-deux-guerres et plus particulièrement sur les initiatives des émigrés pour mettre en garde les démocraties occidentales contre le régime nazi et sa politique expansionniste. L’hebdomadaire regroupe 332 auteurs issus de 25 pays. On note la présence d’intellectuels et d’hommes politiques de renom, tels qu’Heinrich, Thomas, Klaus et Erika Mann, Alfred Döblin, Lion Feuchtwanger, H.G. Wells, Aldous Huxley, Harold Macmillan, Clement Attlee, Édouard Daladier ou Édouard Herriot. Même Jawaharlal Nehru contribue au débat sur l’avenir des empires coloniaux relayé par le Zukunft.En outre, les différents groupes d’auteurs ont joué des rôles importants avant et après sa publication dans la vie intellectuelle et politique en Occident. Le débat d’idées mené dans les pages du Zukunft est ainsi replacé dans le contexte de l’histoire intellectuelle et politique de 1899 à 1979, afin de comprendre dans quelle mesure il reflète l’évolution de la pensée et l’engagement des intellectuels au XXe siècle, et en quoi les actions de ses auteurs ont forgé l’Europe et le monde actuelDie Zukunft, a publication of antifascist émigrés in Paris which came out from 1938 to 1940, invites us to enquire into the influence of intellectuals during the interwar period and particularly into the initiatives of émigrés to warn the Western democracies against the nazi dictature and its expansionist goals. It allows, in fact, to discover an impressive transnational network of 332 authors from 25 countries and distinguishes itself by the implication of well-known intellectuals and politicians, such as Heinrich, Thomas, Klaus and Erika Mann, Alfred Döblin, Lion Feuchtwanger, H.G. Wells, Aldous Huxley, Harold Macmillan, Clement Attlee, Édouard Daladier or Édouard Herriot. Even Jawaharlal Nehru participates in the debate about the future of the colonial empires, an important issue in the Zukunft.The different groups of Die Zukunft authors have played important roles before and after its publication in Western intellectual and political life. The debate in the Zukunft is replaced in the context of intellectual and political history from 1899 to 1979, in order to understand in how far it reflects the evolution of intellectual thought in the 20th century, and how the actions of its authors have contributed to create Europe and the world as we know them today
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Pillainayagam, Priyanthan A. "The After Effects of Colonialism in the Postmodern Era: Competing Narratives and Celebrating the Local in Michael Ondaatje’s Anil’s Ghost". Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1337874544.
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Heimburger, Robert Whitaker. "A theological response to the "illegal alien" in federal United States law". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:43010cbe-32a9-4ecd-abcf-cf57f729bbd5.
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Today, some twelve million immigrants are unlawfully present in the United States. What response to this situation does Christian theology suggest for these immigrants and those who receive them? To this question about the status of immigrants before the law, the theological literature lacks an understanding of how federal U.S. immigration law developed, and it lacks a robust theological account of the governance of immigration. To fill this gap, the thesis presents three stages in the formation of the laws that designate some immigrants as aliens unlawfully present or illegal aliens, drawing out the moral argumentation in each phase and responding with moral theology. In the first stage, non-citizens were called aliens in U.S. law. In response to the argument that aliens exist as a consequence of natural law, Christian teaching indicates that immigrants are not alien either in creation or for the church. In the second stage, the authority of the federal government to exclude and expel aliens was established, leaving those who do not comply to be designated illegal aliens. To the claim that the federal government has unlimited sovereignty over immigration, interpretations of the Christian Scriptures respond that divine sovereignty limits and directs civil authority over immigration. In the third stage, legal reforms that were intended to end discrimination between countries allowed millions from countries neighboring the U.S. to become illegal aliens. These reforms turn out to be unjust on philosophical grounds and unneighborly on theological grounds. While federal law classes many as aliens unlawfully present in the United States, Christian political theology indicates that immigrants are not alien, the government of immigration is limited by divine judgment, and nationals of neighboring countries deserve special regard.
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Lozeau, Laplante Frédérick. "Les États-Unis d'Amérique face a la reconnaissance d'État : les cas des États balkaniques, du Kosovo et du Québec". Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/8738.
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Ce mémoire s’intéresse au comportement américain en matière de reconnaissance d’État. Il tente d’identifier quels sont les facteurs susceptibles d’être appliqués par les États- Unis d’Amérique dans l’hypothèse d’une éventuelle reconnaissance du Québec. Les évènements politiques survenus au cours des trente dernières années au Québec ont non seulement suscité un fort intérêt à Washington, ils ont également conduit le gouvernement américain à mettre en place une approche politique particulière à l’endroit du Québec. Utilisée à partir de la fin des années 1970, cette approche spécifique (qui fait maintenant office de ligne de conduite) demeure encore aujourd’hui celle qui prévaut à la Maison- Blanche.
En dépit de la tenue de deux référendums sur la souveraineté en 1980 et en 1995, le Québec demeure encore aujourd’hui une province de l’État canadien. Cependant, s’il devait un jour accéder à l’indépendance, il y a fort à parier que la décision des États-Unis de reconnaître le Québec serait modulée à partir d’intérêts sécuritaires ponctuels, mais aussi en fonction d’intérêts politiques ou économiques. Dans la majorité des cas depuis la dissolution de la Yougoslavie en 1991, les États-Unis d’Amérique ont agi ainsi. L’analyse du comportement américain lors de la reconnaissance récente du Kosovo en 2008 vient appuyer ces dires et démontre que Washington utilise la même approche pour reconnaître de nouveaux États depuis au moins 20 ans.This master’s thesis focuses on the U.S. behaviour in matter of State recognition. It attempts to determine what are the determining factors that the United States would take into account in an eventual process of recognition of a sovereign Quebec. The political events over the last thirty years in Quebec have not only attracted great interest in Washington, they also led the U.S. government to define a policy towards Quebec. Used since the late 1970’s, this specific approach and line of conduct still prevails even today at the White House. Despite the two referendums on sovereignty held in Quebec in 1980 and 1995 the issue of Quebec sovereignty is still relevant. However, if it were ever to achieve sovereignty, it's safe to say that the U.S. decision to recognize Quebec would be modulated on security interests as well as political or economical interests. In most cases since the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 such as been the position of the United States. The analysis of U.S. behaviour towards Kosovo in 2008 supports these facts and demonstrates that Washington has been applying the same approach in matters relating to the recognition of new States for the past 20 years.
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Choroušová, Jana. "Identifikace s matkou u pacientek s mentální anorexií". Master's thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-448931.
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The aim of the diploma thesis "Maternal Identification in Anorexia Nervosa" is to map the developmental context of the onset of anorexia nervosa in female patients related with the formation of relationships with immediate caregivers and the detailed focus on the daughter's relationship with the mother. The theoretical part offers a cross-section of psychoanalytic theories that specifically deal with such process. These are mainly the object relations theory, the attachment theory as well as the recent theory of mentalization. The initial premise of the whole work is the femininity itself, the age of the patients when the period of adolescence and female gender are amongst the main risk factors for the development of anorexia nervosa and contribute to the disproportion between male and female patients. The concept of identification between daughter and mother within the separation-individuation process is described both in early childhood and during adolescence. The empirical part focuses on a particular examination of the patient's relationships with primary caregivers, the immediate environment from childhood to adulthood and the factors involved in the development of the disease. Through a semi-structured in-depth interview, the study monitors key moments of psychosocial development in four...
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Waelder, Lauren Ann. "A study of the U. S. diplomatic library in Mexico City". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22698.
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A Study of the U. S. Diplomatic Library
In Mexico City
by
Lauren Ann Waelder, M. S. in Information Studies
The University of Texas at Austin, 2013
SUPERVISOR: Philip Doty
This paper addresses the topic of diplomatic libraries. It opens with a section covering the topic in general, but then focuses on the specific scope of the paper. It focuses on the circumstances associated with the library in Mexico City that goes with the U. S. Embassy to Mexico. That library is the Benjamin Franklin Library, established in 1942 and named after the person from the early United States history. It attempts to provide an overview of the library, as well as theoretical framework surrounding diplomatic libraries and cultural relations in the United States. The paper accomplishes these goals in two ways. First, it performs a review of relevant literature, both old and new, on the topic. This literature review also analyzes the gap in information between the older and more recent sources, focusing on a difference between the older works’ historical base and the newer works’ practical experience. Second, it also incorporates original research through an actual visit to the library in Mexico City. The paper goes on to discuss the two research questions and thirteen other questions that a process of interviews with three different groups of Ben Franklin Library librarians was able to answer. Finally, the paper wraps up both the literature review and the research notes through a discussion of the interaction between the two sections and how they both contribute to the paper as a whole and to an active readership. The discussion of these issues includes references to items in either form, but it transcends actual commentary on the contents of the relevant literature, focusing instead on its larger implications for the topic. It also touches briefly on a few of the ways future research could continue to enhance this field. Finally, a conclusion leaves the reader with a few comments that explain how an article of this nature provides its audience with an expansion of knowledge about the topic of diplomatic libraries and about the Benjamin Franklin Library in particular. This combination of information should allow other readers to form more educated opinions of diplomatic libraries and their place in society.text