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Silva, Angela Moreira Domingues da. "Ditadura e justiça militar no Brasil : a atuação do Superior Tribunal Militar (1964-1980)". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/8816.
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The present study aims to analyzing the behavior of the Superior Military Court (STM in portuguese), the second instance of the Brazilian Military Justice, between the years of 1964 and 1980, in the process of construction of a new juridical order and in the judgment of military, political and political-military crimes. Since the coup of March 31st 1964, the STM has participated in the process of juridical-political punishment installed then. By editing the Institutional Act No. 2, in 1965, the Castelo Branco’s government has delegated to the Military Justice the trial of crimes against national security, seeking to solve problems generated by the tangle of legislation that defined by then the attributions of the STM e the Federal Supreme Court (STF in portuguese) in the judgment of offenses in the 'revolutionary' political conjuncture. According to the methodology adopted in this study, the Military Justice, as a whole, and the STM, in particular, have acted in this period by three distinct approaches: as a Corporative Justice (CJ), i.e., by judging military crimes; as a Regime Justice (RJ), directed towards the prosecution and trial of opponents to the regime, in cases of attacks against national security and against the administrative probity; and as a Political-corporative Justice (PCJ), by judging people charged with military offenses, but with a political motivation. Throughout the thesis, it was tried also to follow the manner the Court has behaved vis-à-vis the political and juridical changes that had inflicted in its structure and competence. As shown by this study, the impact of laws on the functioning of the STM is not immediate. The sluggishness of the justice and the procedural dynamics generated a lag between the governmental proposals and the judgments. One of the direct consequences of this phenomenon was the fact that the STM, mostly by acting as regime Justice, had to deal, simultaneously, with national security laws that would superpose and coexisted in the same juridical realm. It was verified that the decision-making pattern of the STM to judge each category tended to reproduce the decision of the Military Audits. This fact allows us to relativize the widespread thesis that the Court acted as a place of greater serenity and complacency towards those who were found guilty in the first instance.
O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a atuação do Superior Tribunal Militar (STM), segunda instância da Justiça Militar brasileira, entre os anos de 1964 e 1980, no processo de construção de uma nova ordem jurídica e no julgamento de crimes militares, políticos e político-militares. Após o golpe de 31 de março de 1964, o STM teve importante participação no processo de punição jurídico-política então instaurado. Com a edição do Ato Institucional nº 2, em 1965, o julgamento de crimes contra a segurança nacional foi transferido para a Justiça Militar, buscando reordenar problemas gerados pelo emaranhado legislativo que definia até então as atribuições do STM e do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) no julgamento de delitos vinculados à conjuntura política 'revolucionária'. Segundo a metodologia adotada neste trabalho, a Justiça Militar como um todo, e o STM em particular, atuaram nesse período por meio de três lógicas distintas: como Justiça corporativa (JC), ou seja, julgando crimes militares; como Justiça do regime (JR), direcionada para o processo e julgamento de opositores do regime, em casos de atentado contra a segurança nacional e contra a probidade administrativa; e como justiça político-corporativa (JPC), julgando incriminados em delitos militares, mas por motivação política. Ao longo da tese, buscamos também acompanhar a maneira como o Tribunal se comportou frente às mudanças políticas e jurídicas, que incidiram em sua estrutura e competência. Como demonstramos no trabalho, o impacto da produção legislativa sobre o labor do STM não foi imediato. A morosidade da justiça e a dinâmica processual geraram um descompasso temporal entre as propostas governamentais de modificação da estrutura jurídica e os julgamentos. Uma das consequências diretas desse fenômeno foi o fato de o STM, principalmente ao atuar como Justiça do regime, ter que lidar, ao mesmo tempo, com leis de segurança nacional que se superpunham e coabitavam o mesmo campo jurídico. Verificamos, ainda, que o padrão decisório do STM ao julgar em cada uma das categorias tendia a reproduzir as decisões das Auditorias Militares, dado esse que nos permite relativizar a difundida tese de que o Tribunal atuou como um espaço de maior serenidade e complacência para com os condenados em primeira instância.
Câmara, Heloísa Fernandes. "STF na ditadura militar brasileira : um tribunal adaptável?" reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPR, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1884/48195.
Pełny tekst źródłaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Ciências Jurídicas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito. Defesa: Curitiba, 22/06/2017
Inclui referências : f. 243-268
Resumo: Durante os primeiros anos do regime militar (1964-1985), houve um processo contínuo de modificação do direito, fosse através da criação de novos tipos normativos (como o ato institucional) ou pela alteração da constituição e das leis. Esse processo de tentativa de controle do tempo e da narrativa constitucional também levou a significativas alterações no judiciário, e, especialmente, no STF. Desta forma, poder-se-ia indagar se o tribunal foi controlado pelo Executivo federal, de maneira a corroborar suas decisões. A criação do controle abstrato e concentrado de constitucionalidades (representação de inconstitucionalidade), em 1965, parece ser um exemplo do fortalecimento da Corte como forma de apoiar a arena da oposição ao Congresso Nacional, pois conferiria poder ao tribunal para declarar nulidade das leis, inclusive nas de âmbito federal. O processo das representações de inconstitucionalidade se mostra como uma fonte importante para acompanhar a maneira com que a Corte identificou suas funções e, também, como seus ministros decidiram os casos que chegavam a ela. Na análise das 65 representações julgadas, entre 1965 e 1968, o tribunal se mostrou comprometido com a função de decidir sobre a Constituição, ao mesmo tempo em que tentou se resguardar contra as alterações que diminuíssem sua autonomia. Dessa maneira, este trabalho traz novos elementos para avaliar a atuação histórica do STF, bem como a relevância e o uso do controle de constitucionalidade como mecanismo de resolução de conflitos políticos. Palavras-chave: Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF). Ditadura militar. Controle de constitucionalidade. Ato institucional.
Abstract: During the early years of the military regime (1964-1985) there was a continual process of amending the law either through the establishment of new normative acts (such as the institutional act), or by amendment to the constitution and laws. This process of attempting to control time and constitutional narrative also led to compelling changes in the judiciary, and especially in the Supreme Court. In this way one could ask if the court was controlled by the federal executive power, in order to corroborate its decisions. The establishment of abstract and concentrated control of constitutionality (a direct action on unconstitutionality) in 1965 seems to be an example of strengthening of the Court as a way of conferring an arena of opposition to the National Congress, since it gives the court the power to declare laws, including federal laws, as null and void. The process of representations of unconstitutionality is an important source to follow the way the Court sees its functions, and also, as its Justices rule on the cases. In the analysis of the 65 representations judged and decided between 1965 and 1968, the Court is already committed to the duty of deciding based on the Constitution, while at the same time trying to protect itself against changes that may diminish its autonomy. Along this line, this work brings new elements to evaluate the historical performance of the Supreme Court, as well as the relevance and use of the constitutionality control as a mechanism for the resolution of political conflicts. Keywords: Supreme Court (STF). Military Dictatorship. Constitutional Review. Institutional Act.
Valério, Otávio Lucas Solano. "A toga e a farda: o Supremo Tribunal Federal e o Regime Militar (1964-1969)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2139/tde-16082011-164739/.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis paper addresses the relationship between the Brazilian Supreme Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal) and the executive branch during the organization of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1969). It examines (i) the role played by Supremo during such period, (ii) the causes and mechanisms whereby the court was framed in the spirit of the Revolution, and (iii) how the military regime of 1964 interfered in the exercise by the court of its functions of police maker and protector of personal rights and guarantees. The research focus on the rulings rendered by Supremo between 1964 and 1969. This paper is divided in two main parts. The first one contextualizes the reader, describing, among other matters, (i) the impact of the national security doctrine (doutrina da segurança nacional) in Law and in the legal system, and (ii) the significant role played by the UDN bachelors of Law for the history of the court during such period. The second part is the heart of the paper. Chapter 2 explains the new Brazilian Constitutional Law created by the prologue of Ato Institucional nº 1. Chapter 3 analyses tens of Supremo rulings rendered between Ato Institucional nº 1 (4.9.1964) and Ato Institucional nº 2 (10.27.1965). It addresses how Supremos case law shifted from denying its own jurisdiction to rule on the writs of habeas corpus filed by the enemies of the Revolution to granting tens of such habeas corpus, even against the will of the military regime. The military responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 2, whereby the number of justices was increased from 11 to 16 and the jurisdiction of the civil courts to rule on habeas corpus regarding political offenses was transferred to the military courts. Chapter 4 explains the consequences of Ato Institucional nº 2 to Supremos case law, revealing that, despite the appointment of new justices by the military presidents, tens of habeas corpus continued to be granted in benefit of the political opponents of the regime. President Costa e Silva responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 5, forcing the retirement of three justices and forbidding the granting by the judiciary of new habeas corpus regarding political offenses. In 1969, the number of justices was reduced by the military from 16 to 11. In conclusion, this paper proves that the framing of Supremo Tribunal Federal carried out by the military regime was finally accomplished in 1969.
Junior, Walter Cruz Swensson. "Os limites da liberdade: a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal no julgamento de crimes políticos durante o regime militar de 1964 (1964-1979)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-10072007-112654/.
Pełny tekst źródłaDuring the military regimen of 1964, the Supremo Tribunal Federal did not act in way uniform. Internal and external factors intervened with the decisions of the court. Resultant external factors of the confrontation between the military and the movements of opposition, and internal factors of the STF. The oscillations of this dynamics resulted at moments of independence of the STF and expansion and retraction of the civil rights. In the work I analyzed the sentences of the politic crimes by Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) during the military regime of 1964. 137 habeas-corpus (HC) petitioned in the STF, in the period of April 1964, after the military coup, until the Institucional Act nº 5 (AI-5) and 292 Recursos Ordinarios Criminais (RCR) petitioned in the STF in the period of 1964, after the military coup, the 1979, before the amnesty. With the analysis of the sentences we can perceive the tensions, the ruptures and the politic conduct of the STF
Silva, Claudiane Torres da. "O Tribunal Regional do Trabalho na cidade do Rio de Janeiro durante a ditadura civil-militar (1964-1979)". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/14216.
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The purpose of this research is to think of the lawsuits filed by workers' unions in the city of Rio de Janeiro which included part of the jurisprudence of the Regional Labor Court of the First Region, observing the collective judgments made in the second instance of Labour Justice. Materials and legal dialogues found were observed in the collective judgments of the Regional Labor Court highlighting the main labor issues during the years 1964 and 1979 related to labor law in Brazil. With the chronological crop year 1964, when there was the coup that overthrew President João Goulart, until 1979 when the political détente process, we can see a change in the working class action in the context of the new unionism, the research also aims to analyze the performance of the labor judiciary agents during the civil-military regime observing the practice of labor judiciary on the political and economic project adopted in the civil-military regime that reached specifically the interests of workers.
A proposta dessa pesquisa é pensar as ações trabalhistas impetradas pelos sindicatos patronais e dos trabalhadores na cidade do Rio de Janeiro que compreendia parte da jurisprudência do Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da Primeira Região, observando os acórdãos coletivos produzidos na segunda instância da Justiça do Trabalho. Foram observadas matérias e diálogos jurídicos encontrados nos acórdãos coletivos do Tribunal Regional do Trabalho ressaltando as principais questões trabalhistas durante os anos de 1964 e 1979 referentes ao direito do trabalho no Brasil. Com o recorte cronológico dos anos de 1964, quando ocorreu o golpe que depôs do presidente João Goulart, até 1979 quando no processo de distensão política, percebe-se uma mudança na atuação da classe trabalhadora no contexto do novo sindicalismo, a pesquisa também pretende analisar a atuação dos agentes do judiciário trabalhista durante o regime civil-militar observando a prática da magistratura trabalhista diante do projeto político e econômico adotado no regime civil-militar que atingia, especificamente, os interesses dos trabalhadores.
Gedoz, Cassiano. "O supremo tribunal federal e o alcance da lei da anistia: As disputas de um processo inconcluso". Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2013. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/4297.
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Em 21 de outubro de 2008, a Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) protocolou no Supremo Tribunal Federal uma Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental (ADPF 153), na qual questionava a interpretação consolidada do artigo 1º do parágrafo 1º da Lei de Anistia nº 6.683, de 28 de agosto de 1979. Na interpretação que se questiona, a anistia caracteriza-se por ser recíproca, estando anistiados, portanto, também, os representantes do Estado brasileiro que cometeram crimes de tortura, morte e desaparecimento de pessoas durante o período da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985). O desfecho da ADPF 153 deu-se à 28 e 29 de abril de 2010, com a votação em plenário, na qual sete ministros do Supremo votaram contra, e dois a favor da proposição da OAB, ficando a lei de 1979 inalterada para os efeitos requeridos, principalmente a possibilidade de julgamento dos crimes perpetrados durante o regime de exceção. Nesta pesquisa, contemplamos a ADPF 153, centrando-se de uma análise histórica, a partir das manifestações dos seus envolvidos. O julgamento demonstrou que nele interagiram não apenas questões jurídicas, mas que o passado histórico era objeto constante de debate, principalmente nos votos dos ministros que indeferiram a ação. A tentativa da OAB, ao propor a reinterpretação da Lei de Anistia à luz dos preceitos constitucionais vigentes, é requerer a persecução penal dos agentes públicos que tenham cometido crimes de tortura, morte e desaparecimento durante o regime ditatorial. Esta tentativa, no entanto, encontrou uma disputa sobre o passado muito marcante durante o julgamento da Arguição. A maior parte das manifestações utilizou-se de argumentações de caráter histórico, levando constantemente os envolvidos a apropriações e disputas pela memória do passado, em um processo no qual as dimensões do âmbito jurídico, do social, do político e do histórico entram em confluência.
In 2008, the Lawyers Association of Brazil (LAB) filed in the Supreme Federal Bound Tribunal (SFBT) an Argumentation of Noncompliance of Fundamental Precept (ANFP 153), in which it was questioned the consolidated interpretation of the 1st article of the1st paragraph of the Amnesty Law number 6.683, from August 28th, 1979. In that, the amnesty is defined to be reciprocal, being amnestied, in this way, also, the representatives of the Brazilian State who committed crimes of torture, death and people disappearance during the Military Dictatorship period (1964-1985). The denouement of the ANFP 153 happened on April 28th and 29th, 2010, with the voting in plenary, of the LAB proposition, in which seven ministers voted against the filed action, and two of them voted in favor of it – making the law of 1979 unchanged for the required effects – among them, the possibility of judgment of the perpetrated crimes during the exception regime. In this research, we behold the ADF 153, bringing into focus the historical analysis, starting with those who were involved on the manifestations. The judgment demonstrates that it does not interact only with Juridical questions, but the historical past was a constantly object to debate. Mainly, in Ministers’ votes that rejected the action. The attempt of OAB, while proposing the reinterpretation of the Annesty Law based on the effectives ones, was requesting the penal executions for those who committed the torture, death and disappearances crimes during the Military Dictatorship Period. Otherwise this attempt found a remarkable past contest during the arguments judgment. T\he most manifestations were used historical reasons. Constantly leading people involved to appropriation and fights around past memory, in a process which juridical, social, politics and historical matter’s scopes gets in confluence.
Camargo, Arthur Mesquita. "A utilidade das informações contábeis como suporte à governança no âmbito patrimonial : um estudo sobre o Superior Tribunal Militar". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2014. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/17069.
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Os movimentos de reconstrução do modelo administrativo estadista iniciaram no momento em que se constatou a necessidade de redefinir o papel do Estado. Inicialmente, este modelo propôs a reestruturação do modelo de gestão burocrático weberiano para um modelo mais gerencial. Nesse cenário, surgiam técnicas na administração pública que prezavam por instrumentos com grande semelhança aos do setor privado, o qual possuía o modelo ideal de gestão. Esse movimento possui a preocupação de avaliar e tomar decisões de uma forma mais racional e lógica. Neste modelo, o papel das informações contábeis é essencial no alcance deste objetivo na medida em que a boa Governança só pode ser feita com o adequado nível de informações. Assim, esta dissertação levantou o seguinte questionamento: qual o nível de utilização das informações contábeis que dão suporte à governança no âmbito patrimonial do Superior Tribunal de Militar, em especial, nos aspectos relacionados à administração participativa, tomada de decisão e na responsabilização? Para responder este questionamento, foram realizadas entrevistas com diversos stakeholders que atuam diretamente na governança patrimonial do Tribunal e após as entrevistas, realizou-se a análise dos dados através da análise de conteúdo. Com os resultados obtidos, conclui-se que quanto mais próximo do fenômeno econômico está o usuário, maior é o nível de utilidade da informação contábil e concluiu-se também que o nível de utilidade da informação contábil também varia de acordo com o eixo da governança analisado. ________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The movements of rebuilding the administrative model statesman began when it was found the need to redefine the role of the state. Initially, this model proposed restructuring of the Weberian bureaucratic management model to a more managerial style. In this scenario, techniques appeared in public administration that prized instrument with great similarity to the private sector, which had the ideal management model. This movement has the concern to assess and make decisions in a more rational and logical manner. Thus, in this model the role of accounting information has become essential in driving this new management model the extent that good governance can only be made with the appropriate level of information. Thus, this work raised the question: what level of use of accounting information that support governance in equity under the Superior Court of Military, especially in aspects of participative management, decision making and accountability? To answer this question, interviews with various stakeholders who work directly in equity and governance of the Court after the interviews were conducted, there was the analysis of the data through content analysis. With the obtained results, it is concluded that the closer the economic phenomenon is the user, the greater the level of usefulness of accounting information and it is also concluded that the level of usefulness of accounting information also varies according to the axis of governance analyzed.
Santos, Fabricia Cristina de Sá. "Direito e autoritarismo: o Supremo Tribunal Federal e os processos de habeas-corpus entre 1964-1969". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2868.
Pełny tekst źródłaFundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo
The main goal of this work is to examine the position of the Supreme Court (STF) regarding habeas-corpus requests during the first years of the Military Regime in Brazil (1964-1969). The principal question that we tried to answer was, in the face of the gradual installation of authoritarianism and the suspension of the Right of the State, beginning with the Coup of 1964, how the ministers, whose constitutional duty was to guarantee the protection of civil rights under the aegis of the Brazilian Judiciary, were able to position themselves and vote. Also, whether the voting of the STF ministers in such processes, would follow standards from such different factors regarding the means of recommendation and nomination of judges for the STF; their different professional background, public careers and political paths of those ministers prior to their placement on the Supreme Court. In order to respond to these questions, the study adopted the following processes: raising and analyzing the bibliographical material in the fields of Law and Political Science, related to the period and to the institution of habeas-corpus; quantitative and qualitative analysis of 238 processes of habeas-corpus which had been brought to the STF between 1964 and 1969, and the examination of biographical data in the professional and public areas of the ministers who composed the Supreme Court during the period in question. The data collected received statistical treatment and, with a base of career models developed, starting from the biographical information of the ministers, we could verify the weight of the political factors and the importance of the professional paths in explaining the bases of the votes issued by the ministers. The results allowed us to conclude that there was a great weight from external factors on the votes of the ministers changes in the judicial structure, internal factors weight of the vote by the court recorder, and on the career path (magistrate or politician). Research results showed that the Supreme Court (STF) adopted an intermediate posture, given the fact that there was no direct and open confrontation with the government. The court justices made an effort to use available judicial openings to grant the largest possible number of habeas corpus. However, as institutional acts and decrees were closing around the authoritarian circle, the court had its performance possibilities reduced until 1969 when the military suspended the writ of habeas corpus itself
Esta pesquisa se insere no campo de estudos políticos sobre o Poder Judiciário e tem como objetivo principal analisar os votos dos Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) no julgamento dos pedidos de habeas-corpus durante os primeiros anos do Regime Militar no Brasil (1964-1969). A principal demanda que procuramos responder foi se, diante da instalação gradual do autoritarismo e da suspensão do Estado de Direito, a partir do Golpe de 1964, como se posicionaram e votaram os ministros integrantes do órgão de cúpula do Judiciário brasileiro, que tem por função constitucional garantir a proteção dos direitos civis de liberdade. Também, se os votos dos ministros do STF em tais processos, obedeceriam a padrões decorrentes de diferentes fatores, como a forma de indicação e nomeação de juízes para o STF; suas diferentes formações profissionais, carreiras públicas e trajetórias políticas dos referidos ministros até sua chegada ao Supremo Tribunal Federal. Para responder a estas perguntas, a pesquisa adotou os seguintes procedimentos: levantamento e análise bibliográfica nos campos do Direito e da Ciência Política, relativa ao período e ao instituto do habeas-corpus; análise quantitativa e qualitativa de 238 processos de habeas-corpus, que deram entrada no STF entre 1964 e 1969 e o levantamento dos dados biográficos e da trajetória profissional e pública dos ministros que compunham o Supremo Tribunal Federal no período em questão. Os dados coletados receberam tratamento estatístico e, com base em modelos de carreira , desenvolvidos a partir das informações biográficas dos ministros, verificamos o peso dos fatores políticos e a importância das trajetórias profissionais na explicação dos padrões de votos emitidos pelos ministros. Os resultados nos permitem concluir que houve grande peso sobre os votos dos ministros dos fatores externos mudanças no ordenamento jurídico, fatores internos peso do voto do relator, e da trajetória de carreira (magistratura ou política)
Hernani, Alvarez Daniel Wenceslao, i Ortiz Oscar Armando Mautino. "Implementación de un órgano de control de gestión del tribunal de disciplina policial". Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/19771.
Pełny tekst źródłaTorres, Mateus Gamba. "Política, discurso e ditadura : o Supremo Tribunal Federal nos julgamentos dos recursos ordinários criminais (1964-1970)". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/106454.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe present research is about the relations between the Supreme Court and the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil. The Supreme Court, as the most important organ of the Brazilian justice, establishes in its decisions a speech of independence and impartiality. The sources used for research and perception of this speech are ordinary criminal reviews judged by the Supreme between 1964 and 1970. This was the only judicial review that could be tried by a civilian court (in that case the STF), and the last possibility for a decision on the part of the defendants prosecuted for crimes against national security. The thesis is divided into four chapters, corresponding to four temporal lapses related with political-legislative decisions (from AI-1 to AI-2, from AI-2 to the Constitution of 1967, from the Constitution to AI-5 and after the AI-5). The analysis of the issues related to the institutional acts and the judgements of the Supreme Court since 1964 demonstrates that, although the speech of impartiality of judges remained throughout the period of the authoritarian Government, the influence of policy issues related in the dictatorship in the judgments that were surveyed was clear.
Santos, Darlan Roberto dos. "Autobiografia e julgamento em Feliz ano velho, de Marcelo Rubens Paiva". Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2006. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/3387.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O presente estudo tem como objeto de análise Feliz Ano Velho (1982), do escritor Marcelo Rubens Paiva. Partindo de considerações acerca da escrita memorialística, nosso intuito é apontar possíveis leituras da obra em questão. A principal delas refere-se à cena judiciária na autobiografia, na qual o autor realiza uma dupla empresa: a inquisição de si mesmo e do regime militar. Nesse tribunal metafórico, as motivações de Marcelo seriam a culpa pelo próprio infortúnio – a paralisia corporal, após o mergulho em uma lagoa, e a revolta diante do desaparecimento do pai, ocorrido durante o período ditatorial brasileiro, nos anos 1970. Também faz parte de nossa pesquisa, a investigação das estratégias empreendidas pelo autobiógrafo, em sua busca por um veredicto satisfatório de seus leitores⁄juízes. O questionamento do paradigma da verdade e o desvendamento de uma retórica da sinceridade servem de embasamento neste nosso segundo objetivo.
This study has as subjective Feliz Ano Velho (1982), by writer Marcelo Rubens Paiva. Leaving of reflections concerning the memory writing, our intention is to point possible readings of the workmanship in question. The main one of them mentions the judiciary scene to it in the autobiography, in which the author carries through a double company: the inquisition of itself exactly and the military regimen. In this metaphoric court, the motivations of Marcelo would be the guilt for the proper misfortune - the corporal paralysis, after the diving in a lagoon, and the revolt ahead of the disappearance of the father, occurred during the brazilian ditatorial period, in years 1970. Also it is part of our research, the inquiry of the strategies undertaken for the autobiographer, in its search for a satisfactory verdict of its readers⁄ judges. The questioning of the paradigm of the truth and the clarification of a rhetoric of the sincerity serve of basement in this our as objective one.
Silva, Saunders Pablo. "Crítica a la concepción de Ley Penal en Blanco del Tribunal Constitucional : un análisis a partir de la jurisprudencia sobre el artículo 299 no.3 del Código de Justicia Militar". Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2019. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/170268.
Pełny tekst źródłaAunque se suele afirmar que las leyes penales en blanco constituyen, ante todo, una técnica legislativa, pocos autores han intentado extraer consecuencias analíticas de esta aserción. En general, su estudio se concentra en las denominadas leyes penales en blanco “propias”, debido a que son las únicas que tensionan la garantía de la lex scripta. Estudiar estas figuras a partir de la técnica legislativa, sin embargo, obliga a emprender un análisis no directamente sobre ellas, sino que sobre su tertium genus: las remisiones normativas. Soslayar este punto de partida puede conducir a errar sobre la clase de remisión que entraña un determinado tipo penal y, en consecuencia, errar sobre su constitucionalidad. El presente trabajo constituye un análisis crítico de las sentencias dictadas por el Tribunal Constitucional, entre el 2006 y el 2016, que recayeron sobre aquellos requerimientos de inaplicabilidad por inconstitucionalidad en contra del delito de incumplimiento de deberes militares del artículo 299 N°3 del Código de Justicia Militar. Desde el primer requerimiento en adelante, en noviembre de 2006, habiendo sobrados motivos para hacerlo, nadie parece haber cuestionado el desacierto de nuestro Tribunal Constitucional al calificar al citado precepto como penal en blanco. Lo particular de este análisis, además de controvertir esa calificación, se ve reflejado en el lugar desde donde se levanta el discurso crítico: la lex certa; ya que aquella es la manifestación del principio de legalidad penal que se ve tensionada con la cada vez más frecuente técnica legislativa de remisión normativa
Suárez, López de Castilla Camilo. "Un estudio sobre justicia constitucional dialógica a partir de las respuestas del legislador a las decisiones del Tribunal Constitucional peruano sobre el contenido del delito de función militar y policial". Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/14526.
Pełny tekst źródłaTesis
Silva, Marina Ribeiro da. "Justiça de Transição e Poder Judiciário : o relatório da Comissão Nacional da Verdade e a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal entre 1964 e 1969 /". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/157224.
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Esta pesquisa pretende analisar a percepção expressa pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade acerca da atividade jurisdicional desenvolvida pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, durante os anos da Ditadura Militar brasileira. Órgão de cúpula do Judiciário, o Supremo Tribunal Federal foi profundamente afetado pelos Atos Institucionais editados pelo Poder Executivo militarizado. A investigação, à semelhança daquela realizada pela comissão de verdade, tomará o interregno compreendido entre 1964 e 1969 como marco temporal, e se preocupará com o estudo dos habeas corpus de caráter político que chegaram ao Tribunal nestes primeiros anos da ditadura militar. Objetivando descortinar os critérios utilizados pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade, em seu relatório final, ao vaticinar que o Supremo Tribunal Federal, em consonância com todo o Poder Judiciário brasileiro, compactuou com as arbitrariedades e graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas pelo Regime Militar, adotaremos uma abordagem multimétodo. Em um primeiro momento, serão levantadas fontes jurídico-históricas referentes à utilização da garantia do habeas corpus no Brasil e ao impacto que os Atos Institucionais editados durante a Ditadura Militar tiveram sobre o Supremo Tribunal Federal. Posteriormente, na segunda parte da pesquisa, buscaremos apreender o que é uma comissão de verdade, ferramenta de Justiça Transicional, e como a Comissão Nacional da Verdade, utilizando-se de métodos e materiais próprios, entendeu o funcionamento do Supremo Tribunal Federal nos primeiros anos do período de exceção brasileiro.
This research aims to analyze the perception expressed by the National Truth Commission on the judicial activity of the Supreme Federal Court, during the years of dictatorship the Brazilian military. Judiciary umbrella body, the Supreme Court was deeply affected by the Institutional Acts issued by the Executive Branch militarized. The research, like that carried out by the truth commission, will take the interregnum between 1964 and 1969 as a timeframe, and be concerned with the study of the political nature of habeas corpus which reached the Court in these early years of the military dictatorship. Aiming to uncover the criteria used by the National Truth Commission in its final report to predict that the Supreme Court, in line with all the Brazilian Judiciary, agreed with arbitrariness and serious human rights violations perpetrated by the military regime, adopt one multi-method approach. At first, legal and historical sources referring will be raised to the use of the habeas corpus guarantee in Brazil and the impact that the Acts Institutional edited during the military dictatorship had on the Supreme Court. Later, in the second part of the study, we seek to grasp what a truth commission, transitional justice tool, and as the National Truth Commission, using methods and materials themselves, understand the functioning of the Supreme Court in the early years Brazilian exception period.
Moreno, Jorquera Marcela del Pilar. "Justicia militar : entre la reforma y la derogación : necesidad de un procedimiento ajustado a los principios de bases del ejercicio del a jurisdicción". Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2012. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/113186.
Pełny tekst źródłaNo autorizada por el autor para ser publicada a texto completo
A fin de delimitar el objeto de este trabajo y atendida la evolución histórica, social y estructural que ha tenido cada una de las instituciones a las que resulta aplicable la regulación penal y procesal que establece el Código de Justicia Militar, nos limitaremos al Ejército, especialmente en lo referente al ámbito disciplinarios; sin perjuicio de ello, muchas de las conclusiones en las que culminará este trabajo debieran considerarse para la Fuerza Aérea y para la Armada de Chile. Mención especial merece Carabineros de Chile por cuanto, tratándose de una Institución que habitualmente se relaciona con el mundo civil resulta en si cuestionable la aplicación de la normativa militar a su caso particular. Hipótesis de trabajo. El Ejército se funda sobre tres grandes pilares: obediencia, jerarquía y disciplina, principios presentes en el nuevo proceso de modernización de la Institución, pero, a fin 6 de consolidar este proceso resulta necesario que se adecúe el sistema de Justicia Militar en tiempos de paz a las normas establecidas en la Constitución , integrando a su respecto los principios de inamovilidad e independencia y asegurando de esta forma a los integrantes de la Institución la existencia de un procedimiento acorde con la Constitución y los estándares establecidos en los documentos internacionales que Chile ha suscrito
Noziglia, Reyes Pablo Iszachar, i Matus Sergio Jonathan Silva. "Análisis crítico del actual procedimiento de justicia militar y propuesta superadora". Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2008. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/106821.
Pełny tekst źródłaEl tema de la presente memoria de grado no escapa a esta realidad, pues la justicia militar en Chile (específicamente el Código de Justicia Militar), desde hace ya mucho tiempo necesita tanto una revisión crítica, como una reforma, tanto en su parte procesal como en su parte penal, al tratar de las diversas conductas tipificadas como delito militar. Las razones que nos llevan a realizar este trabajo son de variada naturaleza y obedecen a muchos motivos, las que podemos resumirlas en las siguientes: - Nuestro actual Código de Justicia Militar data del año 1925, y desde aquella fecha no ha sido objeto de reforma sustancial alguna, lo que hace de este cuerpo legal una ley anquilosada, empantanada en viejas doctrinas y que no muestra una consecuencia sistémica con procedimientos similares en cuanto a sus fines y aspiraciones. La evolución que ha experimentado el Derecho después de la segunda Guerra Mundial, en lo que se refiere a la concepción y fines de la pena; las garantías procesales; evolución del llamado Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos; las nuevas ideas del ejercicio de la democracia, así como del rol del Estado en esta, etc. La evolución que el propio Derecho Penal Militar ha experimentado desde el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta nuestros días, la concepción jurídica actual de delito militar; sus requisitos; personas que pueden cometer delitos militares, etc. Queremos brindar a través del presente texto, una revisión crítica del actual Código de Justicia Militar, contrastarlo con los principios contenidos en nuestra carta fundamental, y examinar cual es el sistema adoptado en derecho comparado
Gallo, Carlos Artur. "A história no banco dos réus : leis de impunidade, memória da repressão política e as decisões da Suprema Corte na Argentina e no Brasil". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/143129.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn the context of the Cold War, Brazil and Argentina had their power structures occupied by civilians and military dictatorships aligned with the requirements of National Security Doctrine (NSD). Impacting the political, social, cultural and economic organization of these countries, the military in power were responsible for more use of violence, so that, as the balance of the repression there is a significant number of people who were arrested, tortured, killed and/or disappeared by agents of repression. In June 2005, in Argentina, and in April 2010, in Brazil, the Supreme Court of these countries put on trial cases that addressed the possibility of prosecuting and punishing those involved in the crimes committed by the repressive apparatus, several decisions being produced: in the Supreme Court de Justicia de la Nación (SCJN), most Ministers declared the nullity of "impunity laws", since keeping them contrary to international rules of the current human rights; the Federal Supreme Court (FSC), also by majority vote, it was decided that the interpretation of the Amnesty Law of 1979 had pardoned the repressors was correct and was in accordance with the new Constitution. Taking these elements as a starting point, this thesis analyzed the impact that the Brazilian transition and Argentina had the new political scene started with the end of these dictatorships. Making use of the comparative method of analysis, the research assumes how the transition was (most traded or most abrupt) affects the maintenance of authoritarian legacy in the new democracy, influencing the way the judiciary manifests about issues related to the punishment of human rights violations committed by the dictatorship. In summary, comparison of the cases selected for this study allowed us to observe that the type of transition occurred impacted, in fact, the way a political agenda about the subject of violations was developed in these countries. In the Argentine context, where there was an abrupt transition, civilian and military elites in power had their capacity reduced to safeguard permanent political guarantees and it was strengthened the cause of human rights. In Brazil, where there was a transition fairly negotiated, the terms of the agreement that ensured the output of the Armed Forces from the power could be maintained in the long run, they were reinforced by a set of authoritarian legacies that guarantee the impunity of those involved in the repression. Although changes may reflect the establishment of memory policies in each context, given that even in Argentina, the trajectory of these specific policies was marked by advances and retreats, the fact is that, in contexts such as Brazil, it is more difficult to formulate policies about the topic, since it is not carried out a break with remnants of the dictatorship remain living with democracy.
Durante la Guerra Fría, Brasil y Argentina tuvieron sus estructuras de poder ocupadas por dictaduras cívico-militares vinculadas a la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional (DSN). Teniendo impacto en la organización política, social, cultural y económica de los dos países mencionados, los militares en el poder fueron responsables por incrementar la aplicación de la violencia, de manera que, como saldo de la represión, hay un número significativo de personas que fueron detenidas, torturadas, muertas y/o desaparecidas por los agentes de la represión. En junio de 2005, en Argentina, y en abril de 2010, en Brasil, la Corte Suprema de estos países ha llevado a juicio casos sobre las posibilidades de procesar y punir a los involucrados en los crímenes del aparato represivo, siendo producidas decisiones muy diferentes: la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación (CSJN) ha declarado, por la mayoría de los votos de sus Ministros, la nulidad de las “leyes de impunidad”, una vez que mantenerlas era algo contrario a la normativa internacional de derechos humanos vigente; el Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), al contrario, ha declarado, también por la mayoría de los votos, que la interpretación de que la Ley de Amnistía de 1979 había amnistiado a los represores era correcta y estaba de acuerdo con la nueva Constitución. Impartiéndose de esos elementos, esta tesis hace un análisis del impacto de los procesos de transición a la democracia en el nuevo escenario político empezado con el final de las dictaduras. Aplicando el método comparado, la investigación plantea que la manera como se ha desarrollado la transición (más negociada o más abrupta) repercute en la manutención de legados autoritarios en la nueva democracia, reflejando en el modo como el Poder Judicial va a manifestarse sobre la punición de las violaciones a los derechos humanos llevadas a cabo por la dictadura. En síntesis, la comparación de los juicios ha permitido observar que el modelo de transición ha impactado, de hecho, en la manera como fue elaborada una agenda política sobre las violaciones en estos países. En Argentina, donde ocurrió una transición abrupta, las élites civiles y militares en el poder tuvieron minimizada su capacidad de resguardar garantías políticas duraderas, haciéndose fuerte en este contexto la causa de los derechos humanos. En Brasil, la transición ha sido muy negociada, de manera que los términos de los pactos que han garantizado que las Fuerzas Armadas dejarían al poder pudieron mantenerse en el nuevo régimen, siendo fortalecidos por un conjunto de legados autoritarios que sostienen la impunidad de los involucrados con la represión. Aunque cambios de contexto puedan generar impacto en el establecimiento de políticas de memoria en cada país, como se puede verificar en el caso argentino, donde la trayectoria de esas políticas está marcada por avances y retrocesos, queda evidente que, en países como Brasil, es más complicado formular políticas sobre la temática en cuanto no se realice una ruptura con fragmentos de la dictadura que se mantienen en la democracia.
Paniagua, Corazao Valentín. "Terrorismo y Tribunales Militares". THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/108856.
Pełny tekst źródłaAmaral, Murilo Naves. "O direito a verdade versus o esquecimento : o julgamento da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental Nº 153, à luz das dimensões políticas da justiça de transição e dos direitos e garantias fundamentais da Constituição Federal de 1988". Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, 2014. https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/13217.
Pełny tekst źródłaConforme se pode verificar no histórico de transições políticas e institucionais ocorrido no Brasil, a construção da realidade democrática nacional, nem sempre se deu dentro de um contexto em que os direitos e garantias fundamentais fossem observados e respeitados pelas autoridades instituídas. Na realidade, os períodos de transição não foram capazes de impedir o avanço de poder dos grupos dominantes, de maneira a propiciar aos setores populares uma maior participação democrática na construção do sistema político e jurídico brasileiro. Diante disso, o presente trabalho demonstra, a partir do julgamento pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental nº 153 (ADPF 153), como as autoridades estatais brasileiras ainda se encontram reféns dos interesses dominantes em detrimento de uma atuação mais ampla em favor das camadas populares. Para entender melhor do que se trata esse julgamento, cabe demonstrar que o objetivo maior da ADPF 153 foi requerer a interpretação conforme a Constituição da lei 6.683/79, que anistiou ao final da ditadura tanto aqueles que atuaram em prol do regime, como aqueles que se contrapuseram ao governo militar. A finalidade de se fazer a interpretação conforme a Constituição da referida lei teve como intuito excluir do processo de anistia os agentes da repressão que cometeram inúmeros delitos em nome do governo ditatorial, tendo em vista que não podem jamais se configurar como crimes políticos, considerando que se tratam de condutas violadoras de direitos humanos. Embora tenha servido para ampliar o debate, o julgamento da ADPF 153 expôs as amarras existentes nas instituições brasileiras em relação ao enfrentamento das questões de classe, uma vez que o regime militar no Brasil caracterizou-se como a imposição de um governo, cujo intento principal foi proteger os interesses dos grupos dominantes que se achavam ameaçados diante a implementação de políticas sociais ocorridas por governantes trabalhistas durante as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Em face de tal cenário, é imprescindível demonstrar a necessidade de se construir uma justiça de transição apta à consolidação de um regime democrático, mediante o preenchimento de suas dimensões e a instauração da persecução penal contra aqueles que cometeram crimes contra a humanidade durante o período em que os militares estiveram no poder. Para tanto, torna-se necessário o reconhecimento da incidência dos tratados internacionais de direitos humanos sobre o direito interno, de maneira que seja possível implementar medidas que busquem o rompimento definitivo da fase mais autoritária da história do país. Além disso, o presente trabalho, apesar de observar a manutenção de um viés autoritário na condução estatal, mesmo após a volta do governo civil ao poder, almeja analisar também, os pequenos avanços que podem ser verificados no que tange às políticas adotadas em relação às vítimas da ditadura, como por exemplo, a facilitação de pagamentos oriundos de reparações civis. Por fim, observa ainda, a necessidade de se construir, diante as limitações do poder judicial, um processo transicional com a participação de grupos que representam as demandas da sociedade civil, como os atores coletivos que são representados pelos movimentos sociais e as lideranças políticas que estejam comprometidas com o desenvolvimento democrático.
Mestre em Direito Público
Biraghi, Amanda <1996>. "Le "questioni irrisolte" del Tribunale Militare Internazionale per l'Estremo Oriente". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18956.
Pełny tekst źródłaNovati, Daniela. "Réticences des Etats et érosion de la compétence de la Cour pénale internationale". Thesis, Dijon, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013DIJOD003.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe failure to make international criminal law imperative and the resulting fragility of international criminal justice should not be understood as the consequence of a normative choice toward a jurisdictional model, be it ad hoc or conventional. Rather, it derives from the State's weaknesses and reluctance to abide by the chosen norm. This is clearly confirmed by the very way the International Criminal Court was implemented, functions and is being sadly circumvented. Instead of bolstering the fight against impunity, it focuses on the fight for the “justiciability” of the perpetrators of the most serious crimes, resulting in subsequent negative effects on Humanity’s consciousness: crimes against humanity, crime of genocide, war crimes and crime of aggression. Owing to the fact that a State's primary concern is its own sovereignty, the biggest obstacle the Court has to overcome remains that at any moment, directly or indirectly, its competence can be intentionally overruled by any State, signatory or not of the Treaty of Rome. Observing State strategies shows that relinquishing one’s repressive authority is generally seen through a negation of formerly made commitments: some States dissociate from the repression monopoly they disclaim. Conversely, the legitimate exercise of a State’s repressive authority can easily result in regular obstruction of international jurisdiction, and even the refusal of the imperative law that governs it. Without any genuine recognition of international jurisdiction, such attitudes have undeniable serious consequences that far outreach the imagination. The only solution is cooperative and constructive behavior, free of opportunistic and selfish compromises of States. This behavior could protect against the current risk of the progressive erosion regarding shared punitive organization which States themselves implemented through the creation of the International Criminal Court. The result would guarantee the punishment of perpetrators of unbearable crimes
Mbogna, Brice Landry. "Délits politiques et jugements au Tribunal Militaire de Pampelune (1936-1950)". Angers, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013ANGE0053.
Pełny tekst źródłaMcDermott, James. "The work of the Military Service Tribunals in Northamptonshire, 1916-1918". Thesis, University of Northampton, 2009. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/2792/.
Pełny tekst źródłaGiménez, Montero Judith. "La posición de las víctimas de graves crímenes internacionales ante los tribunales militares internacionales y los tribunales penales internacionales". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/457527.
Pełny tekst źródłaLa present tesi examina la posició de les víctimes de greus crims internacionals en els procediments iniciats davant els tribunals militars internacionals, el Tribunal Militar Internacional de Nuremberg (d´ara endavant, Tribunal de Nuremberg) i el Tribunal Militar Internacional de Tòquio (d´ara endavant, Tribunal de Tòquio), per una banda, i els tribunals penals internacionals ad hoc, és a dir el Tribunal Penal Internacional per l´Antiga Iugoslàvia (d´ara endavant, TPIY) i el Tribunal Penal Internacional per Ruanda (d´ara endavant, TPIR), juntament amb el Tribunal Especial per Sierra Leona (d´ara endavant, TSL), per una altra banda. Addicionalment, s´estudia la posició de les víctimes de greus crims internacionals en els procediments seguits davant la Cort Penal Internacional (CPI), les Sales Extraordinàries en les Corts de Cambotja (d´ara endavant, ECCC per les seves sigles en anglès) i el Tribunal Especial pel Líban (d´ara endavant, TEL). Inicialment aquesta tesi analitza el concepte de víctima a través de l´estudi del soft law i de les resolucions dels tribunals objecte d´estudi entorn a aquest concepte. Així mateix, la present tesi examina l´evolució soferta en el règim dels drets reconeguts a aquestes víctimes en els procediments iniciats davant els tribunals internacionals esmentats anteriorment, previ anàlisi del context històric-polític en el que van ser establerts aquests tribunals que són presentats com a òrgans jurisdiccionals de protecció de les víctimes i com a fonament del Dret penal internacional. Addicionalment, s´estudia la posició reconeguda a les víctimes que participen en els procediments iniciats davant la CPI, les ECCC i el TEL i sol.liciten una reparació pel dany sofert respecte de la posició de les víctimes en els tribunals militars internacionals, els tribunals penals ad hoc i el TSL. En conclusió, l´estudi realitzat per la present tesi respon a la pregunta sobre si les víctimes dels crims sota la competència de la CPI, les ECCC i el TEL tenen accés al sistema de justícia penal internacional que promouen i si aquest accés permet la restauració de la dignitat d´aquestes víctimes i el rescabalament pel dany sofert. Finalment, la present tesi identifica els problemes detectats, a la pràctica durant l´exercici dels drets reconeguts a aquestes víctimes, al mateix temps que es presenten els reptes als quals s´enfronten la CPI, les ECCC i el TEL en el procés per garantir el sistema de justícia penal internacional que promouen i previst en els seus tractats constitutius, així com a les seves normes procedimentals.
This study examines the role of victims of serious international crimes in the procedures before the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal, the Tokio International MilitaryTribunal, the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals, i.e. the International Criminal Tribunal in the Former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal in Rwanda, and before the Special Tribunal for Sierra Leona. This study also analyzes the role of victims of serious international crimes in the procedures before the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon. This study seeks first to analyze the concept of victim through the soft law and the international case law in relation to that concept. Additionally, this study examines the victims´ rights evolution in international criminal proceedings starting with an insight into the historical and political background of these international tribunals. The study considers these tribunals a source of protection for victims of serious international crimes, which have also contributed to the construction of the International Criminal Law. It also examines the approach of grantig victims of serious international crimes with a participatory right in the international criminal proceedings, as well as a right to claim compensation before the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon as compared to the International Militar Tribunals, the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals and the Special Tribunal for Sierra Leona. To that end, this study answers a question whether victims of serious international crimes under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon have access in meeting its primary goal of providing justice to victims, and whether this access allows the recovery of victims´dignity, and the right to claim compensation. Finally, this study presents some practical drawbacks that have been identified implementing the rights recognized to these victims, as well as the challenges faced by the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon in the process of granting international criminal justice.
Takeda, Kayoko. "Sociopolitical aspects of interpreting at the international military tribunal for the far east (1946-1948)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/8769.
Pełny tekst źródłaTras exponer resumidamente la organización de la interpretación, este estudio analiza las características propias de interpretar en el TMILO. En primer lugar, investiga por qué el tribunal organizó la interpretación de forma que tres grupos diferentes social y étnicamente se encargaban de tres funciones diferentes: los ciudadanos japoneses actuaban de intérpretes en el procedimiento, los nisei (Japoneses- americanos de segunda generación) monitorizaban la actuación de los intérpretes, y oficiales militares caucasianos, en calidad de peritos lingüísticos, decidían las discrepancias en las traducciones e interpretaciones. Este estudio desvela que la carencia de lingüistas americanos competentes condujo al uso de ciudadanos japoneses como intérpretes; y que dicha estructura jerárquica funcionaba como una muestra de autoridad y para impedir la "mala fe" que, supuestamente, albergaban los intérpretes japoneses y los monitores nisei.
En segundo lugar, se aplica el concepto de "normas negociadas" para examinar cómo se desarrollaron los procesos de interpretación durante el primer año del TMILO en que ninguno de los lingüistas había recibido formación como intérprete profesional y los usuarios de la interpretación no estaban familiarizados con su funcionamiento. Este examen subraya el aspecto interactivo de la creación de normas y las limitaciones cognitivas del intérprete como un factor de dicho proceso.
Por último, se examina la ambigua y compleja posición de los monitores nisei. Fueron contratados por un gobierno que les había tratado injustamente como "enemigos ajenos", en un juicio contra los antiguos líderes de la patria de sus padres; y usaban habilidades arraigadas en su herencia para trabajar como monitores.
Se estudia el comportamiento de los lingüistas durante los testimonios de Hideki Tojo y otros testigos japoneses centrándonos en la naturaleza de las interjecciones de los monitores y de los intérpretes y las interacciones entre los lingüistas y otros participantes del juicio. Algunos de los resultados apoyan la hipótesis que conecta el comportamiento de los lingüistas con su posición provisional en la constelación de poder de este escenario.
En último lugar de la jerarquía, los intérpretes japoneses hablan en contadas ocasiones por cuenta propia y casi nunca ponen objeciones a las interjecciones aparentemente innecesarias o incluso erróneas de los monitores. Dada la situación intermedia de los monitores en el sistema de interpretación, sus aparentemente excesivas interjecciones en japonés pueden explicarse como una muestra de autoridad hacia los intérpretes japoneses y como un mensaje al tribunal (que no entendía japonés) de que estaban trabajando con eficacia corrigiendo errores de interpretación. La menor frecuencia de interjecciones en inglés por parte de estos monitores puede ser debida a la consideración por la preocupación de sus patrones por la falta de tiempo. El perito lingüístico no se involucraba en ninguna actividad espontánea, pero su presencia al lado de la fiscalía y sus anuncios de resoluciones de disputas lingüísticas en el tribunal debe haber reforzado la imagen de que el ejército estadounidense estaba al mando.
Los resultados de este estudio refuerzan la idea de que la interpretación es una práctica social. La influencia de los aspectos sociopolíticos del escenario se hace evidente en la organización de la interpretación. Además, la información disponible sugiere que el comportamiento de los lingüistas era consecuente con su posición relativa en la jerarquía. El autor espera que algunos de los temas tratados en este estudio, como la confianza, la ética, las relaciones de poder y las normas negociadas, sean revisados para una mayor comprensión de los temas relacionados con el idioma en nuestra sociedad actual.
This study is based on the premise that interpreting is a social activity, which therefore needs to be described and explained with reference to the social, political and cultural context of the setting in which the interpreter operates. Sociopolitical aspects of interpreting at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE, 1946-1948) are studied through historical and archival research of the interpreting arrangements and a case study on the behavior of linguists (language specialists) who worked in the interpreting process during the testimonies of Hideki Tojo and other Japanese witnesses. Three sets of concepts are applied to analyze three salient features of interpreting at the IMTFE. Based on the notions of "trust, power and control", the historical and political context of the IMTFE and the social and cultural backgrounds of each linguist group are examined to explore why the tribunal devised the interpreting arrangements in which three ethnically and socially different groups of linguists engaged in three different functions: interpreter, monitor and language arbiter. The concept of "negotiated norms" is applied to discuss the interactional aspect of how the interpreting procedures developed over the initial stage of the trial, with the interpreters' cognitive constraints as a factor in that process. Cronin's notion (2002) of "autonomous and heteronomous interpreters" is drawn on to discuss the complex position of the Japanese American linguists who worked as monitors. The nature of interjections by the monitors and interpreters and the interactions between the court and each linguist group during the interpreted testimonies of Japanese witnesses are examined. Findings of this analysis support the hypothesis which links interpreters' choices, strategies and behavior to their awareness of where they stand in the power constellation of the interpreted event.
Sedgwick, James Burnham. "The trial within : negotiating justice at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, 1946-1948". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42658.
Pełny tekst źródłaReynolds, Kevin Patrick. "That justice be seen : the American prosecution's use of film at the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7595/.
Pełny tekst źródłaAlves, Taiara Souto. "Dos quartéis aos tribunais : a atuação das auditorias militares de Porto Alegre e Santa Maria no julgamento de civis em processos políticos referentes às leis de segurança nacional (1964-1978)". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/17669.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis study analysis, from files contained in books called "Rol dos denunciados", the Porto Alegre and Santa Maria's militaries auditoria actuation in trials of supposed crimes against the National Security Law during the period between 1964 and 1978. It balances, based on those records available, the issues related to: rebellious operations against the military dictatorship denounced to the Porto Alegre and Santa Maria's militaries auditoria; existence of potential relationship between these rebellious operations brought to justice by these militaries auditoria and those rebellious operations analyzed by historical writing and in books of memories about Rio Grande do Sul; concentration of trials in particular periods of time; coincidence of these particular periods of time and those periods when military repression was more offensive; profile of denounced suspects between 1964 and 1978 for transgression against the National Security Law in both militaries auditoria; similarities and contrasts in relation to others denounced suspects profile in the rest of country; connections between Military Justice and the dictatorship repression instruments. It concludes that trials of rebellious operations against dictatorship were intensified during two periods of time: between 1964 and 1966, in Santa Maria, and between 1965 and 1966, in Porto Alegre, in the historical context of the first military operation called "Operação Limpeza"; and in 1970, in Porto Alegre military auditoria, which were connected to the military repression of rebellious armed groups. As to the profile of denounced suspects, it concludes that while in the Porto Alegre military auditoria the standard profile of individuals in politic trials was similar to the national standard, it is, majority 25-years-old men, individuals from Santa Maria military auditoria were older men, majority older than 30-years-old. This study also concludes that the Military Justice represented the final legal instance of repression, congregating information obtained through espionage carried out by a variety range of organs responsible for collecting information and by investigations carried out by the politic official police (Departamento de Polícia Federal - DPF-, Departamento de Ordem Política e Social - DOPS-, Destacamento de Operações de Informações - Centro de Operações de Defesa Interna - DOI-CODI, Delegacias de Polícia e quartéis) by means of military police inquiry, later resulting in trials against denounced suspects.
Khalifa, Ahmed Fathy. "Les techniques d'imputation devant les juridictions pénales internationales : réflexion sur la responsabilité pénale individuelle". Thesis, Poitiers, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012POIT3017.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe establishment of International criminal tribunals raises the question of techniques of attributing criminal liability. Having the individual as « subject », the principle of individual criminal responsibility is at issue. On the one hand, International criminal law borrows traditional techniques of imputing liability from national law. Not only those techniques that depend on the completion of an international crime; as forms of perpetration and complicity, but also those that attribute responsibility independently of the completion of international crime; as attempt and specific incrimination of some forms of complicity. Individual criminal responsibility in its traditional connotation is confirmed. On the other hand, International criminal law forges new techniques of imputing liability to accommodate the collective nature of international crimes. Based on the idea of « group » action, associative techniques are introduced. As such, the responsibility for membership in criminal organisation, or even the responsibility for group crimes through notions like « joint criminal enterprise » or « joint control » are applied. In the meanwhile, the structural aspect of entities committing international crimes is taken in consideration. Superiors who manipulate organisations under their control are considered as indirect perpetrators. Also, superiors who fail to stop or to punish crimes committed by their subordinates are held responsible. Each one of these new techniques of imputing responsibility metamorphoses one or more aspects of what is generally intended by the principle of individual criminal responsibility. Reconstructing the notion seems due
Bock, Adam R. "ESTABLISHING POST-CONFLICT JUSTICE THROUGH U.S. OCCUPATION: MILITARY TRIBUNALS AS A MEANS OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE". Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/32795.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis examines post-conflict justice in Iraq following the U.S. invasion, specifically, the legitimacy of the Iraq High Criminal Court and its first deliberation, the Al-Dujail trial of Saddam Hussein. It asks How can the United States infuse transitional justice through Western forms of judicial procedures into the democratic transition of non- Western nations under U.S. military occupation The analysis begins with International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg as a model of transformative post-conflict justice. Then it turns to the cloudier legacy of the Tokyo Trials, where the internal contradictions of this approach gathered force in the non-Western context and laid bare the shortcomings of the Nuremberg model. Finally, it examines the Iraqi tribunal, which demonstrated many of the shortcomings of earlier tribunals, to the detriment of the United States and the new Iraqi government. This thesis does not concern itself with the guilt or innocence of the former Iraqi dictator. The purpose is to better understand how the Coalition Provisional Authority established legal jurisdiction and to review the issues surrounding Saddams trial. Finally, it suggests judicial processes that could be employed in non-Western cultures to support the transition from an insurgent post-conflict environment to peace.
TIEGHI, SAMUELE. "LE CORTI MARZIALI DI SALO'. IL TRIBUNALE MILITARE REGIONALE DI GUERRA DI MILANO (1943-1945)". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/232577.
Pełny tekst źródłaIngram, Janessa. "Cold War in the Courtroom: The International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the Development of the Cold War". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/371.
Pełny tekst źródłaGemählich, Matthias. ""Notre combat pour la paix" : la France et le procès de Nuremberg 1945/46". Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H075.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe dissertation examines the French contribution to the Trial of the Major German War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg in 1945/46 in its political and judicial dimension
Fuentealba, Hernández Alvaro Luciano. "La judicatura laboral en el gobierno de la junta militar (1973-1974)". Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2005. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/106774.
Pełny tekst źródłaEn efecto, la pregunta base de esta investigación consistió en determinar si en ese proceso de transformación institucional se produjo o no una intervención del nuevo gobierno en el Poder Judicial, y cuáles fueron las consecuencias de tal intervención, tanto al interior de dicho Poder, cuanto en el movimiento sindical y las relaciones laborales.
Zen, Cássio Eduardo. "As companhias militares privadas e o direito internacional criminal". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2012. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/100929.
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Este trabalho trata das Companhias Militares e de Segurança Privadas, tema o qual vem ganhando relevância no direito e nas relações internacionais, mas ainda não foi recebido adequadamente por tais ciências. A questão das CMSPs é estudada a partir do marco teórico que existem no direito internacional sujeitos ainda não reconhecidos, dentre os quais se encontrariam tais empresas. Para distinguir as CMSPs de outros sujeitos, é realizado um estudo tanto histórico, quanto conceitual de tais empresas e do mercenarismo de um modo mais amplo. Em seguida, busca-se analisar como o direito internacional tenta dar conta de tal fenômeno novo, restando demonstrada a insuficiência dos instrumentos de direito internacional atuais para tratar das CMSPs e a necessidade de aprovação e reforço dos projetos atuais. Finalmente, testam-se as hipóteses de aplicação de institutos do direito criminal internacional a tais CMSPs, possibilitando de certa maneira a sua recepção pelo direito, como novos sujeitos, uma vez que detentores de obrigações.
Abstract : This dissertation studies the Private Military and Security Companies, a subject which is gaining relevance in international law and international relations, but has not yet been given a proper reception by those sciences. The issue of the PMSCs is studied from the starting point that there are unrecognized subjects in international law and these corporations are one of them. To distinguish PMSCs from other subjects, a historical and conceptual research is done, not only regarding these companies but also regarding mercenarism within a broader sense. Furthermore, it is sought to analyze how international law attempts to deal with such new phenomenon, resting proven the insufficiency of international law instruments to deal with CMSPs and the need to approve and enforce the current projects on the subject. Finally the possibilities of applying international criminal law mechanisms to PMSCs are tested, allowing somehow for its reception in law, as new subjects, for they hold obligations under international criminal law.
Lebarbe, Philippe. "Les tribunaux militaires et les evenements de la commune de paris de 1871". Reims, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996REIMD003.
Pełny tekst źródłaAfter having presented the aims of his work, outlined the points that he had raised to elabored his thesis and detailled the archive sources (the army historical servi ce), the author recounts the events of the commune from 1870 to 1871 in a introductory chapter. He presents the 1857 military code of justice which governs the procedure of the "conseil de guerre" that were referred the insur rectionary events by the adolphe thiers government. In the first section, the author outlines the conditions under which the judicial supression was set up : - summary executions, - conditions of detention, - the legal modifications to the military code of justice. In the second section the author studies the "conseil de guerre" : statistics, sentences etc. . . From documentation found in the prisoner's files, he covers each appeal tri bunal : "conseil de revision" "cour de cassation" in the separate chapters. He concludes that the judgements passed were perfectly legal. In the general conclusion, after situating the political and parliamentary debates that led to the amnestry of those involved in the 1880 uprising, the author finishes by posing the question ; with different clauses within the military code of justice, would the verdicts still have been the same ?
Coelho, Sérgio Reis. "Sociedades plurais e universalismo : possibilidades de fundamentação da jurisdição penal internacional / Sérgio Reis Coelho ; orientadora, Katya Kozicki". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da PUC_PR, 2008. http://www.biblioteca.pucpr.br/tede/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=926.
Pełny tekst źródłaBibliografia: f. 138-146
O objetivo deste trabalho é tratar da fundamentação que está na base do Tribunal Penal Internacional, a partir da inter-relação entre a teoria dos direitos humanos e a jurisdição penal internacional e tendo por pressuposto a análise de seus aspectos histó
The objective of this paper is to treat of the fundamentation that is in the base of the International Penal Tribunal, starting from the interrelation between the theory of the human rights and the international criminal court and having as presupposition
Schöpfel, Ann-Sophie. "La France et le procès de Tokyo : l'Engagement de diplomates et de juges français en faveur d'une justice internationale 1941-1954". Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LORR0111/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaAlarmed by the magnitude of the atrocities perpetrated in Europe and in Asia, the Allies demonstrated their resolve to punish those responsible for such acts in 1945. From 1945 to 1948, prominent members of Nazi Germany and the Japanese Empire were prosecuted at the Nuremberg and the Tokyo International Military Trials. In Japan, the United States invited France to participate in the Tokyo trial. This trial offered her an unexpected opportunity to build prestige in the Far East; during World War II, France had lost her richest colony, Indochina, and hoped to regain it. France wanted to prove that she was a nation of rights in Asia where decolonization was gaining ground. But it is hardly surprising that her delegates did not protect the national interest. On the contrary, they just wished to improve the fairness of the Tokyo trial. Based on unpublished sources, this thesis aims to understand their commitment to international justice. It sheds new light on the Tokyo trial and on the history of transitional justice
Le, Merle Mathilde. "Les tribunaux du Gouvernement militaire en zone française d’occupation en Allemagne (1946-1956) : Vivre et agir en régime totalitaire". Thesis, Orléans, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019ORLE3018.
Pełny tekst źródłaEven if the trail in Nuremberg and the British and American occupation zones passes into posterity, those in the French Zone rested confidential for a long time. However, there were over 2100 presumed war criminals, men and women, who appeared from 1946 to 1956 before the military government courts and then the Allied High Commission courts. Charged under the Control Council Law Number 10, they were held liable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and in an exceptional case, for crimes against peace. Covering a wide range spectrum of responsibility, ranging from that of ordinary citizens to that of the National Socialist Party officials and members of concentration camps through to that of industrialists, as well as, that of legal and healthcare practitioners, the rich case law of Military Government Courts in the French zone of occupation, marked by the natural law, allowed to define a number of standards that all should respect, even a totalitarian State and what ever was the state of the internal law, otherwise, under penalty of criminal responsibility
Lawrence, Greta. "The United States and the concentration camp trials at Dachau, 1945-1947". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/286027.
Pełny tekst źródłaBouvier, Charlotte-Lucie. "La mémoire et le droit des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l'humanité depuis la seconde guerre mondiale : comparaison Allemagne fédérale / France". Thesis, Poitiers, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014POIT3018/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaContrary to the popular belief that the time clears injuries, the finding must be made of the omnipresence of the memory as a matrix of guidelines decided by our leaders. Seventy years after the World War II ended, it occupies public space in all its components and drives the adoption of laws recognizing victims and punishing speech of negation. Meanwhile, the legislature must meet its conventional obligations and the requirements of international criminal justice. But again, the political contingencies are strong, which block legal thinking and lead to the creation of controversial provisions. This phenomenon, striking in France, is less at our german neighbor, yet reliant on a heavy legacy memorial. This observation may surprise those who do not consider the joint but divergent evolutions of the two states since 1945, on the « treatment » of international crimes by nature and their consequences ; hence the usefulness of a transverse, historical and comparative approach to these issues
Park, Erica. "The Trials of a Comfort Woman". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/113.
Pełny tekst źródłaAbass, Abou. "Les actions autoritaires du Conseil de sécurité en Afrique depuis la fin de la guerre froide : sanctions, activités à caractère militaire et action pénale". Aix-Marseille 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007AIX32032.
Pełny tekst źródłaAs the UN organ in charge of the primary responsibility for the maintenance of the international peace and security, the Security Council has important powers. It is competent to conduct two main types of actions : cooperative or consensual actions consisting in activities of the maintenance of international peace and security which the Council takes on a purely cooperative and consensual basis, from one hand, and authority actions whose main features reside in the facts that they are conducted in application of the coercive powers of the Council, on discretional and unilateral backgrounds, and that their validity does not depend on any recent consent of subjects external to the Council. As a result of the blockages the Council has experimented during the Cold War, recourse to the authority actions has been rather scarce in the its practice during this period. Since its reactivation at the beginning the 1990s, the Council has taken a big number of authority actions in different regions of the Word, especially in Africa which has become a privileged ground of action of the UN. Through this dissertation, we have tried to see whether the socio-political realities of the African regional order confer to the relevant UN actions some specificity, and thus verify if the application of the secondary law represented by the relevant resolutions of the Security Council related to Africa has some specificities directly resulting from the said realties. To answer these questions, we have first onceptualised the notion of authority actions, before identifying the African regional order and its particularities, showing the actuality of the subject and, particularly by making a detailed study of the relevant authority actions : sanctions, military activities and prosecution of international crimes. The final conclusion is that, if the authority actions of the Council are not totally deprived of originalities, these do not go as far as constitutingsubstantial legal specificities. Rather, they are only limited to some incidental specificities dictated by the necessity of adapting the UN operational actions to some socio-political realities of the African regional order : multiplicity of conflicts, complexity and increasing regionalisation of African conflicts; existence of an important demand for UN interventions; and the place occupied by Africa in the priorities of the Security Council. Hence, the specificities of the Security Council’s authority actions in Africa are rather marginal. They are incidental and not juridical. Last, the halftone balance of the relevant actions reflects the same tendencies as in the equivalent actions related to other regions of the globe, all of this contributing to make these actions relatively unspecific
Sansico, Virginie. "La répression politique devant les tribunaux de l’Etat français : Lyon, 1940-1944". Lyon 2, 2008. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2008/sansico_v.
Pełny tekst źródłaFrom his establishment until his collapse four years later, the Vichy regime didn’t stop using Justice as an oppressing tool dedicated to political objectives. At the heart to this system, there is the tribunal correctionnel, around which several courts have been created, as the sections spéciales, the tribunal d’Etat or the cours martiales. Various enemies of Vichy are brought before these courts : natural enemies, like communists and Jews ; people considered as destabilizing persons, like those who had “bad” opinion or those who refused compulsory work ; and, more and more, Resistants. The particularity of this oppressive system was his gradual toughening. This was the consequence of both political evolution proper to the regime and world war two stages. Moreover, Vichy had to conform the judiciary oppressive system to growing oppositions and violent acts that members of the Resistance commited. So he made penalties harsher and harsher, with less and less legal ways to get away. Always dissatisfied with professional judges, he appealed to more and more non professional judges, selected according to their political opinions. Therefore, first using the republican judiciary system, the Vichy regime had restructured this tool step-by-step to give it his own political identity
Jovanović, Miloš. "Légitimité et légitimation du recours à la force dans l'après-guerre froide : Étude de cas : l'intervention militaire de l'OTAN contre la République fédérale de Yougoslavie (1999)". Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010325.
Pełny tekst źródłaKuner, Janosch O. A. "The war crimes trial against German Industrialist Friedrich Flick et al - a legal analysis and critical evaluation". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_1823_1363782732.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research paper is an analysis of the case United States v Flick et al which took place in 1947 in Nuremberg, Germany. Friedrich Flick, a powerful German industrialist, and several high ranking officials of his firm were tried by a United States military tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the Third Reich. The 
proceedings and the decision itself are the subject of a critical examination, including an investigation of the factual and legal background. The trial will be regarded in the historical context of prosecutions against German industrialists after World War II. Seen from present-day perspective, the question will be raised whether any conclusions can be drawn from the Flick case in respect of the substance of present-day international criminal law.
 
Mouzer, Frédérique. "Les relations entre le gouvernement intérimaire rwandais et la communauté internationale (8 avril-18 juillet 1994)". Thesis, Normandie, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NORMLH23.
Pełny tekst źródłaAn analysis of relations between the interim government of Rwanda and the international community during the genocide of 1994 demonstrates how political, even geopolitical, factors were given priority over strictly judicial and humanitarian considerations by the UN and the third-party states most implicated in this crisis (Belgium, France, the USA). The progressive marginalisation of the interim government on the international scene, at the time when it was soliciting external help to put a stop to the massacres, did not see a reinforcement of staff or of the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), which nonetheless constituted the principal demand of the Rwandan authorities to the Security Council.This disengagement on the part of the international community happened to the detriment of the security and protection of the civil population under threat. At the same time the criminalisation of this government contributed to the endorsement of a military outcome to the conflict ; the outcome desired by the rebellion of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), contravening the Arusha Accords signed in 1993. The presumption of guilt attached to the government camp subsequently had a strong impact on international justice, as the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) had failed in its mission of judging all the perpetrators of crimes committed in 1994, and of favorising national reconciliation, due to its lack of impartiality and independence as much at the level of investigation and prosecution as at the level of the delivery of the judgments and their enactment
Devouèze, Nelly. "Le droit à l'intégrité physique et mentale dans la jurisprudence internationale pénale". Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05D008.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe roots of international criminal law may be found in the individual criminal liability of the major criminals of the Second World War. The Nuremberg and Tokyo International Military Tribunals were followed in the 1990's by the two ad hoc Tribunals for Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, created by the United Nations Security Council, and then in 1998 by an independant and permanent tribunal with a universal vocation : the International Criminal Court. Among the underlying acts of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, a leitmotif stands out : physical and mental integrity. Without a uniform definition in national legal systems, this notion is defined on the basis of statutory provisions and becomes clear in the international criminal tribunals' case law. Establishing an autonomous right to physical and mental integrity in terms of genocide and war crimes, the case law of ad hoc tribunals alsouses the notion to complete the liste of underlying acts of crimes against humanity and to define some other crimes. Chambers are also protecting this integrity without any incrimination. Because beyond physical and mental integrity of victimes, arises the question of the physical and mental integrity of other actors of conflicts and proceedings : soldiers, humanitarian workers, witnesses and accused.Studying the right to physical and mental integrity in international criminal case law uncovers the emergence of a right unknown to national legal systems as such. This right raises questions of legal certainty as much as demonstrates the autonomy of international criminal law
Renaudie, Virgile. "L'articulation du droit international et du droit français : illustration par les responsabilités du militaire et de l'Etat français en cas de commission de crimes contre la paix et la sécurité de l'humanité". Limoges, 2005. http://www.unilim.fr/theses-doctorat/2005LIMO0504/html/index-frames.html.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe establishment of the International Criminal Court, on July 1st 2002, is the outcome of a movement for prosecution of international law crimes, initiated at the beginning of the 20th century. The establishment of this jurisdiction according to the standards of criminal law, and the identification of a tough core crimes and values are real factors for a transformation of international society. They encourage to revalue the degree of evolution and the rules of functioning. The example of the responsibilities of the military and the french State in case of perpetration of crimes against peace and security of humanity makes a hypothesis which allows to appreciate the challenges that national and international institutions will have to take up in a very particular field. The increasing relationships between international society and national societies points at interactions between the rights and the institutions. This fact prompts to consider a new definition of juridical systems concerning the responsibility of the individual and of the State, as well as the articulation of various interacting rights and the possible rationalization of the cooperation between national and international jurisdictional structures
Meens, Landry. "Les officiers de la garnison de Rome sous le Haut-Empire". Paris 4, 2008. http://www.theses.paris-sorbonne.fr/these.meens.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaThat study is devoted to the officers (tribunes belonging to the equester ordo) of four units of the Roman garrison under the Principate : the vigiles (firemen during the day and city police at night), the urbaniciani (daylight city police), the equites singulares Augusti (the Emperor's horse guards) and the praetorian guard (the Emperor's personal guard). The subject is dealt with as follows : to start with the geographical recruitment, then the social recruitment, as well as the career leading those militaries to tribunates. The second part deals with what constitutes the specificity of those tribunes : their officer' role, then the hierarchical relationships they had with their superiors and their subordinates, to finish with the organization of those tribune' positions. Finally has been studied what became of those officers after their military cursus was completed : their equestrian and sometimes senatorial careers, the position those officers had in their cities once their service devoted to the Emperor had come to an end, and finally the social influence that their access to tribunates (and therefore to the ordo equester) may have had on their families and descendants