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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "U.s. diplomatic relations - history"
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Simić, Bojan. "Brazil u politici socijalističke Jugoslavije (1946–1952)". Tokovi istorije 31, nr 3 (31.12.2023): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.3.sim.133-156.
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Based on primary sources, relevant literature and contemporary press, the paper analyzes how the largest South American state, Brazil, was treated in foreign policy of the Yugoslav socialist regime. The moment of the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1946 and the year in which diplomatic missions were elevated to the rank of embassies, along with the expansion of trade agreement (1952), were taken as the chronological framework. The article examines how the Cold War divisions, Yugoslav emigration to Brazil, and mutual trade influenced bilateral relations.
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Tomanić, Boris. "Sudbina jugoslovenskog poslanstva u Bugarskoj 1941–1944." Tokovi istorije 31, nr 2 (31.08.2023): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.2.tmn.167-192.
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The article examines the termination of the diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria in April 1941 and the expulsion of Yugoslav diplomatic personnel from Sofia. The first part of the article gives a brief overview of the events that ultimately resulted in two neighboring Balkan countries taking the opposite sides in the new world conflict, while the second part analyzes the causes and consequences of the closure of the Yugoslav legation in Sofia. The work is based on unpublished archival material from the archives in Serbia and Bulgaria, published sources and literature.
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Martz, John D. "U. S.-Latin American Relations". Hispanic American Historical Review 67, nr 1 (1.02.1987): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-67.1.194.
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Zou, Chengzhang. "THE IDEA OF FRIENDSHIP IN THE SINO-SOVIET TREATY OF FRIENDSHIP, ALLIANCE AND MUTUAL ASSISTANCE". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, nr 9 (2023): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2023/9-11/15.
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B a c k g r o u nd . The article critically examines the concept of peace in the context of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance. This study delves into the historical, diplomatic, and philosophical dimensions of the Treaty between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China in the mid-twentieth century. M e t h o d s . The study is based on a systematic analysis of the original documents of the Sino-Soviet Treaty and other primary sources that record the context and content of the agreement. The article uses a comprehensive analysis of primary sources, diplomatic correspondence, political discourse, and philosophical narrative to illuminate various interpretations and implementations of the treaty's peace provisions. Analyzing the philosophical basis of the agreement, it is taken into account how the ideas and concepts of friendship, union and mutual assistance were interpreted in the philosophical context of both countries. The article uses methods of comparative analysis to establish common and distinctive features between the ideology of the Sino-Soviet Treaty. Re s u l t s . The study provides valuable information about the geopolitical dynamics of the 20th century, shedding light on how the two major communist powers managed their diplomatic relations. By examining the ideological underpinnings and practical implications of the Treaty's peace-oriented provisions, the article contributes to understanding the broader landscape of international relations in this dynamic period. C o n c l u s i o n s . The study provides important information about the geopolitical dynamics of the 20th century, revealing how the two leading communist states managed their diplomatic relations. The article also considers the prospects for the development of dynamics between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China, examining the difficulties and problems that arose in maintaining peaceful relations between powerful states with common political ideologies based on the principles of Marxism. Analyzing the ideological foundation and practical consequences of the peacekeeping principles in the treaty, the article contributes to a better understanding of the broad context of international relations and philosophical narrative.
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Gorodnia, N., i Y. Protsenko. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE U.S.–SAUDI RELATIONS (1931–1940)". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, nr 151 (2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.151.2.
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This research intends to cover the process of establishment of the U.S.–Saudi relations, and the factors it was influenced by. It is based on the study of the U.S. foreign policy documents. The research has revealed that the United States recognized the government of the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd (February 1931) after an agreement was reached to elevate its diplomatic representation in Iraq to the ambassadorial level. That means that the U.S. prioritized relations with the Kingdom of Iraq to relations with the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd. The United States recognized the government of the King Ibn Saud due to commercial interests. Hereafter the Department of State initiated the U.S.–Saudi Provisional Agreement in regard to Diplomatic and Consular Representation, Juridical Protection, Commerce and Navigation, signed in November 1933. It was aimed at protecting the rights of the U.S. citizens, who worked in the Kingdom since 1931, especially after obtaining the oil concession by the California Standard Oil company in May 1933. However, the diplomatic representative to Saudi Arabia was not appointed. This issue was mainstreamed when commercial volumes of oil were discovered in Saudi Arabia in 1938, the U.S. oil company signed its second concession agreement in 1939, and the U. S. commercial interests in Saudi Arabia had significantly increased. Besides, the representatives of Great Britain, Germany and Japan intensified their activities to obtain oil concessions in Saudi Arabia. The King Ibn Saud highly appreciated exclusively commercial U.S. interests, the absence of its intentions to expand political influence or to take over Saudi territories. For these reasons, he preferred cooperation with the United States to other nations. The U.S.–Saudi diplomatic relations were established on February 4, 1940, when B. Fish, who was the U. S. Minister–resident in Egypt, presented his credentials to the King Ibn Saud. The decision to establish diplomatic representation in Saudi Arabia was taken in June–July 1939. It was caused by the increasing competition for Saudi oil, not a beginning of the World War, as some scholars suggest.
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Matić, Dimitrije. "Uloga Komunističke partije Španije u uspostavljanju diplomatskih odnosa Beograda i Madrida nakon Frankove smrti". Tokovi istorije 29, nr 2 (30.08.2021): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.2.mat.119-145.
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This article analyzes the influence of the Communist Party of Spain on the development of bilateral relations between Yugoslavia and Spain until the official establishment of diplomatic relations in January 1977, with an important emphasis on the period after the death of Francisco Franco. Besides researching the cooperation of Yugoslav and Spanish communists on these matters, the paper examines the specific international circumstances and interests of the great powers in the context of Yugoslav-Spanish rapprochement.
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Anisimov, Maksim. "Heinrich Gross of Würtemberg: A Diplomat on Elizabeth Petrovna's Service". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, nr 5 (2021): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014979-4.
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Heinrich Gross was a diplomat of the Empress of Russia Elizabeth Petrovna, a foreigner on the Russian service who held some of the most important diplomatic posts of her reign. As the head of Russian diplomatic missions in European countries, he was an immediate participant in the rupture of both Franco-Russian and Russo-Prussian diplomatic relations and witnessed the beginning of the Seven Years' War, while in the capital of Saxony, besieged by Prussian troops. After that H. Gross was one of the members of the collective leadership of the Russian Collegium of Foreign Affairs. So far there is only one biographic essay about him written in the 19th century. The aims of this article are threefold. Using both published foreign affairs-related documentation and diplomatic documents stored in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, it attempts to systematize the materials of the biography of this important participant in international events. It also seeks to assess his professional qualities and get valuable insight into his role both in the major events of European politics and in the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire in the mid-18th century. Moreover, the account of the diplomatic career of H. Gross presented in this essay aims to generate genuine interest among researchers in the personality and professional activities of one of the most brilliant Russian diplomats of the Enlightenment Era.
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Zorin, Artyom. "Jan Masaryk in American Diplomatic Correspondence, 1945–1948". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, nr 5 (2023): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028073-8.
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Jan Masaryk (1886–1948) was the head of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the most difficult period in the history of Czechoslovakia, from 1940 to 1948. The peak of his professional career came in the post-war years, when CSR was at the centre of the unfolding Soviet-American confrontation. As a son of the first Czechoslovak President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and the closest associate of his successor Edvard Beneš, Jan Masaryk was trying to advocate democratic traditions in his country and preserve close relations with the West. But in practice, Prague was increasingly drawn into Moscow's sphere of influence. His life was tragically cut short in March 1948, soon after the Communists takeover. Until now his death remains the subject of various theories and discussions. The question of how the fate of this politician and his country would have unfolded had he stayed alive remains open. The purpose of the article is to consider Masaryk in a new context, namely through his perception by American diplomats. The author attempts to ascertain whether they associated their hopes for strengthening the western orientation of the Czech Socialist Republic and countering Soviet influence with Masaryk, and what they believed to be the reasons for his sudden death. The article draws on a study of American diplomatic correspondence. The author concludes that despite Masaryk's reputation as a pro-Western politician, in the United States he was not considered an important and influential figure in Czechoslovakia. His refusal to join anti-communist forces at home and his support for Moscow in the international arena caused resentment in Washington. Masaryk's death resonated in American political circles. Yet the State Department made no attempt to investigate its causes in detail or to question the official version of his suicide. Nevertheless, Masaryk became a tragic symbol of resistance to communism and the collapse of the last hopes for maintaining close relations between Czechoslovakia and the West.
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KRUSZYŃSKI, Marcin. "Nieco o sowieckiej scenie politycznej na podstawie raportów z polskiej placówki dyplomatycznej w Moskwie (1921 - 1939). Przyczynek do badań nad korpusem urzędniczym Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych II RP". Historia i Świat 1 (9.09.2012): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2012.01.04.
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There are numerous monographs pertaining to the Second Republic`s political and military relations with Soviet Union. However, diplomatic mission in Moscow always stayed in the background. Polish diplomatic post in Moscow played an essential role in the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during interwar period. It was a result of attaching great significance to relationships between Warsaw and the Soviet Union. But the article presents only selected aspects of the Polish mission activity in Moscow in 1921–1939. Apart from presenting profiles of some diplomats and examining their competence, the author made an attempt to characterize reports on the situation in soviet political scene in Moscow.
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Shorokhov, Vladimir A. "Materials of the Russian Diplomatic Mission to Iran by Islen’ev and Griazev". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, nr 2 (2022): 599–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.217.
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The study investigates the materials of the Russian ambassade S. Islen’ev and M. Griazev to the court of the Qizilbash shah Safī, stored in the funds of Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts. The archival file is a set of documents reflecting the process of the exchange of embassies between the Russian Tsardom and the Safavid Empire in 1635–1637. The aim of the embassy of S. I. Islen’ev and M. K. Griazev was to discuss some topical issues of bilateral relations such as duties, restitution cases, the purchase of Iranian niter etc. In addition, the documents describe the features of the court ceremonial in relation to foreign guests. The good preservation of the documents gives researchers the opportunity to study the ambassade at great length. As for the results of the embassy of Islen’ev and Griazev, they can be regarded as moderately positive. The high level of bilateral relations and their positive nature (“friendship and love”) were confirmed. In addition, the Safavid side once again confirmed the need to verify the membership of embassies and trade missions. On the other hand, the attempt of the tsar’s ambassadors to purchase niter in the shah’s possessions ended in failure. In general, the embassy of S. Islen’ev and M. Griazev was an ordinary diplomatic mission in terms of tasks and results, but this is its value for a scholar. Sustainability of the bilateral agenda and the presence of well-known “stumbling blocks” in its framework contributed to the regularity of Russian-Safavid ties.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "U.s. diplomatic relations - history"
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Miranda, Clicea Maria Augusto de. "Repercussões da Guerra Civil americana no destino da escravidão no Brasil - 1861-1888". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-30112017-124524/.
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Considerada como um dos maiores marcos da história norte-americana, a Guerra Civil (1861- 1865) marcou as transformações das relações sociais, trabalhistas e raciais nos Estados Unidos e circunscreve-se no âmbito das mudanças do século XIX, especialmente nos eventos que concorreram para o fim do tráfico de escravos africanos e da abolição do cativeiro nas Américas. As questões da guerra ultrapassaram as fronteiras norte-americanas e influenciaram as mudanças nas formas de trabalho responsáveis pela economia no Brasil. Através de fontes parlamentares, diplomáticas e da imprensa, entre outras, investigamos entre 1861, ano que se inicia o conflito americano, e 1888, data que marca oficialmente o fim da escravidão no Brasil, como as informações sobre a Guerra Civil e seus desdobramentos influenciaram os debates políticos sobre o destino da escravidão. Por meio de uma perspectiva transnacional e articulando o debate sobre o processo de emancipação nas Américas, este trabalho procura enfatizar as ideias de abolicionistas e políticos, seus pensamentos sobre as mudanças do trabalho servil para o livre, o destino da população escravizada, as questões raciais e a produção econômica no Brasil. Consequentemente, este estudo tem como objetivo compreender como a Guerra Civil americana foi interpretada no Brasil e como isso influenciou os discursos políticos, projetos de emancipação, bem como os escritos de abolicionistas entre as décadas de 1860 e 1880.Considered one of the biggest moments in the history of North America, the Civil War (1861- 1865) marked transformations in social, worker and race relations in the United States given the broader changes in the nineteenth century, especially related to the end of the African slave trade and the abolition of captives in the Americas. The war passed North-American boundaries and influenced changes in the forms of laborin the Brazilian economy. Through parliamentary, diplomatic and journalistic sources, among others, this thesis investigates how the information about the Civil War and its repercussions influenced political debates on the destiny of slavery between 1861, the year that the American conflict began, and 1888, the date that marks the official end of slavery in Brazil. Through a transnational perspective and articulating with the debates on the emancipation process in the Americas, this work aims to emphasis the ideas of abolitionists and politicians, their thoughts on the changes from servile to free labor, the destiny of the enslaved population, racial questions and economic production in Brazil. Consequently, this study has the objective of understanding how the American Civil War was interpreted in Brazil and how it influenced political discourses, emancipatory projects, as well as the writings of abolitionists between 1860 and 1880.
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"Countering communist China: Escalating U. S. contingency plans, 1949-1958". Tulane University, 2014.
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Grossberg, Matthew M. "Yalta, a tripartite negotation to form the post-war world order: planning for the conference, the big three's strategies". Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/7978.
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British influence on the diplomacy of WWII, as it relates to postwar planning, is underappreciated. This work explores how the use of astute tactical maneuvering allowed Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden to impact the development of the post-war world in a greater degree than is typically portrayed in the narratives of the war. Detailing how the study of business negotiations can provide new insights into diplomatic history, Yalta exposes Britain’s impact on the creation of the post-war order through analyzing the diplomacy of WWII as a negotiation. To depict WWII post-war planning diplomacy as a negotiation means that the Yalta Conference of 1945 must be the focal point of said diplomacy with all the negotiations either flowing to or from the conference.
This analysis reveals that Britain harnessed the natural momentum of the negotiation process to create bilateral understandings that protected or advanced their interests in ways that should not have been afforded the weakest party in the Grand Alliance. By pursuing solutions to the major wartime issues first and most stridently through the use of age-old British diplomatic tactics, they were able to enter into understandings with another member of the Grand Alliance prior to the tripartite conferences. Creating bilateral understandings with the Americans on the direction of military operations and the Soviets over the European settlement produced the conditions under which the tripartite negotiations transpired. Options available to the excluded party were thus limited, allowing for outcomes that aligned more favorably to British interests.
A synthesis of diplomatic documents, diaries, and memoirs with historical writings as well as research on business and international negotiations brings to life the diplomatic encounters that led to the creation of the post-war order. To provide the reader a basis for analysis of wartime diplomacy, this work is broken down into two parts. Part I focuses on the strategies created for Yalta. Part II (future doctoral dissertation) will use these strategies to evaluate the performances of each party. Combined the two parts expose that British diplomatic maneuverings is an undervalued aspect of wartime diplomacy.
Książki na temat "U.s. diplomatic relations - history"
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Reeder, Tyson. Routledge History of U. S. Foreign Relations. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.
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Reeder, Tyson. Routledge History of U. S. Foreign Relations. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.
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Reeder, Tyson. Routledge History of U. S. Foreign Relations. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.
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J, McMahon Robert, i Thomas W. Zeiler. Guide to U. S. Foreign Policy: A Diplomatic History. CQ Press, 2012.
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LaFeber, Walter. Liberty and Power: U. S. Diplomatic History, 1750-1945. American Historical Association, 1997.
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LaFeber, Walter. Liberty & Power: U. S. Diplomatic History, 1750-1945 (The/New American History Ser.). Wyd. 2. American Historical Association, 1991.
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Risking Immeasurable Harm: Immigration Restriction and U. S. -Mexican Diplomatic Relations, 1924-1932. University of Nebraska Press, 2020.
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Payne, Keith B. Nuclear Deterrence in U. S. -Soviet Relations. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.
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Payne, Keith B. Nuclear Deterrence in U. S. -Soviet Relations. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.
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Nuclear Deterrence in U. S. -Soviet Relations. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "U.s. diplomatic relations - history"
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Vandevelde, Kenneth J. "Investment Treaties in American Foreign Policy". W U. S. International Investment Agreements, 11–90. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195371376.003.0002.
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Abstract The protection of American property in foreign countries has been an explicit goal of U.S. foreign policy since the earliest days of the Republic. Although this goal has remained constant, the means used to obtain such protection have varied. They have included diplomatic, military, legal, and economic remedies. Protection for U.S. foreign property initially was obtained through the negotiation of a series of treaties known generically as Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation (FCN) treaties. The earliest such agreements were negotiated with European powers during the late eighteenth century. They were directed primarily at establishing maritime and trade relations with those countries. As Spain’s colonies in the Americas achieved independence in the early nineteenth century, the United States sought to conclude FCN agreements to lay a foundation for commercial relations with these newly formed nations as well. Later in that century, commercial relations with the Far East and Africa also were established through FCNs. Provisions to protect property owned by nationals of each party appeared regularly in early nineteenth-century FCNs and in successor treaties. Typical provisions guaranteed to such property “full and perfect protection” and imposed on the parties the obligation to pay compensation in the event of expropriation.