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Smale, Robert George. "Trade union identities and the role of niche unionism : exploring contemporary United Kingdom trade unions". Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2017. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/trade-union-identities-and-the-role-of-niche-unionism(1f450289-63f8-45ad-9467-70c0b539611b).html.
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This thesis explores three closely related questions in order to further the understanding of contemporary United Kingdom trade unionism and make an original contribution to knowledge. The first relates to understanding the distinct identities which trade unions project in the public domain. The second relates to those trade unions that display what will be called a niche union identity in order to organise a sector of the labour market, and which are therefore axiomatically not general in character. The third relates to what will be called niche unionism, which is a broader concept incorporating those unions that seek to organise niches through sectionalised structures. The work both acknowledges extant literature and advances knowledge in the field of industrial relations, and draws upon contributions from other disciplines where these inform the intellectual discussion. It is argued that existing theoretical approaches are inadequate for understanding the identities projected by contemporary UK Certified trade unions, and that the concept of niche in relation to trade unions has received minimal consideration in industrial relations literature. Therefore it is argued that a new conceptual framework is required. The methodological approach adopted was empirical pragmatism, with data being collected using mixed methods. The work was limited to certified unions operating within the United Kingdom and to data collected between October 2008 and August 2015. The work makes an original contribution to knowledge by introducing a multidimensional framework for the analysis of trade union identities based upon a limited number of ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ sources that determine the territories within which unions organise, together with certain ‘additional’ sources. This framework then facilitates the recognition of both niche union identity and the practice of niche unionism.
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Alderton, Tony. "Trade unions and Japanisation". Thesis, University of Bristol, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266998.
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Bridgford, J. "French trade unions and the union of the left". Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234393.
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Parodi, G. "Microeconomic approach to the analysis of trade unions affiliated to the Trades Union Congress". Thesis, University of York, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356151.
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Kgapola, Leslie Seth. "Trade unions service level and member satisfaction". Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/62678.
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Trade unions are juristic entities and volitional associations that have, historically and ideologically, represented the aggregate strength of labour to maximise their effectiveness in their endeavour to fulfil their core responsibilities and principal functions. However, Ceronie (2007) postulates that, in South Africa, there has been a loss of ideological support for unions since the dawn of democracy. The establishment of the democracy had the effect that a huge driving gear to belong to a union was lost. The mandate of trade unions is to, inter alia, protect, maintain, and improve the working conditions of their members. They fulfil this mandate by ensuring that they offer services that meet, if not exceed, members' satisfaction levels. Trade unions ultimately exist to protect both the work- and non-work-related interest of their members, whether these be economic, social, political, or environmental (Venter, 2003). Nel et al. (2005) asseverate that trade unions are membership organisations: They exist because of their members, they are made up of members, they serve their members' interest, and they are governed by their members. That is, they derive their authority and mandate from the members. Therefore, trade union are service providers. They must give employees enough reason to become attracted to them as members and to remain members. Simply put, trade unions, as the embodiment of workers' aspirations, owe a duty of care to their members, and thus should at all times, act in their best interests. Thus, the kind and quality of services offered by trade unions should be perceived by members as sufficient and satisfactory. Highly satisfied and committed union members are more likely to support and participate in trade union activities. Trade unions, like any other organisation that provides services, are faced with challenges of membership decline due to perceived poor services or the lack thereof, and are therefore required to devise remedial measures to mitigate the membership decline. Against the backdrop of the foregoing, the aim of the study was to examine if there is a relationship between the quality of services and benefits offered by unions to their members and member satisfaction. The sample comprised members of the three major unions within the public service of South Africa. Using the quantitative paradigm, primary empirical data were collected by distributing 500 questionnaires, which yielded a 48.9% response rate. Data were analysed using the SPSS Statistics 23 software program. The questionnaire was valid and reliable, with an overall scale reliability coefficient of α = .975. The findings revealed moderate levels of member satisfaction (56%) with low dissatisfaction (16%), and a significantly high participation rate in union activities (61%), and union effectiveness (80%). That is, the findings revealed that members were generally satisfied with their unions' performance. The findings affirm union instrumentality, union effectiveness, and member participation as antecedents of union commitment, and also confirm unions' performance and effectiveness as significant determinants of members' satisfaction with a union. Therefore, in a quest to maintain and/or increase their relevance, trade unions must examine their current services and benefits, in order to determine whether they still meet their members' preferences, and, if not, to develop and provide a new service mix that will not only appeal to unionised members, but will also attract non-unionised workers.Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2017.
Human Resource Management
PhD
Unrestricted
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Wildeman, Russell Andrew. "Trade union reaction to privatisation : the case of the congress of South African trade unions". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52037.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The assignment examines the policy positions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) on restructuring and privatisation. The assignment's theoretical point of departure is found in the work of Levitsky and Way (1998). Levitsky and Way (1998) examines the alliance between a political party and its labour ally in the context of neo-liberal economic reform. The context is usually a political party that has come to power with the aid of a powerful trade union federation. The authors are interested in establishing if the party-union alliance would be sustained if the political party embarks on drastic economic reforms that have the potential to undermine trade union federations. The two cases that are investigated are Poland and Argentina, because in both these cases, a political party has been swept into power with the aid of a powerful trade union federation. Against the background of neo-liberal economic reforms, both trade union federations initially supported the economic reforms. In the medium and long term however, labour defected from the alliance in Poland, whereas the alliance was sustained in Argentina despite the enormous costs to workers. Levitsky and Way (1998) then posit a number of material and institutional factors that explain both the initial convergence and the later divergence between the two test cases. The factors that are included in this framework are social linkages, party strength, leadership overlap, union competition and the degree of autonomy from either party leadership or the rank-and-file. These factors are hypothesised to explain the policy positions and behaviour of the trade union federation. It is this theoretical framework, which will be tested to establish if the framework permits enough conceptual leverage to explain the past and present policy positions of COSATU on privatisation. These factors have been given prominence because of its actual bearing on the status of the alliance relationship. The present study will therefore be using these factors of the framework, and barring one exception, it will be conceptualised in the same way. The second component of the study is to use the South African National Opinion Leader Survey of 1997/98 to study the actual attitudes and opinions of COSATU leaders on a range of privatisation issues. The survey is going to be used to determine if there is any degree of continuity between formal congress resolutions and the attitudes of COSATU leaders in the survey. This is also an indirect way of verifying the ideological loyalty of leaders to the official positions of the trade union federation. The second question returns to the alliance relationship by examining differences, if any between COSATU and ANC leaders on privatisation related issues. Factor analysis is used to build two indexes, namely a "privatisation index" and a "gear index." An interesting finding from the data is the relatively greater policy cohesion amongst COSATU leaders. These results permit speculations that do not necessarily indicate an imminent breaking up of the alliance, but rather continued discussions with possibly various policy compromises by COSATU and the ANC.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die werkstuk ondersoek die beleidsposisie van die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) oor herstrukturering en privatisering in Suid Afrika. Die werkstuk se teoretiese uitgangspunt word in die werk van Levitsky en Way gevind (1998). Hierdie skrywers ondersoek die alliansie tussen 'n politieke party en sy arbeidsvennoot in die konteks van neo-liberale ekonomiese hervorming. Die konteks is 'n politieke party wat aan bewind gekom het met die steun van 'n kragtige vakbondfederasie. Die skrywers wil vas stel of die party-vakbond-alliansie sal voortgaan wanneer die politieke party drastiese ekonomiese hervorming aanpak wat die potensiaal het om vakbond federasies te ondermyn. Twee gevalle, naamlik Pole en Argentinië word ondersoek. In albei gevalle het die regerende politieke party aan bewind gekom met die hulp van die vakbond federasie. Teen hierdie agtergrond van neo-liberale hervorming het albei vakbond federasies in Pole en Argentinië aanvanklik die proses gesteun. Gedurende hierdie tydperk het vakbonde in Pole weggebreek van die alliansie, terwyl die alliansie in Argentinië ten spyte van die groot koste vir die werkers voortgesit was. Levitsky en Way (1998) verskaf 'n aantal materiële en institusionele faktore wat die aanvanklike samevloeiing en die latere uiteenvloeiing in hul twee voorbeelde kan verduidelik. Die faktore wat in die ontleding gebruik word is sosiale verbindinge, partysterkte, leierskap oorvleueling, vakbond kompetisie en outonomie van of party leierskap en gewone werkers. Volgens die skrywers se hipotese sal hierdie faktore die beleidsposisies van die vakbond federasie verklaar. Dit is hierdie teoretiese raamwerk wat in die studie gebruik word. Daar word gepoog om vas te stel of hierdie raamwerk genoegsame konseptuele reikwydte het om COSATU se privatiserings beleid te verduidelik. Die tweede komponent van die studie is die gebruik van die Suid Afrikaanse Nasionale Menings Opname van 1997/98. Dit word gebruik om die houdings en die opinies van COSATU leiers oor n breë spektrum van privatiserings kwessies te ondersoek. Die doel is om vas te stel of daar enige graad van kontinuïteit tussen formele kongres resolusies en houdings van COSATU leiers bestaan. Dit is ook 'n manier om die "ideologiese getrouheid" van COSATU leiers te verifieer. Tweedens word daar teruggekeer na die alliansie verhouding deur die verskille tussen ANC en COSATU leiers betreffende privatiserings verwante kwessies te ondersoek. Faktor ontleding word gebruik om twee indekse te bou, naamlik 'n "Privatiserings indeks" en 'n "Gear-indeks". Interessante bevindinge wat dui op 'n groter beleidskohesie by Cosatu-meningsvormers as by ANC-meningsvormers kom na vore. Na aanleiding van bogenoemde model word daar gespekuleer dat hierdie meningspatrone nie noodwendig op 'n uiteenval van die alliansie dui nie, maar eerder op voortgesette gesprekke met verskeie beleidskompromisse by Cosatu sowel as die ANC-leierskap.
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Kang, Wuran. "Trade unions, class consciousness and praxis". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1251/.
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The aim of this thesis is to explore the ways in which class aspects of trade unions are formed in relation to their organisational properties. To achieve this aim, various assertions on the fundamental role of trade unions are first discussed, and criticised for treating trade unions as organisations that typically react to external stimuli and not as organisations that also generate goals and strategies on their own initiative. Then the focus moves to class consciousness as an effective measure of class capacity of both trade unions and their members, and in doing so, the concept of class consciousness is reformulated to embrace collective and action-oriented aspects of it. Having tested this reformulated concept initially by analysing the comparative characters and capacities of three national unions at different points in time in Korea, a class consciousness scale is developed to measure not only diverse aspects of class consciousness but also qualitatively different levels of it, and such research methods as text analysis and interviews are also employed for the main empirical survey of this thesis. The chief findings include the uneven development of class consciousness within as well as between the individuals, and the conspicuousness of the leadership effect/alliance factor, the less-then impressive effects of gender, size, union age, strike experience, and nationality of ownership on the overall level of class consciousness. Simultaneously, the potentially intriguing implications of the specific influences of those factors on certain aspects of class consciousness are discussed. The thesis is concluded with a recapitulation of the significance of the organisational factors investigated, suggestions on possible directions for further studies, and an urge to study trade unions as class organisations, with the emphasis on both words.
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Rubushe, Melikaya. "Trade union investment schemes: a blemish on the social movement unionism outlook of South African unions?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003119.
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South African trade unions affiliated to Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have taken advantage of the arrival of democracy and newly found opportunities available through Black Economic Empowerment to venture into the world of business by setting up their own investment companies. The declared desire behind these ventures was to break the stranglehold of white capital on the economy and to extend participation in the economic activities of the country to previously disadvantaged communities. Using the National Union of Mineworkers and the Mineworkers’ Investment Company as case studies, this dissertation seeks to determine whether unions affiliated to the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) are advancing the struggle for socialism through their investment schemes. Secondly, the dissertation determines whether, in the activities of the schemes, internal democracy is preserved and strengthened. The theoretical framework of this dissertation emerges from arguments advanced by Lenin and Gramsci on the limitations of trade unions in terms of their role in the struggle against capitalism. In addition, the argument draws on the assertions by Michels regarding the proneness of trade union leadership to adopt oligarchic tendencies in their approach to leadership. Of interest is how, according to Gramsci, trade unions are prone to accepting concessions from the capitalist system that renders them ameliorative rather than transformative. Drawing from Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’, the thesis examines whether there is space for ordinary members of the unions to express views on the working of the union investment companies. By looking at the extent to which the investment initiatives of the companies mirror the preferences of the ordinary members of the unions, one can determine the level of disjuncture between the two. The study relies on data collected through interviews and documentary material. Interviews provide first-hand knowledge of how respondents experience the impact of the investment schemes. This provides a balanced analysis given that documents reflect policy stances whereas interviews provide data on whether these have the stated impact. What the study shows is a clear absence of space for ordinary members to directly influence the workings of union investment companies. It is also established that, in their current form, the schemes operate more as a perpetuation of the capitalist logic than offering an alternative system.
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Veliziotis, Michail. "Essays on the economics of trade unions". Thesis, University of Essex, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.542350.
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Ball, Christopher James. "Trade unions and redundancy : opposition and acquiescence". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1195/.
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This thesis focuses on the collective responses of union members and unions to redundancy. It adopts a theory of trade union action based on the idea that workers react to violations of what they perceive to be "rights" in the employment context. "Rights" are to a degree inculcated into the minds of workers by "union cultures", which condition moral and ethical judgements of behaviour. Connections are drawn between "cultures", "ideologies" and "world views". Workers' responses to redundancy it is suggested should show evidence of the influence of union cultures in a sequence of events over long periods of time. This is borne out in the empirical chapters; Chapter 4 (which describes the historical background to the 1965 Redundancy Payments Act) quotes developments in union responses to redundancy since the 1930s. In a further section, Chapter 5, a case study of a series of redundancy events in the computer company, ICL, is provided, covering union responses to redundancy in the period 1969 to 1979. The evidence also calls into question the view expressed in some academic and policy work on redundancy, that the 1965 Redundancy Payments Act has defused union opposition to redundancy. The period before 1965, the evidence suggests, could not be characterised as a period of strong union opposition, and the years since the passing of the Act have not seen a predominance of union acquiescence. On this basis, too, Hardy's argument that managements have managed redundancy and closure by a process of legitimisation, is called in to question. Also, the work of neo-classical labour economists, who see workers and union attitudes towards redundancy in terms of the decisions of "economic man", is refuted by the evidence and the argument in the thesis, which emphasises the moral influence of unions and the practice of unionism.
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Ragoobur, Satiumsingh. "Trade unions in an era of globalisation". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2004. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11381/.
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The objectives of this thesis are twofold. First, to investigate the link between foreign competition and the decline of unionisation in Britain during the 1980s and early 1990s. Second, to examine the impact of international trade on the wage bargaining strength of trade unions as measured by the union wage gap of individual workers. The study focuses primarily on the manufacturing sector given that it has suffered the heaviest decline in unionisation and is the most tradable and open sector of the UK economy. An important aspect of the thesis is the data used. The empirical analyses are carried out using labour market information from large individual and firm level surveys such as the New Earnings Survey Panel Dataset and the Workplace Industrial Relations Survey matched with industry trade data compiled from the OECD's International Trade by Commodities Statistics. The results demonstrate that foreign competition had, at most, a weak impact on the extent of unionisation in UK manufacturing. It seems more likely that the anti-union policy pursued by Thatcher's Conservative Government restricted the exercise of union power whilst providing employers with the opportunity to reaffirm their prerogatives and marginalize the union movement. On the other hand, we do find that increased openness to international trade served to moderate union wage demands during the 1980s. Although, it would appear that the disciplining effect of foreign competition diminished over time as the union mark up was not adversely affected towards the mid-1990s.
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Rachmawati, Riani. "Trade Unions behaviour in multinationals in Indonesia". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/750/.
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This thesis has aimed to explore the strategy chosen by unions in multinationals which in turn would influence the union’s behaviour towards the management in the so-called ‘neo-liberalism’ environment. Multinationals were chosen for this thesis as multinationals have been among the role players in Indonesian economy particularly after the Suharto’s era (1966-onwards). As cheap labour is one of the necessary conditions to attract foreign investment as Indonesia does not have technological superiority or abundant skilled labour, it was important to examine the role of trade union in multinationals as the representative of the employees to enhance to conditions of its members. Four multinationals from different industries were studied to enable comparison.The theoretical model underpinning this thesis has been that of Huzzard’s (2004) strategic choice model. This model suggested that there are four levels of strategy which unions would have to choose. The Huzzard’s strategic choice model ranges form choosing and defining the union’s mission, ideology and identity to that of choosing union’s structures, processes and capacities. This model also suggests that the choice of the strategy is highly influenced by the internal and external factors of the union.
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Morgan, Graham Jones. "The usefulness of accounting to trade unions". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91031/.
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The objective of this dissertation is to analyse some important aspects of the issue of the usefulness of accounting to trade unions. This issue raises fundamental questions as to whether trade unions must plan for or simply represent the interests of employees in the modern business enterprise. The analysis presented suggests that trade union use of accounting information, within the business enterprise will be restricted so long as they pursue re-active, oppositional policies within a context established by management strategic planning practices and consequently will have little influence on events. Both a theoretical review of the principles of strategic planning and an examination of recent economic history shows that management do not plan to promote the interests of employees, and that managerial control of the strategic planning process is of vital importance. In consequence, I argue that the power latent in trade unions can only be harnessed if they reconceptualise their central 'organizing principles' around challenging management strategic planning prerogatives by developing an independent ability to plan. Previous research into the usefulness of information to trade unions has not recognized this planning requirement and has, in consequence, been highly restricted in perspective and has under estimated the usefulness of information to trade unions. The methodology of this thesis is qualitative. By collecting unstructured, in-depth data from a major case study, it has been possible not only to assess the usefulness of accounting information to trade unions, but also, crucially, to analyse it within the context of problems which trade unions confront in developing a constructive response to economic change.
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Lee, Fa-Hsien. "Trade unions and privatisation in Taiwan : a case study of the railway union". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2008. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/55757/.
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This thesis explores Taiwanese privatisation in the context of global neo-liberalisation. It is a study of the relationship between the state, capital and trade unions in relation to privatisation and the policy-making process in Taiwan and the Taiwan Railway in particular. It pays attention to exploring the three dimensions: first, how the state plays its role in the privatisation process second, what private capital does in order to extend its financial interests and third, whether trade unions have capacity to shape privatisation policies. The thesis draws upon extensive fieldwork that took place in Taiwan and the Taiwanese railway industry in particular between May 2005 and November 2007. It documents how Taiwanese public sector unions, dependent on the party-state system, sought to transform themselves into independent unions during the period of privatisation. Using qualitative and participant observation methods, including semi- structured interviews, fieldnote taking, and documentary analysis, this thesis provides, for the first time first-hand, rich, deep, holistic and contextual data on issues that had previously been hidden from public debate. These are discussed and analysed with particular reference to British and former Soviet Union's experience in the context of privatisation. Although the research was explicitly located in the context of Taiwan and the Taiwan Railway, it is hoped that it has more general significance. Taiwan's experience, until now neglected in debates on privatisation, could extend contemporary debates on the topic especially in relation to the various roles of the state, capital and trade unions. In particular, it raises for discussion the finding that under certain circumstances, instead of being marginalised by privatisation, certain trade unions could gain strong bargaining capacity, weakening the role of the state and private capital, and significantly shaping the policy process.
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Bairstow, Samantha Jane. "'Outing the unions' : sexual identity, membership diversity and the British trade union movement". Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416229.
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Recent years have seen British trade unions regain some of the membership and influence lost during the 1980s and 1990s. During the same period, sexual orientation activism and other 'new' social movements have become increasingly prominent on the world stage. This thesis is an empirical examination of British unions' responses to the issues, concerns and priorities of lesbian and gay workers seeking to further their agendas through collective action. In response to the paucity of academic research in this area, this thesis presents an analysis of six unions' attempts to organise and represent diverse lesbian and gay interests within class-focused bureaucratic structures. Establishing a context for this study, the thesis considers historical and contemporary accounts of union organisation, the fusion of class with status-based identities and examples of gender, 'race' and disability action within British trade unions. Through interviews with key actors, the research uncovers the existence of separate 'safe spaces' for lesbian and gay organisation, structures connecting action to 'mainstream' activities, and top-down initiatives designed to promote acceptance of organisational diversity. This thesis examines anticipated 'pockets of resistance' within the unions to sexuality action, but finds the bureaucratic and hierarchic nature of union organisation a larger barrier to the effectiveness of action than any internal opposition. The need to recognise intra-group diversity and the dangers of centralised 'servicing' to the unions' future plans are discussed, in light of contemporary trends towards workplace organisation, partnership and the requirement to address members' heterogeneous needs, as are the questions such an analysis raises for conceptualisations of democratic practice. Through the examination of the unions' organisation of sexual minorities, this thesis refines and extends Kelly's (1998) mobilisation theory and presents an alternative framework of trade union action as 'mobilisation within mobilisation'. It closes by considering the implications for both social movements and continued union 'renewal' of organised labour's attempts to negotiate 'the bigger picture'.
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Egan, Noomi. "Communicating the Union: an examination of how three trade unions communicate with youth". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21205.
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This thesis examines how trade unions are meeting the two-fold challenge of a fall in youth unionisation and a changed media usage amongst youth. The researcher attempts to answer this question by examining how three different trade unions (Sveriges Ingenjörer, SI, Kommunal and Hotell och Restaurang facket, HRF) are communicating with a younger generation for the purpose of recruiting them. The thesis is based on a theoretical framework derived from communications theories and practices specifically aimed at youth, as well as theories about union recruitment strategies, civic engagement and the logic of collective action (since unions represent collective interests). The researcher has applied a qualitative approach where the thesis rests on in-depth interviews with different respondents. The findings of the thesis reveal that all the unions have started to face up to the challenge of falling youth unionisation (by applying the advice put forward in literature on youth and health communications, and union recruitment literature). However, the findings note that the unions have applied the advice to varying extent, with Sveriges Ingenjörer being furthest ahead. In addition, the findings illustrate that the unions seem to be responding to the challenge of a changing media usage amongst youth. Yet, the researcher believes that the unions might do well in exploring a more participatory style of communication, since youth today have started to expect a higher degree of participation in their communication online. The findings also highlight that both Kommunal and HRF seem to be facing tougher challenges than Sveriges Ingenjörer in communicating with youth for the purposes of recruiting them because of differences between the sectors the unions organise.Finally, the findings reveal that the unions communicate with youth in accordance with Olson’s theory of logic of collective action (Congleton, 2015), which highlights that individuals will only join a union if there is an individual gain to offset the union fee.
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Masiya, Tynai. "Social movement trade unionism: an investigation of workers' perceptions of the South African Congress of Trade Unions and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions practices on election and living wage issues". University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4127.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThis study investigates workers’ perceptions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) practices on elections and living wage issues from a social movement perspective from the Apartheid (South Africa) and Unilateral Declaration of Independence (Zimbabwe) eras to 2009. The trade union social movement perspective refers to labour movements that develop a socio-political character, and concern themselves not only with workplace issues but with broad social and political issues. A study of COSATU and ZCTU practices in South Africa and Zimbabwe at this time in the field of social movements is consistent with current calls for a conceptual shift, away from looking for invariant causes and effects to looking for mechanisms and processes that occur in many different kinds of movements and that lead to different outcomes depending on the specific contexts within which they occur. The study draws insights from social movement unionsm theory to understand mechanisms and processes pursued by COSATU and ZCTU in seeking to influence policy outcomes. This study used a qualitative approach and a case study strategy. In the study, questionnaire and in-depth interview responses were drawn from COSATU secretariat, two affiliates, the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU) and National Union of Mine Workers (NUM). Questionnaire and in-depth responses were also drawn from the ZCTU secretariat, two affiliates, the General Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe (GPWUZ) and the Zimbabwe Urban Municipal Workers Union (ZUMWU). The objective was to gain insights from a broad cross-section of union members – blue-collar workers, professionals, state or semi state institution workers and ordinarily low income farm workers. The study concludes that workers’ perceptions of the two labour social movements is that they can influence changes in the political system (through elections) as a means to securing living wages by engaging in five practices, namely, disruption mechanisms, public preference mechanisms, political access mechanisms, judicial mechanisms and international access mechanisms. However, while the study noted that workers perceive COSATU and ZCTU practices as essential in influencing elections and living wage issues, the popularity of the mechanisms was lower in Zimbabwe where workers often face persecution. In South Africa, utilisation of these practices is also affected by the less militant public sector affiliates and non- standard forms of work such as subcontracting, casualisation, informalisation, externalisation and the ballooning informal sector. Given these problems, social movement trade unionism remains a viable means of representing the interests of the working poor. Establishment of these challenges leads to areas of possible further research such as how the unions can effectively represent the unorganised workers of the informal sector. A broader research on the impact of the exponential growth of non-standard forms of work is also relevant at this time in the two countries.
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Hopkinson, Sheila. "'Trade unions can no longer remain male, pale and stale' : explaining the changing pattern of women's membership of trade unions". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395729.
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Grandner, Thomas. "Trade unions and oligopolies in vertically structured industries /". Frankfurt a.M ; Bern [etc.] : P. Lang, 2001. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00039823.pdf.
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Hecht, Harvey B. "Setting up information technology structures for trade unions". [Denver, Colo.] : Regis University, 2006. http://165.236.235.140/lib/HHecht2006.pdf.
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Sonnerby, Per. "Contract-theoretic analyses of consultants and trade unions". Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Economic Research Institute, Stockholm School of Economics (EFI), 2007. http://www2.hhs.se/efi/summary/734.htm.
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Umney, Charles Riou. "Managerial and mobilising internationalism in British trade unions". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.577509.
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This thesis seeks to develop a theoretical understanding of the ways in which British trade unions have sought to operate internationally as a response to political and economic globallsatton. A two-staged research process is elaborated, based initially on wide-ranging exploratory interviews and then on comparative case studies conducted in the docks and maritime sector. Through this research, two distinct types of international activity are identified, termed 'managerial internationalism' and 'mobilising internationalism'. In the former case, a distinct layer of full-time officials is tasked with administering international strategies. These strategies are generally divined from membership priorities and therefore follow highly visible political, regulatory or normative concerns. In the latter case, union leaders seek to establish member-led international networks that can mobilise against multinational employers. Managerial internationalism is argued to arise where unions possess a relatively high degree of marketplace power. Mobilising internationalism, by contrast, is more likely to arise where marketplace power is under threat. In the latter case, particular 'moments of tension' may emerge- for example where a multinational employer seeks to use its mobility to whipsaw concessions from local workplaces- which union leaders can then seek to frame as demanding an international, rather than local, response. Mobilising internationalism is therefore argued to be dependent on leader agency as well as material labour market conditions. Because it is generated by such materially-conditioned 'moments of tensions', mobilising internationalism is held to be constrained by temporal and spatial limitations. It is dependent on the emergence of specific and finite grievances to galvanise member support for mobilisation. This analysis represents a dialectical understanding of international trade unionism, in that qualitative transformations in union strategy are held to reflect shifts in the underlying balance of class power between worker and employer.
23
Manning, Paul. "Trade unions, news media strategies and newspaper journalists". Thesis, Loughborough University, 1995. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/14543.
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Latreille, Paul Lewes. "Trade unions and technological change : an empirical analysis". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315574.
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Valizade, Danat. "Trade unions and the rise of contingent labour in the United Kingdom : challenges, opportunities and the trade union response". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/12967/.
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This thesis is a rigorous empirical investigation into the trade union response to contingent labour in the United Kingdom. It contributes to knowledge and understanding about trade union strategies and methods directed towards contingent workers and casts light on challenges and opportunities posed to trade unions by the rise of contingent labour. The thesis challenges a dual labour market theory that rests on the assumption that labour markets are structured homogeneously into primary and secondary segments populated by contingent workers and standard employees respectively. It demonstrates explicitly that at least within trade union membership dynamic converging and diverging tendencies between primary and secondary segments distort a frontier between them and thereby affect employee behaviours. This has profound implications for trade unions, as their responses to contingent labour are still predicated upon the existence of dichotomous labour markets. The thesis uncovered internal inconsistency of strategies and methods employed by trade unions such that instead of being inherently inclusive they appear to be rather pragmatic and driven by dynamic tendencies between the membership segments. In general, trade unions confronted with a diverging tendency between their primary and secondary membership segments struggled to articulate systematic responses to contingent work. This occurred because trade unions have yet to address challenges emanating from such dynamic processes, especially in relation to the differences between contingent workers’ and standard employees’ attitudes towards trade unions. Taken together, these findings suggest that cohesion and inclusiveness of trade union responses to contingent labour depend largely on the trade unions’ ability to absorb converging and diverging tendencies between their membership segments.
26
Murray, Gregor. "Trade unions and incomes policies : British unions and the social contract in the 1970s". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/39312/.
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This is an investigation of the trade union role in the Social Contract incomes policies in Britain during the 1970s. In the context of the general political economy of the period, the study looks at the development in the early 1970s of an accord between the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the Labour Party known as the Social Contract, examines the trade union participation in the series of voluntary incomes policies that followed the election of the Labour Government in 1974, and charts the development or opposition to such participation oulminating in the collapse of the policy in the winter of 1978-1979 and the subsequent defeat of the Labour Government in the 1979 general election. More specifically, the study focuses on the experience of six individual unions within the context of TUC policy-making: the articulations between their approaches to incomes policy and their collective bargaining policies, the anatomy of their responses and policies towards the various phases of the Social Contract, the mobilization of consent and/or opposition to TUe and Government policy in each union, and the limits placed on relative union leadership discretion to participate in TUC policy-making by the political and industrial processes and organizational structure of each union. The research has involved a variety of sources and methods. First, there has been an attempt to draw on and link the diverse areas of the industrial relations literature which are concerned with the relationship between trade Unions and incomes policies. These include the separate literatures on incomes policy, on the link between trade unions and the Labour Party and Labour governments, on trade union government and the sociology of trade union organizations, and on the debate over 'corporatist' types of arrangements between trade unions and the state. Secondly, the research has involved the use of a wide range of primary and secondary trade union and political documentary sources on this period of history through the 1970s. Finally, the detailed case studies of the six sample unions have involved both primary documentary materials and extensive interviewing. Thus, the materials collected for the study constitute a unique source on different approaches to the 1970s pay policies, on their industrial impact and the political processes that they engendered within individual unions, and on the broader relations between British trade unions and the state during this period. The theoretical contribution of the study is primarily exploratory in nature. It identifies the constraints to which national union leaderships are· subject when they engage or attempt to engage in macro-economic and political exchanges with the state. Such constraints are explored in an examination of the upwards and downwards mediations that occur within trade unions as illustrated by the variations within and between trade unions in the mobilization of consent and opposition to the Social Contract incomes policies. This analysis informs debates about the limits and/or viability of other corporatist or 'Social Contract' types of arrangements. It also investigates the organizational implications of voluntary incomes policies and compares the internal political processes and industrial practices of British trade unions: at the level of the TUC as a whole, within individual affiliates and, in partiCUlar, in the articulations between TUC and individual union policy-making and bargaining behaviour.
27
Bergsten, Andreas. "Fackets kulturkris : metaforer som organisationsterapi /". Stockholm : Dialoger, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-11659.
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Roozendaal, Gerarda Cornelia van. "Social challenges to trade trade unions and the debate on international labour standards /". [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2001. http://dare.uva.nl/document/60675.
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Kershaw, Matthew James. "The new politics of European trade unionism : the meaning of European industrial relations for British and German Trade Unions". Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285361.
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Jo, Junbae. "Soviet trade unions during the Stalinist industrialisation, 1928-1937". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.575152.
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Grandner, Thomas. "Market shares of price setting firms and trade unions". Inst. für Volkswirtschaftstheorie und -politik, WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 1998. http://epub.wu.ac.at/236/1/document.pdf.
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In a unionized duopoly with price setting firms market shares in different wage determination settings are analyzed. I compare decentralized, centralized and sequential wage determination. In the decentralized setting the union in the more productive firm can exploit the differences in productivity for rising local wages. The rising wages in the more productive firm result in smaller differences of unit costs, therefore the market shares are split more equally in the decentralized setting than with centralized wage determination. Sequential wage determination results in an asymmetric outcome. Compared with the simultaneous case the market share of the wage-leader firm is smaller, because the competitor is able to undercut the wage. Additionally with sequential wage determination the union representing the workers of the more productive firm cannot exploit the productivity advantage by raising the wage rate by the same extent as in the simultaneous case. (author's abstract)Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series
32
Gosling, Amanda Sophie Jane. "Trade unions and wages in the British labour market". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429525.
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Achmat, Wardah. "Claims against trade unions engaged in unprotected industrial action". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/53140.
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In any employment relationship there is an unequal bargaining power between an
employee and an employer. The employer is the sole bearer of power as s/he has
financial power over an employee. The only means by which employees can counteract
this power is if they act collectively. By acting collectively the employees are placed in a
bargaining position with the employer and this also gives them an opportunity to enforce
their employment rights. The International Labour Organisation (hereafter referred to as
ILO ) Conventions 87 and 98 of 1948 also provides that employers and employees
have the right to organize and to bargain collectively.
South Africa, because it is a member of the ILO, ratified the said Conventions and more
specifically granted every worker with a constitutionally entrenched right to strike. This is
set out in section 23 of the Constitution of South Africa No 108 of 1996 (hereafter
referred to as the Constitution1996).
The Labour Relations Act (hereafter referred to as the LRA ) also gives effect to this
right by providing a legislative framework within which this right to strike could be
exercised. This protection can only be provided if the strike complies with the
substantive and procedural requirements of Chapter IV of the LRA. This includes
protection against dismissal, interdicts and civil liability for losses caused by a strike.
This dissertation seeks to determine what this right to strike entails and whether the
current remedies are effective to curb unprotected strikes.Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
Mercantile Law
LLM
Unrestricted
34
KAYITESI, Aline. "TRADE UNIONS AND UNEMPLOYMENT : ASSESSMENT OF THE CROSS-COUNTRY EVIDENCE". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för nationalekonomi och statistik (NS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104581.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the relationship between union’s indicators namely union density rate and collective bargaining coverage rate, and the unemployment rate. I have conducted an empirical analysis on 34 OECD countries grouped into three groups based on their bargaining systems. The results indicate that there is no linear relationship between union density and collective bargaining coverage, and the unemployment rate in countries which have centralized co-ordinated, organized decentralized but co-ordinated bargaining systems and that those systems do not have influence on the way unions affect unemployment rate. However, the predominatly centralized but weakly co-ordinated system indicates to have a positive effect on the way unions affect unemployment rate and union density /collective bargaining coverage are positively related with the unemployment rate in this group. I try to argue for possible reasons for these findings.
35
Cantrick-Brooks, Bernadine Yvonne Marie. "Trade union joining perceptions from call centre employees /". Access electronically, 2005. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20061127.111430/index.html.
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Brown, Karen M. "Trade union international solidarity, exploring the uneven development of grassroots solidarity funds within Canadian unions". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0018/MQ49323.pdf.
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Lohe, Tanya. "The changing legitimate ambit of the union movement : politics, trade unions and the new assault /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1992. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arl833.pdf.
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Hur, Chan Y. "Trade unions and productivity: the impact of union presence on labour productivity in Korean manufacturing". Thesis, Aston University, 1991. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10879/.
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This thesis examines the theoretical and empirical relationship between trade unions and productivity in the Korean auto and cement manufacturing industries, during the 1980s. It challenges the tenets of the existing debate by stressing the contingent nature of this relationship. In particular this thesis pinpoints inadequacies of econometric analysis as the only method of judging this association between union presence and productivity, because this ignores national and historical industrial relations contexts. Moreover, the polarity between positive and negative views of trade union influences on productivity is seen as needlessly limited, failing as it does to consider the full context of labour-management dynamics within the employment relationship. Empirically, this thesis focuses on the unionism and productivity during two contrasting political periods: the first a time of constraint on union action and the second a period of relative freedom. It examines these periods using a full range of quantitative and qualitative analysis. Of particular significant is the inclusion of attitude surveys of the relationship between the presence of unions and productivity conducted amongst workers, managers and trade union officials. The broad conclusion of the thesis is a rejection of the validity of continuing to examine the relationship between trade unions and productivity without locating this within national and historical industrial relations contexts.
39
Munro, Anne. "Women in trade unions : a study of hospital ancillary workers". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1990. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/98494/.
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This thesis is about working class women and the way in which their interests are represented in trade unions. The key argument made is that there operates a 'trade union agenda' which precludes the full representation of women's interests, even when individual members strive to have these interests represented. The study is based on empirical research with four trade union branches, two from NUPE and two from COHSE, covering ancillary workers at four NHS hospitals. The thesis stresses the importance of understanding how women's work is structured in order to investigate the role of trade unions in challenging or reproducing inequalities. It focuses on catering and cleaning workers, and therefore includes a detailed analysis of these areas of work. The research shows that this work is constructed around gender and results in women having specific interests in the workplace. It suggests that these workplace interests reflect an underlying conflict between men and women based on the hierarchical division of the labour market by sex. Throughout the study the importance of racial divisions to the development of unity or division is considered. The thesis analyses the role of local trade union branches in representing the interests of these workers, showing that unions vary in their success in this process. It argues that structural modification in unions cannot guarantee improved participation and representation of women members, although is a prerequisite. The thesis concludes that the 'trade union agenda' presents an underlying limitation to this process.
40
Biyanwila, Janaka. "Trade unions in Sri Lanka under globalisation : reinventing worker solidarity". University of Western Australia. Faculty of Economics and Commerce, 2004. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0045.
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This study examines trade union resistance to the post 1977 Export Oriented Industrialisation (EOI) strategies in Sri Lanka, and the possibilities of developing new strategic options. In contrast to perspectives that narrow unions to political economic dimensions, this study emphasises the cultural and the movement dimensions of unions. The purpose of the study is to understand the ways unions can regain their role as civil society actors on the basis of building worker solidarity. The study is divided into two main parts. The first part focuses on the features and tendencies of social movement unionism as advancing new possibilities towards revitalising unions. Under globalisation, unions are faced with an increasingly casualised labour force with more women absorbed as wage workers. The promotion of labour market deregulation and privatisation, endorsed by neo-liberal ideologies of competitive individualism, illustrates the narrowing of unions to the workplace while undermining worker solidarity. The first part of this research describes the impact of :neo-liberal globalisation on trade unions; conceptualisation of and resistance to globalisation; the essence of trade unions; social movement unionism and labour internationalism. According to social movement unionism perspectives, party independent union strategies, based on elements of internal democracy and structured alliances open the possibility of emphasising the movement dimension of unions. The second part explains the context of unions in Sri Lanka, focusing on three unions - the Nurses, Tea Plantation workers, and Free Trade Zone workers. In terms of the structural context, Sri Lankan unions faced a multi-faceted weakening under the post-1977 EOI policies. The assertion of an authoritarian state, promoting interests of capital, enhanced the fragmentation of unions along party differences that were further compounded by divisions along ethnic identity politics. Moreover, the increasing militarisation of the state, which maintains a protracted ethnic war, reinforced coercive state strategies restraining union resistance and shrinking the realm of civil society. In confronting state strategies of labour market deregulation and privatisation, the enduring party subordinated unions are increasingly inadequate. In contrast, the three unions in this study express forms of party-independent union strategies. By analysing their modes of resistance related to the articulation of worker interests, their organisational modes, and their engagement in representative and movement politics the study explores the possibility of developing a social movement unionism orientation in order to regain their role as civil society actors
41
Biyanwila, Janaka. "Trade unions in Sri Lanka under globalisation : reinventing worker solidarity /". Connect to this title, 2003. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0045.
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Barker, George Robert. "An economic analysis of trade unions and the common law". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316742.
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Phillimore, Anthony John. "Technology, work organisation and training : Australian trade unions, 1983-1994". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.259454.
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Paulin, Martina. "Currency Unions and International Trade : The Case of the Euro". Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Economics, Finance and Statistics, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-23490.
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The efficiency and practicality of currency areas is a controversial source of debate in the field of economics nowadays. Advocates of the system predict that currency unions lead to higher trade volumes as a result of reduced exchange rate uncertainty and higher integration. Possibly the most prominent example of a currency area nowadays is the EMU, initiated in 1995 with the purpose of nurturing a unified European market as one of the main aims. There is no consensus on whether the EMU has induced a net loss or benefit upon its members, but one common finding among academic studies is that the EMU leads to higher trade among union members. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the impact of the euro adoption on trade between EMU members. The model uses a pooled data set comprising the years from 1990 to 2012. Two separate groups are analysed, one including all OECD and EU countries, and another using data from only European countries from the sample. After allowing for different circumstances, I find that two countries belonging to the EMU trade between 17 and 32 per cent more than country pairs outside the union. Moreover, I find that language similarity has a neutral effect in the European sample, while it seems to have a highly significant effect on the sample including all countries.
45
Lang, Mark S. "The Labour Party, the trade unions and devolution in Wales". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2006. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/55442/.
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Gad, Laila. "The impact of structural adjustment on trade unions in Egypt". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1132/.
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The following research focuses on trade union organisations, and in particular trade union officialdom in Egypt. The study examines the extent to which trade union officials at the various levels of the trade union hierarchy are reacting to reforms instigated by structural adjustment policies. The adoption of structural adjustment and economic reform measures as proposed by the World Bank and IMF have resulted in the government's withdrawal of some of the benefits and privileges it accorded to workers. Public sector workers are particularly affected by these changes, thereby posing a challenge to trade union officialdom, since the bulk of trade union membership is within the public sector. Trade union officials are reacting to the reform measures by trying to balance their role as representatives of workers' interests and their role in administering state policy. Whereas in the past these two roles were reconcilable, however, with liberalisation of the economy and the adoption of structural adjustment measures that is no longer tenable. Trade unionism has been weakened by the incorporation of union officials within government corporate structures, making it more difficult for trade union officialdom to challenge the reform measures adopted by the government. Rather, trade union officials are opting for `co-operation' both with the government and with management in enterprises, to the cost of workers. In enterprises, trade union officials emphasise that the interests of work and workers are inseparable. At the level of the confederation and general unions, union officials present themselves as working to keep workers' rights, but also as partners with the government in its drive for growth. By so doing trade union officials are de-politicising trade unionism, and instead focus on economic gains. Union officials are redefining their role away from workers. Trade union action at the various levels is not based on what workers want or demand, but rather on what trade union officials want, in the belief that workers do not truly know their interests. As a result, trade union action has promoted the interests of union officials rather than that of the workers. Trade unionism has become in a sense a shell without a content. However, there is evidence that there are pressures to democratise trade unionism and make it more responsive to worker demands. These pressures are from within the worker base, from trade union officials particularly at the enterprise level who are affilited to political parties, and from external forces like the Islamists. However these forces have their limitations, particularly in the face of institutionalised sectors that are capable of reproducing themselves and promoting their interests.
47
Walters, Sally. "Female part-time workers : attitudes to work and trade unions". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366301.
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Pillay, Devandiren. "Trade unions and alliance politics in Cape Town, 1979-85". Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238630.
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Acconcia, Giuseppe. "The uprisings in Egypt : popular committees and independent trade unions". Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2018. http://research.gold.ac.uk/23005/.
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By adopting Social Movement Theories (SMT) as a basic framework to analyse the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East, I disentangle the role of alternative networks and other forms of political conflict in reference to the Egyptian case in mobilising and forming a potential revolutionary movement. However, the intervention of the military junta, on the one hand, did not allow the proto-movement to develop into a revolution and, on the other hand, hindered the fulfilment of demands for “Social Justice” coming from the people. This dissertation aims to test the hypothesis of how during the Egyptian 2011 uprisings the encounter in public spaces of more organised political oppositionists with other anti-regime elements demobilised the social movements associated with the so-called “Arab Spring”. Through participatory methods, the research hypothesis of this dissertation will be tested with reference to field work research involving Popular Committees and independent trade unions in two areas of Cairo and Mahalla al-Kubra. Driving factors for the differential impact of state repression and Political Islam on mobilisation will be identified through the analysis of the two in-depth case studies and, in a comparative perspective, with similar forms of political conflict in other Middle Eastern countries. Semi-structured interviews and participatory research will be used in order to conduct the analysis. In this dissertation, I argue that during the 2011 uprisings in Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood monopolised the space of dissent preventing the formation of common identities among the protesters. Especially social actors in the “Egyptian Street” (e.g. independent trade unions and Popular Committees) and other opposition groups (Liberals, Socialists, Leftists, anarchists) did not find any place within the post-uprisings government and finally have been demobilised by the politics and political discourse of a pseudo Neo-Nasserism, implemented by the regime after the 2013 military coup.
50
Kafidi, W. "Strategic options for trade unions in the Namibian Police Service". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53600.
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Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Freedom of association is a constitutional fundamental freedom denied the members of the Namibian Police Service. This led to the researcher to conduct a study on current labour practices in the said organisation. The aim thereof was to establish whether the inexistence of unions has a detrimental effect on labour relations, and also to explore possibilities of introducing trade unions in the Police Service. A study was conducted within a qualitative approach with the data obtained from existing literature as well as through interviewing police officers and other public office bearers. It was ultimately found that the entire organisation is fraught with labour related problems, which would have been handled differently within unionism. The study therefore recommends that a union be formed for the Namibian Police members.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vryheid van assosiasie is 'n konsitusionele fundamentele vryheid wat die lede van die Namibiese Polisiediens ontsê is. Dit was aanleidend tot die navorser se ondersoek van bestaande werkspraktyke in die gemelde organisasie. Die studie is daarop gerig om vas te stel of die bestaan van unies nadelig inwerk op werksverhoudings asook om die moontlikheid van die instelling van vakunies in die polisiediens te ondersoek. Die studie is met 'n kwalitatiewe benadering onderneem en data is bekom uit bestaande literatuur asook onderhoudsvoering met polisiebeamptes en ander openbare ampsdraers. Daar is uiteindelik bevind dat die hele organisasie gebuk gaan ander werksverwante probleme wat binne vakunie-verband anders hanteer sou word. Die studie beveel dan ook aan dat 'n unie vir die lede van die Namibiese Polisie ingestel moet word.