Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Trade, Investment, and Labour Mobility Agreement”
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Kukucha, Christopher J. "Internal Trade Agreements in Canada: Progress, Complexity and Challenges". Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, nr 1 (marzec 2015): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000232.
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AbstractDespite criticism of ongoing protectionism, this study argues that Canada's internal trade regime has evolved significantly since the implementation of the original Agreement on Internal Trade (AIT). This includes thirteen formal amendments to the AIT and numerous regional agreements in Western, Central, and Atlantic Canada. Borrowing from the liberal International Political Economy (IPE) literature it argues that existing regional agreements complement and offer a potential framework for broader internal trade reforms at the national level. Of these the New West Partnership Trade Agreement (NWPTA) offers a promising model for Canada's internal market, with revised rules and norms related to negative lists, labour mobility, procurement, and investment and dispute settlement. Ongoing efforts to remove barriers will also be linked to a strengthened Internal Trade Secretariat, confidence-building measures, increased transparency and further reform of technical language.
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Sosnow, Clifford R., Sean Stephenson i Peter Kirby. "The Canada-European Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement and the Mining Sector: Key Issues and Opportunities". Global Trade and Customs Journal 9, Issue 6 (1.06.2014): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2014028.
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The Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the EU has the potential to be a generational 'game changer'. This potential is particularly robust for the mining sector. CETA will reduce tariffs on all mining commodities to zero, allow greater trans-Atlantic labour mobility, and access to capital and investments critical to capital intensive mining projects. Changes will not be immediate; however if CETA fulfils its potential, the benefits for Canadian and European mining companies could be considerable. While technical aspects of CETA continue to be negotiated and finalized, this article highlights publically available information at the time of writing on CETA's chapters on goods, services, investment, and the environment and how they apply to the mining sector.
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Otteburn, Kari, i Axel Marx. "A Glass Half-Empty or Half-Full? An Assessment of the Labour Provisions in the CAI from Chinese and European Perspectives". Journal of World Investment & Trade 23, nr 4 (5.08.2022): 601–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-12340262.
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Abstract The EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) presents a balancing act in labour rights protection. For the EU, labour rights protection constitutes an integral part of every trade and investment agreement it negotiates. China rarely includes labour provisions in trade and investment agreements. This article discusses current EU and Chinese approaches to integrating labour rights in trade and investment agreements, then introduces the provisions included in the proposed text of the CAI, and finally compares the proposed provisions in the CAI to the current approaches of the parties, focusing on five issues: international commitments, domestic labour regulation, dispute settlement, cooperation and stakeholder engagement. The article finds that from a European perspective, the CAI might represent a step back, while from a Chinese perspective, it might represent a step forward.
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Lilly, Meredith B. "Advancing labour mobility in trade agreements". Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 18, nr 2 (17.06.2019): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-06-2018-0025.
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Purpose Labour mobility is increasingly recognized as an important component of a globalized international trading system. This paper aims to examine the role of temporary entry commitments in international trade agreements toward facilitating global labour mobility. Design/methodology/approach This paper traces three decades of temporary entry provisions in international trade agreements signed by the USA and Canada, beginning with their bilateral Canada–US Free Trade Agreement and culminating in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Findings The paper finds that while many countries have continued to liberalize their temporary entry commitments in various trade agreements, the USA has reversed course in the previous decade, hampering international progress. Meanwhile, Canada has pursued ever greater labour mobility provisions with most of its trading partners. Practical implications The unique roles played by the USA, Canada and other trading partners in advancing a coherent international labour mobility agenda are considered. To continue to advance labour mobility in trade agreements moving forward, policy alternatives to the “all” or “nothing” approaches pursued by Canada and the USA are suggested. Originality/value To the author’s knowledge, this paper is the first to formally evaluate labour mobility in the TPP and the only paper to outline the evolution of temporary entry in the US vs Canadian trade agreements over three decades.
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Engblom, Samuel, i Åsa Odin Ekman. "Expanding the Movement of Natural Persons Through Free Trade Agreements? A Review of CETA, TPP and ChAFTA". International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 35, Issue 2 (1.06.2019): 163–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2019009.
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Researchers and international institutions have tried to solve a fundamental paradox in the politics of migration. While introducing stricter migration policy stands high on the agenda of many countries, demographic facts suggest that they will need to introduce more extensive labour immigration to avoid labour shortages. Meanwhile, attempts to introduce a legally binding international regime on labour mobility, most ambitiously through Mode 4 of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and as requested by developing countries, have had limited success. This article explores one of the political options for resolving this: regulating the movement of natural persons through free trade agreements. It examines three recently concluded free trade agreements (FTAs), the EU–Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), the China–Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), in an attempt to answer two questions. First, do the signatories commit to more expansive possibilities for labour mobility than through the GATS? Second, what has the political reception of such measures been? While most of the signatories are willing to schedule more far-reaching commitments through FTAs than through the GATS, these commitments typically fall within the realm of existing work permit systems in domestic law. In addition, we find examples of political backlash in countries that have included somewhat more ambitious mobility provisions in FTAs, particularly in Australia. These FTAs may still play a role by improving mutual recognition of skills, and limiting the impact of national reforms to restrict labour migration. However, we conclude that FTAs appear to be neither a manifestly successful instrument for significantly liberalizing labour mobility, nor an evidently desirable one. We call for a more holistic approach that refrains from temporary labour mobility programmes to meet permanent demand for labour, with respect for migrant workers’ rights at its core.
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Jurje, Flavia, i Sandra Lavenex. "Mobility Norms in Free Trade Agreements". European Journal of East Asian Studies 17, nr 1 (21.06.2018): 83–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01701005.
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Abstract Notwithstanding their traditional attachment to sovereignty, Southeast and East Asian countries have embraced a dynamic agenda of labour mobility liberalisation through trade agreements. This article assesses the free movement agenda within ASEAN from a multi-level perspective, comparing it to ASEAN countries’ corresponding commitments within the World Trade Organisation’s General Agreement on Trade in Services and Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) concluded as a group or individually with non-ASEAN countries. Contrary to other trade aspects it turns out that intra-regional commitments within ASEAN do not significantly exceed multilateral ones, and score below the level of liberalisation achieved in ASEAN+ and bilateral FTAs. This article interprets this discrepancy as a consequence of strong economic and labour market differences among ASEAN members as well as the lower sensitivity of allegedly technocratic FTAs for considerations of national sovereignty. The article concludes with the limits of this trade policy approach for migration governance and migrants’ rights.
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LLOYD, PETER. "When should new areas of rules be added to the WTO?" World Trade Review 4, nr 2 (lipiec 2005): 275–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745605002399.
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When the WTO was created as an outcome of the Uruguay Round, one of the major differences from its predecessor, the GATT, was the addition of new areas of rules of trade. The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), the Agreement on Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS), and to some extent also the Agreement on Trade-related Investment Measures (TRIMs) added sets of rules that were entirely new. By adding trade in services, the rules of the multilateral trade organization now encompass trade in all produced goods and services. The WTO rules, however, encompass neither the international movements of capital or labour, nor other non-trade policies, such as those relating to the environment, labour standards, and competition policy, with minor exceptions.
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Perulli, Adalberto. "Sustainability, Social Rights and International Trade: The TTIP". International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 31, Issue 4 (1.12.2015): 473–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2015026.
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This article analyses the prospects opened up in the social field by the negotiation on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union (EU) and United States (US), with reference to labour law and social sustainability. Trade integration between the two partners should lead to an inter-normative approach, incorporating Fundamental Social Rights into the Treaty. The author proposes the inclusion of a chapter dedicated to compliance with labour rights, containing a social clause inspired by Article 20 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), in accordance with the negotiation directives. The social clause should include references to the ILO Core Labour Standards, individual and collective labour rights, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), and the regulation in a social perspective of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).
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Viano, Emilio C. "AN AMERICAN DILEMMA: THE FLOW OF TRADE VERSUS THE FLOW OF PEOPLE IN NAFTA". Denning Law Journal 22, nr 1 (26.11.2012): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v22i1.355.
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The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994 aims at creating the legal, political, and business conditions for a freer circulation of goods, capitals and services in North America. However it gives scant attention to the mobility of workers. The basic premise of this paper is that globalisation of trade and the universal diffusion of human rights have evolved and progressed side by side, even though with difficulty and reluctantly, and that the regional liberalisation of trade must be deeply interwoven with issues related to socio-economic rights to be ultimately and durably successful. This paper’s major questions are: How does NAFTA address labour mobility? Does NAFTA neglect, oppose or support the free movement of people across its borders? Does the agreement deal with labour mobility in a clear and definite manner or does it ignore it and give it short shrift? Should NAFTA support the liberalisation of immigration within its area as a long term objective, as part of a deeper and broader regional integration, conditioned on considerable reforms by its Member States, especially Mexico’s legal system, and energy, tax and banking policies, among others? Is the free movement of people needed to be truly successful and provide economic security, survival and prosperity for its member countries in view of vastly changed economic and trade conditions since its inception? This paper first traces the history of the drafting of NAFTA. Then it examines what NAFTA means for labour mobility within the complex interaction between an economic colossus like the United States and a developing country like Mexico, also taking into account current migration trends. In this section, the paper also covers the liberalisation of the mobility of labour (albeit limited) brought about through administrative regulations. Interspersed with this there is a discussion of what should be a mutually reinforcing relationship between international free trade and social policy.
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Chanda, Rupa. "Mobility of Less-Skilled Workers under Bilateral Agreements: Lessons for the GATS". Journal of World Trade 43, Issue 3 (1.06.2009): 479–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2009020.
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Temporary cross-border movement of service providers is a form of trade in labour services. The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provides a framework for liberalizing such trade flows. There has, however, been little progress in the GATS negotiations on movement of service providers or mode 4, especially with regard to low-skilled movement. This is in contrast to several bilateral arrangements that cover low-skilled labour mobility. This article outlines the desirable characteristics of selected bilateral labour agreements that facilitate the movement of low-skilled workers. It argues that the GATS mode 4 negotiations could draw upon these desirable features to improve market access commitments for less-skilled service providers while also addressing host country sensitivities. It outlines possible ways of incorporating these features into the GATS framework of commitments and limitations.
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McNamara, Courtney, i Ronald Labonté. "Trade, Labour Markets and Health". International Journal of Health Services 47, nr 2 (26.12.2016): 277–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020731416684325.
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Previous analyses indicate that there are a number of potentially serious health risks associated with the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The objective of this work is to provide further insight into the potential health impacts of the TPP by investigating labour market pathways. The impact of the TPP on employment and working conditions is a major point of contention in broader public debates. In public health literature, these factors are considered fundamental determinants of health, yet they are rarely addressed in analyses of trade and investment agreements. We therefore undertake a prospective policy analysis of the TPP through a content analysis of the agreement’s Labour Chapter. Provisions of the Chapter are analyzed with reference to the health policy triangle and four main areas through which labour markets influence health: power relations, social policies, employment conditions and working conditions. Findings indicate that implementation of the TPP can have important impacts on health through labour market pathways. While the Labour Chapter is being presented by proponents of the agreement as a vehicle for improvement in labour standards, we find little evidence to support this view. Instead, we find several ways the TPP may weaken employment relations to the detriment of health.
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Namgoong, June. "Two Sides of One Coin: The US-Guatemala Arbitration and the Dual Structure of Labour Provisions in the CPTPP". International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 35, Issue 4 (1.12.2019): 483–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2019022.
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This article revisits and critically analyses the panel’s decision and reasoning in the dispute between the United States and Guatemala under the labour provisions of the Dominican Republic–Central America Free Trade Agreement vis-à-vis the treaty interpretation rules under the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. It further seeks to draw implications for the construction of labour provisions of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). The article sheds light on the normative and theoretical rationales that underlie tradelabour linkages in general, and the labour provisions under such free trade agreements in particular. Ultimately, the paper makes a case for the dual structure of conditionality-based labour provisions, a legal characteristic that demands that each of them pursue two different goals, first, protecting labour rights as human rights (social goal) and second, securing the condition of fair competition in trade/ investment and preventing a race to the bottom in labour regulation (economic goal). With this proposal, it attempts to put the long-overlooked, deontologically normative value that labour provisions pursue in its right place without prejudice to their role of levelling the playing field.
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Huu, Nguyen Duc. "Labour Mobility in the Asean Economic Community – A Story in Viet Nam's Sustainable Development Goals". Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, nr 11 (21.11.2023): e1747. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i11.1747.
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Purpose: This article analyzes Vietnam's sustainable development strategy when participating in the Southeast Asian Community of Nations (ASEAN) based on 3 pillars: Political-Security Community, Economic Community and Socio-Cultural Community. The admission of labour by member states participating in ASEAN's labour market will become a more cohesive political-economic entity, a community "united in diversity"; continue to be an open and important regional cooperation organization in the Asia-Pacific. Theoretical reference: The overall objective of the ASEAN Community is to build the Association into a deeper and more binding intergovernmental cooperation organization based on the legal basis of the ASEAN Charter; but not a supranational and non-closed organization that still expands cooperation with the outside. Methods: the article analyzes the factors affecting the outlook, the labour market in ASEAN has gradually transformed into an intergovernmental cooperation organization with a higher level of legal binding and deeper links but has not become a supranational organization. In that process, Vietnam's participation in the ASEAN labour market is an inevitable process of the ASEAN Economic Community. Results and conclusions: In the economic field, this is an area with important strides and is currently a driving force for accelerating the process of regional integration. Up to now, ASEAN has basically fulfilled its commitments on the formation of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), with most tariff lines having been reduced to 0-5%. ASEAN has identified 12 priority areas for early integration to further boost intra-regional trade. Intra-regional trade currently reaches about US$300 billion and accounts for about 25 per cent of ASEAN's total trade. Vietnam's participation in the ASEAN Economic Community has favorable factors and challenges. Vietnam needs to improve policies in training high-quality human resources to meet labor standards in the ASEAN Economic Community. Implications of research: The ASEAN Economic Community aims to create a single common market and unified production base, including the free flow of goods, services, investment, capital and skilled labour; thereby enhancing competitiveness and promoting shared prosperity for the whole region; making it attractive for investment – business from the outside. Viet Nam's extensive labour market participation in ASEAN will boost effectiveness in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals Originality/value: With the goal of "For an ASEAN Economic Community for Sustainable Development", the article analyzed Vietnam's participation in the ASEAN labour market.Successful integration in the labour market will help Vietnam reduce poverty rates, improve the quality of human resources and develop sustainably.
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Erauw, Gregg. "Trading Away Women’s Rights: A Feminist Critique of the Canada–Colombia Free Trade Agreement". Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 47 (2010): 161–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800009863.
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SummaryThe internal conflict in Colombia has resulted in documented violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. In particular, Colombian women and their human rights have been disproportionately impacted by the conflict. It is within this context that the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CCFTA) is being proposed, and there is serious concern that Canadian investors could perpetuate the violence or become complicit beneficiaries of human rights violations in Colombia once the CCFTA is ratified. Against this background, this article takes a feminist approach to international investment law to demonstrate that international investment agreements (IIAs) and free trade agreements with investment provisions (FTAs), such as the CCFTA, maintain and reinforce gender hierarchy to the detriment of women’s socio-economic rights, needs, and interests. By engaging in a feminist critique of the CCFTA’s provisions on non-discrimination, performance, expropriation, corporate social responsibility, reservations, investor-state arbitration, and general exceptions, as well as the labour side agreement, the ramifications of international investment law on Colombian women’s rights and women’s rights generally becomes apparent. In order to remedy these shortcomings, recommendations are made to alleviate the potential strain of international investment law and the CCFTA specifically on women’s rights.
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Grunberg, Benjamin, i Jadranka Petrovic. "Intersecting Trade, Politics and Human Rights: The Negotiation Phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement". Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 1 (1.02.2017): 67–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017004.
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This article concerns a free trade agreement (FTA) between Australia and China signed on 17 June 2015. It has been acclaimed that this agreement lays the foundation for the next phase of Australia’s economic relationship with China and predicted that it will unlock significant opportunities for Australia as China is Australia’s largest export market for both goods and services, accounting for nearly a third of total exports, and a growing source of foreign investment. However, concerns have been expressed that the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement is likely to have a number of retrogressive effects on the protection and promotion of human rights, including labour standards. This article explores differences between the free trade agreement negotiating precepts and cultures of China and Australia and the status of human rights in those negotiations, with an emphasis on understanding representative Australian attitudes. Although those negotiations are now a faint accompli, they are nevertheless of great interest. The article’s focus on the fate of human rights in the negotiation phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement from the Australian perspective, together with the dynamics and nuances of the negotiation process giving rise to the Agreement, provides timely and significant insight on the implementation process, as well as a lesson-learned for future free-trade negotiations. The article argues that human rights should not be overlooked in the negotiations that lead to a free trade agreement. The article comprises seven parts. Section 1 introduces the subject-matter. Section 2 provides a historical overview of trade relations between Australia and China. Section 3 considers the complexity of negotiations between the two States and their different expectations and approaches. Section 4 outlines Australia’s major international human rights obligations including labour standards. Section 5 highlights specific human rights concerns raised in Australia during the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement negotiations. Section 6 observes other States’ approaches to human rights issues when negotiating their FTAs with China. Section 7 concludes that robust safeguards must be embedded and that a close consideration should be given to the implementation process, including the ex post human rights impact assessment of the Australia- China Free Trade Agreement.
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Yersh, Valeryia. "INTERNATIONAL AND REGIONAL CAPITAL MOBILITY IN LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES". Technological and Economic Development of Economy 28, nr 2 (12.01.2022): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/tede.2022.15912.
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This study examines the role of global, regional and domestic saving for domestic investment financing in the panel of Latin American and Caribbean countries along with its three regional integration blocks, namely SICA, Andean Community and MERCOSUR. Panel regression and rolling-window estimation results reveal that global saving is the main source of domestic investment financing in the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, SICA, Andean Community and MERCOSUR. The role of domestic and regional savings is rather limited, implying that there are weak regional and domestic channels that can funnel domestic and regional savings into investment in the analysed samples. The importance of regional agreement saving is insignificant and decreases over the analysed period except for the Andean Community. The results indicate low financial integration of the member-countries within the three regional trade agreements.
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Kiselbach, Daniel. "The Canada EU Free Trade Agreement Demystified: New Opportunities for Trade, Investment and Government Procurement". Global Trade and Customs Journal 9, Issue 2 (1.02.2014): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2014007.
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The Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) 'agreement in principle' was signed on 18 October 2013 by Prime Minister Harper and European President Jose Manuel Barroso. On 29 October 2013, the Prime Minister tabled a report on CETA and hailed it as: 'the biggest deal ever concluded by Canada'. If it is not the biggest deal, it is certainly a big deal. CETA provides a variety of trade, investment and government procurement opportunities to Canadian and EU businesses which are expected to pay dividends for years to come. CETA will provide Canada with access to the twenty-eight member EU, which has over 500 million consumers, and CDN 17 trillion in annual economic activity. It will remove 98% of EU import tariffs on goods originating from Canada (e.g., aerospace parts, agricultural products, automobiles, beef and bison, chemicals, dairy products, forest products, fruits and vegetables, grains and oils, industrial machinery, iron and steel, IT equipment, medical equipment, metals, minerals, plastic products, and seafood products). CETA could boost Canada's annual income by CDN 12 billion, create 80,000 jobs, and result in a 20% annual increase in bilateral trade. Once CETA is ratified, Canada will have preferential trade agreements with countries having 53% of global GDP (approximately CDN 36.4 trillion), and a trade advantage over the USA. The EU expects CETA to result in duty savings of approximately CDN 700 million. CETA will remove Canadian import tariffs on goods including automobiles, some cheeses, industrial machinery, seafood products, and wine and spirits. European exporters will save three times as much in annual duty payments as Canadian exporters. Canadian businesses and consumers stand to benefit if retailers and exporters pass on duty savings to them. At present Canada is the EU's fourth largest source of investment, and the EU's twelfth largest export market. CETA is not just a free trade agreement. It addresses issues such as services and investment; government procurement; intellectual property; dispute settlement; sustainable development, the environment; immigration and labour. This ambitious agreement will create business opportunities for a large number of sectors including: advanced manufacturing; the automotive industry; chemicals and plastics; agriculture and agri-food; food processing; metals and mineral products; fish and seafood products; information and communications technology; services; investment and government procurement. Within an improved regulatory environment under CETA, Canadian and EU businesses will be able to forge new alliances, and access new markets.
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Vaccaro-Incisa, G. Matteo, i Wojciech Giemza. "Economic Integration via Novel Investment Agreements: CAI’s Focus on Market Access vis-à-vis the Current Bilateral Investment Treaties Between China and European Union Member States". Journal of World Investment & Trade 23, nr 4 (5.08.2022): 521–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-12340259.
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Abstract The EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) features limited substantive ‘traditional’ guarantees for foreign investors but contains original liberalization commitments that go beyond the otherwise common ‘admission’ promise, or the less common ‘establishment’ commitment, to regulate ‘market access’ – a unicorn in the field. By focusing on this aspect, the analysis makes reference to a) the current legal and policy framework of both EU and China, b) their respective international investment agreement (IIA) policies, and c) the bilateral investment treaties between China and EU member States. The CAI reveals a sui generis character as, in addition to its novel focus, it consolidates the EU tendency to drawing from other fields, including trade law, environmental law, labour law, sustainable development, and public international law. Considering CAI’s departure from established models, and its specific scope and context, the agreement may not contribute significantly to the development of the design and evolution of substantive rights afforded to foreign investors in IIAs.
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Gruni, Giovanni. "Law or Aspiration? The European Union Proposal for a Labour Standards Clause in the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership". Legal Issues of Economic Integration 43, Issue 4 (1.11.2016): 399–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2016022.
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On the 6th of November 2015 the European Commission unveiled a proposal for the inclusion in the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) of a clause dedicated to sustainable development which also refers to several international labour law instruments. The European Commission defined the proposal as ‘the most ambitious provisions ever put forward on these issues to any trading partner’. The claimed main purpose of the operation is to ensure that high standards for labour are upheld both in the European Union (EU) and the United States. This short contribution challenges this institutional understanding of the clause highlighting several substantive weaknesses of the proposal. The article shows that the TTIP proposal contains considerably fewer labour standards than what EU Member States have to respect under public international law. In addition, the clause presents some legal weaknesses which limit its capacity to uphold labour standards among the parties to the agreement.
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Bui Thi Ngoc, Lan, i Hang Tran Thuy. "The Hybrid Approach to the Free Flow of Skilled Labour in ASEAN: Analysis and Implications". Legal Issues of Economic Integration 50, Issue 4 (1.11.2023): 415–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2023026.
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The free flow of skilled labour, business persons, and talents (referred to as skilled labour) is considered as one of the elements contributing to the foundation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) Economic Community (AEC). The facilitation of ASEAN’s free flow of skilled labour is arguably unsuccessful because ASEAN members have preserved many constraints on the mobility of skilled workers. This research aims to analyse the hybrid approach to the free flow of skilled labour in ASEAN, which combines the liberalization of the movement of natural persons and qualification harmonization in accordance with the ASEAN Framework Agreement on Services (AFAS), ASEAN Trade in Services Agreement, ASEAN Agreement on Natural Persons, Mutual Recognition Arrangements (MRAs), and ASEAN Qualification Reference Framework). The authors conceptualize the hybrid approach to the free flow of skilled labour in ASEAN to more effectively implement the regional provisions on the free flow of skilled and analyse its appropriateness and limitations. The research concludes that, for the long-term goal of upgrading the skills of ASEAN’s workforce, the hybrid approach is appropriate to ASEAN’s regional labour integration, under the principle of non-interference and the status of shortage of skilled labour. The authors propose several implications for ASEAN’s Member States to take advantage of the hybrid approach, maximize opportunities and reduce impediments from the impacts of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and the ‘job polarization’ phenomenon. Free flow of skilled labour, ASEAN, hybrid approach, brain circulation, job polarization, MNP, MRA, AQRF
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Davies, Haydn. "Investor-State Dispute Settlement and the Future of the Precautionary Principle". British Journal of American Legal Studies 5, nr 2 (1.12.2016): 449–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2016-0016.
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Abstract The proliferation of bilateral investment treaties and investment chapters in trade megatreaties and the associated increase in the preference of investors for investor-state dispute settlement has given rise to concerns that the regulatory sovereignty of both developed and developing states might be compromised. In response to these concerns many trade agreements (including the recently concluded Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement between the European Union (EU) and Canada) have incorporated provisions designed to protect the regulatory sovereignty of nation states, especially in relation to labour standards, public health, phytosanitary and environmental protection. This paper examines the nature and scope of environmental protection measures in investment chapters and attempts to analyse the extent to which these measures will, in practice, prevent challenges by investors seeking to chill or prevent environmental regulations which might threaten their investments. The analysis concentrates particularly on measures based on the precautionary principle and uses the current EU restrictions on neonicotinoid pesticides as a case study. The paper concludes that the measures included in investment chapters designed to prevent such challenges by investors will not necessarily achieve the desired level of protection for environmental regulatory sovereignty.
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Claxton, James M. "Litigating, Arbitrating and Mediating Japan–Korea Trade and Investment Tensions". Journal of World Trade 54, Issue 4 (1.08.2020): 591–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2020026.
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In July 2019, Japan introduced measures tightening export restrictions to South Korea on three chemicals critical to the manufacture of consumer electronics. The restrictions prompted an animated response by the Korean government that has included WTO consultations and threats to terminate an intelligence-sharing agreement with Japan. Meanwhile, the controversy has filtered down to the public with boycotts of Japanese products in Korea. Tension between the states has been unusually high since late 2018 when the Korean Supreme Court affirmed a judgment against Japanese companies accused of forcing Korean nationals to labour for them during Japan’s colonial rule. Japan argues that such claims are precluded by a 1965 treaty normalizing post-war relations. While Japan states that its trade restrictions were not motivated by the judgment, the disputes have together contributed to the worst breakdown in cross-border relations in five decades. This article evaluates Korea’s trade claims against Japan, means of resolving them, and the challenges that the claims face in the WTO dispute settlement system. The article also considers claims from the Japanese side through the International Court of Justice (ICJ), inter-state arbitration, and investor-state dispute settlement. We conclude that formal mediation offers an effective means to facilitate negotiations and centralize the WTO and other treaty disputes in a single forum involving multiple stakeholders. WTO, Japan, Korea, ISDS, mediation, arbitration, export, international trade law, investment treaties
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Krasniqi, Besnik, Jasmina Ahmetbasić i Will Bartlett. "Foreign Direct Investment and Backward Spillovers in the Western Balkans". Southeastern Europe 46, nr 1 (3.05.2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-46010001.
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Abstract This article investigates how regional supply chains support the Western Balkans’ economic growth. It first identifies the role of the cefta free trade agreement in expanding the size of the local market and opening up regional trading opportunities. It recounts how the larger market and specific industrial policies have attracted foreign direct investment (fdi) to the region in recent years. It analyses how these two factors have combined to generate export-led growth in the region and have brought about substantial structural changes within these economies. The article argues that to take continued advantage of the success in trade liberalisation and fdi attraction, policymakers should pay special attention to promoting backward spillovers by promoting linkages between local small and middle sized enterprise (sme) supplier firms and the newly arrived multi national corporations embedded into global value chains. Policies should be adopted which build the capacity of local sme suppliers within regional supply chains, both in terms of labour force skills and technological upgrades. The EU’s recently launched Economic and Investment Plan for the Western Balkans and the activities of the Western Balkan Six Chamber Investment Forum may support such policies.
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Collins, David. "Standing the Test of Time: The Level Playing Field and Rebalancing Mechanism in the UK–EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA)". Journal of International Dispute Settlement 12, nr 4 (13.10.2021): 617–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jnlids/idab023.
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ABSTRACT This article explores the dispute settlement elements of the UK–European Union Trade and Cooperation Agreement’s (TCA) novel Level Playing Field (LPF) rebalancing obligations, consisting of a requirement not to lower standards in areas of labour, the environment and subsidy policy such that an adverse material impact results to trade or investment flows between the parties. The test for violations of these provisions is narrowly framed, requiring strong evidence of significant harms and carefully calibrated retaliation. The system contemplates several avenues of dispute settlement including unilateral ex ante retaliation which may be levied against another sector. The article suggests that the substantive and procedural features of the TCA’s LPF mechanism affords reasonably wide opportunity for parties to practice regulatory divergence while evincing a commitment to shared values.
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Gajić, Aleksandar. "ECONOMIC TRENDS IN THE REGION OF SOUTHEAST EUROPE AND THE SPECIFICITY OF THE CEFTA AGREEMENT". Nauka i tehnologija 11, nr 2 (30.12.2023): 114–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.58952/nit20231102114.
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<p><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">Economic collaboration among Southeast European countries and the establishment of free trade with the European Union are seen as potential drivers for regional development. However, given the region's intricate political landscape and historical challenges, achieving these objectives faces hurdles stemming from political and historical complexities. In an effort to fortify regional ties, the European Union has provided support through mechanisms such as Bilateral Free Trade Agreements, Generalized Trade Preferences, and the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) of 2006. Since the inception of the CEFTA agreement in 2006, the Free Trade Agreement has emerged as a pivotal catalyst in enhancing international trade in Southeastern Europe. It has played a crucial role in fostering economic integration, streamlining trade processes, boosting regional trade volumes, and establishing a cohesive economic zone that appeals to foreign direct investors and facilitates the mobility of professional service providers. Over the past fifteen years, intra-regional trade has experienced significant growth, accompanied by a rising proportion of trade occurring within the region. The liberalization of trade within CEFTA has not only stimulated market competition but has also spurred integration across various sectors and industries in the region. Furthermore, it has acted as a catalyst for foreign direct investment, both from external sources and within the region itself.</span></p>
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Gajić, Aleksandar. "ECONOMIC TRENDS IN THE REGION OF SOUTHEAST EUROPE AND THE SPECIFICITY OF THE CEFTA AGREEMENT". Nauka i tehnologija 11, nr 2 (30.12.2023): 118–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.58952/nit20231102118.
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<p><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">Economic collaboration among Southeast European countries and the establishment of free trade with the European Union are seen as potential drivers for regional development. However, given the region's intricate political landscape and historical challenges, achieving these objectives faces hurdles stemming from political and historical complexities. In an effort to fortify regional ties, the European Union has provided support through mechanisms such as Bilateral Free Trade Agreements, Generalized Trade Preferences, and the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) of 2006. Since the inception of the CEFTA agreement in 2006, the Free Trade Agreement has emerged as a pivotal catalyst in enhancing international trade in Southeastern Europe. It has played a crucial role in fostering economic integration, streamlining trade processes, boosting regional trade volumes, and establishing a cohesive economic zone that appeals to foreign direct investors and facilitates the mobility of professional service providers. Over the past fifteen years, intra-regional trade has experienced significant growth, accompanied by a rising proportion of trade occurring within the region. The liberalization of trade within CEFTA has not only stimulated market competition but has also spurred integration across various sectors and industries in the region. Furthermore, it has acted as a catalyst for foreign direct investment, both from external sources and within the region itself.</span></p>
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Setiawati, Wenny. "THE PROSPECT OF CHANNELING DISPUTE BETWEEN LABOUR AND FOREIGN INVESTOR". PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH 6, nr 1 (1.04.2021): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v6i1.113.
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The recent trend of international investment agreement (IIA) is the termination of bilateral investment treaties, although on the other direction, free trade agreement with investment chapter is growing in numbers. Most of the reason of the termination is because of the unbalance position between two parties in the agreement. Added to the problem is the investor-state dispute resolution which made possible for the investor to bring claim to the host state government. The IIA was constructed to provide a protection for the investor from unfair treatment from the host country, however in the end the one who treated unfairly was the host country. The multinationals corporation, as prominent actors in global FDI, changed the way of production chain which then substituted their presence within the host country and replaced it by a third-party for supplying the MNC’s need. Many cases regarding violations of labour rights happened because of this production chain model. However, the MNCs denied the responsibility and argued that the supplier should take the responsibility based on the production chain model. This paper will explain on why IIA is not an effective channel to solve labour dispute and that National Contact Point established by OECD as one of options available for this type of dispute.
Abstrak: Trend perjanjian investasi internasional pada saat ini adalah banyaknya negara yang kemudian menterminasi perjanjian investasi yang mereka pernah buat, walaupun di sisi lain perjanjian perdagangan bebas yang mengandung ketentuan investasi semakin bertambah. Alasan terbanyak dari terminasi perjanjian ini adalah karena tidak seimbangnya kedudukan dari kedua belah pihak dalam perjanjian. Satu hal yang juga dianggap masalah adalah dengan adanya penyelesaian sengketa investor dan negara yang memungkinkan bagi investor untuk menggugat pemerintah dari negara tempat investasi itu dilakukan. Perjanjian investasi internasional memang dikonstruksikan untuk memberikan perlindungan bagi investor dari perlakuan yang tidak adil pemerintah negara tempat investasi dilakukan, tetapi pada akhirnya negaralah yang menjadi korban. Perusahaan multinasional sebagai pemain utama dalam investasi global, mengubah rantai produksi dimana mereka sebelumnya memiliki perusahaan pada negara tempat investasi dilakukan, menjadi pihak ketiga untuk memasok kebutuhan perusahan multinasional ini. Banyak kasus pelanggaran hak tenaga kerja akibat dari model rantai produksi ini. Tetapi perusahaan nasional kemudian menolak untuk bertanggung jawab dan berargumen bahwa pemasok lah yang seharusnya bertanggung jawab didasarkan pada model rantai produksi yang mereka lakukan. Artikel ini akan menjelaskan kenapa perjanjian investasi internasional bukanlah saluran yang tepat untuk menyelesaikan permasalahan tenaga kerja dan bahwa National Contact Point yang didirikan oleh OECD adalah satu pilihan untuk penyelesaian sengketa ini.
Kata Kunci: Penyaluran Sengketa, Investor Internasional, Hukum Ketenagakerjaan
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Babalola, Wasiu A., i Oluwatemilorun Adenipekun. "International Economic Law in an Era of Multiple Crises: Opportunities and Challenges for Africa in the wake of AFCFTA". International Journal of Research and Scientific Innovation X, nr XI (2023): 492–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.51244/ijrsi.2023.1011041.
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Free trade agreements have been known to have numerous benefits, especially from an economic point of view. However, it has been argued that for them to be deemed successful, they ought to address challenges within the socioeconomic and by extension political environment, among others. The Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) was launched in 2018 and ratified in 2019. Regrettably, the AfCFTA arrived at a time when Africa was economically and politically unstable amid covid-19 prevalence; with conflict and economic insecurity have exacerbated the lack of development in the continent. The challenges for growth and opportunities on the continent come in many forms; but for the limitations of this paper on covid-19 and child’s rights as among the crisis facing AfCFTA within international economic law perspectives viz-a-viz the objectives of the AfCFTA to its future perspectives to respond to these different challenges. AfCFTA will create a single market for goods, services and movement of persons within the continent. The AfCFTA Agreement adds to the adoption in 2016 of a Pan-African Investment Code (PAIC) – the first continent-wide model investment agreement whose objective is to foster coherence and consistency regarding the rules and principles that govern investment protection, promotion and facilitation in Africa. This cross-border trade will grow as the continent reaps the benefits of closer regional cooperation. These increased cross-border trades could exacerbate ongoing challenges like child marriage, commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC), and child trafficking. Also, increased trade and the associated expansion of economic opportunities could push children out of school and into further engagement in child labour within an environment of poorly enforced child labour laws. The descriptive and analytical frameworks adopted for this paper consider pathways through which the AfCFTA had faced its challenges and opportunities abound. The descriptive approach was adopted in the covid-19 effects on AfCFTA while the analytical approach reviews the enforcement of domestic policies as well as international standards in determining the protection of girls, young women and children in AfCFTA trade activities participation. The findings observed that dueto limited child-care opportunities, some young women have to go to work with their children who are in turn (especially young girls) exposed to exploitation and sexual overtones. There is no uniform or strict enforcement of legislations regarding travelling with children across borders, and this can increase the threat of child trafficking as itis not easy to establish the parents of the child due to the absence of easily verifiable official documentation, except for Rwanda with strictly enforced legislations regarding travelling with children across the border. Despite these issues, the paper concludes that AfCFTA remains a significant and enhanced frameworks for deepening intra-African trade relations and maintaining political stabilities within the continent. It does show how African states navigated the covid-19 crisis and the opportunities of addressing child’s rights in the hope of contributing to the success of the AfCFTA. Finally, the paper asserts that Africa is ready for a free trade agreement by employing a qualitative research approach and reviewing current literature.
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Sanga, Dimitri, Ehouman Williams Venance Ahouakan i N'goran Assigno Frejus Adje. "Institutional Quality and Labour Productivity: Evidence from the Economic Community of West African States Countries". Journal of Economic Integration 37, nr 3 (15.09.2022): 540–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2022.37.3.540.
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This study investigates how institutional quality influences labor productivity in West Africa. Thus, a panel of 15 Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) member states over the period 2005-2017 was considered. The panel was analyzed for the primary, secondary, and tertiary sectors. For the empirical analysis, a panel fixed effect regression was conducted based on a neoclassical framework. Results show that institutional quality improvement is overall associated with higher levels of productivity, regardless of the sector. Some specificities were also observed at the sectoral levels. Furthermore, the econometric analysis reconfirms a positive effect of investment and human capital on productivity. Therefore, improving institutional quality would be helpful for productivity growth in this sub-region. This event could enable ECOWAS member states to reap greater benefits from the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area agreement.
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Baldwin, Robert E. "What's at Stake for the LDCs, Now that the Uruguay Round Talks have been Suspended? (The Distinguishedl Lecture)". Pakistan Development Review 30, nr 4I (1.12.1991): 579–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v30i4ipp.579-599.
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Until negotiations collapsed in early December, the Uruguay Round gave promise of being the most significant multilateral trade negotiation since 1947, when the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GA TI) was implemented and tariffs levels of the industrial countries were sharply cut. There are at least three reasons for this conclusion. First, by agreeing at the outset to bring both agriculture and textiles under GATT discipline, the participants created the opportunity for both rich and poor agricultural exporting nations and relatively low-wage, newly industrializing LDCs to benefit significantly from GATT-sponsored trade negotiations. Prior to the Uruguay Round, the benefits to these countries of such negotiations had been limited, since these two sectors were excluded from any significant liberalization. Second, by agreeing to formulate new rules relating to trade in services, trade-related aspects of· intellectual property rights, and trade-related investment issues, members took an important step in modernizing the GATT. As economic globalization has accelerated, there is a growing realization that arms-length merchandise transactions, the traditional concern of the GATT, are only one aspect of the real-side economic relations of current concern to national policy-makers and the economic interests they represent Now international commercial activities also involve merchandise trade among multinational firms and their foreign affiliates, international trade in services among independent agents as well as among affiliated enterprises, foreign direct investment activities, production nf goods and services in foreign affiliates for sale either abroad or at home, international flows of technology, and temporary movements of labour across borders. Although the so-called new issues in the Uruguay Round do not cover all of these matters, they go a considerable way in making the GATT more relevant for dealing with the problems of increasing internationalization.
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Adlung, Rudolf, i Hamid Mamdouh. "Plurilateral Trade Agreements: An Escape Route for the WTO?" Journal of World Trade 52, Issue 1 (1.02.2018): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2018005.
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Due to the persistent stalemate in the WTO ’ s Doha Round negotiations, various smaller-scale options have drawn attention in recent years, including the negotiation of plurilateral agreements (PAs) among interested governments. There are essentially two types of such agreements, an exclusive and an open variant. While the former apply among the signatories only, the latter are implemented on a Most-favoured-Nation (MFN) basis. To preclude ‘ free riding ’ , the entry into force of such open PAs is usually conditioned on the participation of a ‘ critical mass ’ of countries, representing market shares of some 80% or more – quite a challenging benchmark. To promote more frequent use of PAs, given the plethora of pressing policy concerns, whether investment-, competition- or labour-related, the negotiation of exclusive agreements is being (re-)considered in current discussions. However, the entry into force of any non-MFN-based agreement would need to be accepted by consensus among all 160-odd WTO Members, and this may prove virtually impossible to achieve. This article thus proposes, based on past experience, to further explore the potential for open PAs among interested Members in the form of co-ordinated improvements of current commitments or, if not covered by the existing WTO framework, by way of ‘ WTOextra ’ understandings.
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Maku, Olukayode, Olorunfemi Alimi i Fidelis Ogwumike. "Transmission Mechanism of Globalization and Its Impact on Human Welfare Development in Sub-Saharan African Countries". Izvestiya Journal of the University of Economics - Varna 65, nr 1 (25.03.2021): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36997/ijuev2021.65.1.45.
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The increased intensity of globalization across borders integrated the sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries into the world economy as shown by the increasing degree of trade openness (from 55.4% in 1980–1984 to 65.6% in 2000–2015) and foreign direct investment as a percentage of GDP (from 0.3% in 1980–1984 to 2.85% in 2000–2015). The quality of life of the people in the region improved marginally regarding access to basic needs. However, the effects of globalization on access to basic needs such as water, sanitation, healthcare services have received little attention. Thus, this study investigates the impact of globalization on human welfare in sixteen SSA countries over the period 1980-2015. Using a panel fixed effect approach, the findings revealed that globalization through its various channels (trade openness, capital and financial flows and labour mobility and information technology), improves human welfare indicators in sub-Saharan Africa. However, the low level of good governance in the region deteriorates the development of human wellbeing. Thus, there is a need to improve the quality of overnance to enhance the welfare of the people through global interactions.
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Lytvyn, O. "FOREIGN TRADE ACTIVITY OF UKRAINE WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF SIGNING OF «FTA+» WITH THE EU AND FTA WITH THE CIS". ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 1, nr 127 (2016): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2016.127.1.116-127.
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This article deals with the prospects, possible risks and threats of deep and comprehensive free trade area («FTA+») between Ukraine and the EU. Features of foreign economic activity of Ukraine within the framework of FTA with the CIS are also considered in the article. A detailed analysis of the foreign trade statement and regional pattern of exports and imports of Ukraine is presented for the last few years. The key difference between «FTA+» with the EU and classic free trade areas is determined. Risks of the external economic collaboration of Ukraine with the European countries are described after intensifying of the conflict between Ukraine and Russian Federation. Reasons of suspension of the Free trade agreement between Russia and Ukraine are marked. It operated within the framework of FTA with the CIS, trade and economic collaboration between the countries until the abolition of a free trade with Ukraine by Russian Federation. The consequences of the European technical and phytosanitary standards, substantial diminishing of export and import duties and measures related to the preparation of internal market to «FTA+» are analysed for Ukraine. The form of «FTA+» is found out, which foresees the reduction and liquidation of trade barriers within the framework of a free trade regime. It doesn’t deal only with liberalization of bilateral commodity trade but such spheres, as: trade in services, regime of foreign direct investment, public purchasing and labour force movement. The form of «FTA+» also foresees a wide adaptation program of economic and sectoral legislation of Ukraine to the norms and standards of the EU that will allow removing of nontariff barriers for domestic exports to internal market of the EU.
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Devadason, Evelyn S., i Thirunaukarasu Subramaniam. "International capital inflows and labour immigration". International Journal of Social Economics 43, nr 12 (5.12.2016): 1420–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-03-2015-0062.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between inward foreign direct investment (FDI) and unskilled immigrants for a panel of 23 manufacturing industries in Malaysia, spanning the period 1985-2009. Design/methodology/approach The paper establishes the causal FDI-immigrant links within a multivariate model framework for the period 2000-2009, and in a univariate context for 1985-1999 and 1985-2009. Findings Based on heterogeneous panel cointegration tests, there is a long-run equilibrium between inward FDI, unskilled migrant share, output growth, export intensity and market concentration. The long-run cointegrating coefficient based on the fully modified least squares estimator suggests the presence of unskilled migrant workers a significant location determinant for inward FDI for the first sub-period and the overall period. The results of the panel vector error correction model further attest to causal links between unskilled migrant worker presence and inward FDI in the short- and long run. Bidirectional causality between inward capital and labour flows is present in the first sub-period and unidirectional causal links from unskilled migrants to inward FDI is evident for the overall period. Research limitations/implications The observed FDI-immigration (unskilled) links in manufacturing support the argument that inward FDI is induced by unskilled migration. The study reveals that unskilled immigration increases FDI inflows or rather “capital chases labour” in terms of international factor mobility. Practical implications This has profound implications for public policy as the government seeks to reduce its dependence on migrant workers. Policy coordination is therefore needed between regulating inflows of foreign capital and foreign labour so that implemented policies do not pull in different directions and undermine Malaysia’s attractiveness as a destination for FDI. Originality/value The large presence of unskilled migrants, an intrinsic characteristic (based on the new trade theory that includes factor endowments) of Malaysia, seems to be largely ignored when explaining FDI inflows to manufacturing, particularly so when the siting of MNCs in this sector have traditionally been in light scale manufacturing.
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Bertone, Santina, i Gerard Griffin. "Immigrant Female Workers and Australian Trade Unions". Articles 50, nr 1 (12.04.2005): 117–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050994ar.
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One of the main goals of employment equity programmes is to increase the occupational mobility of women so that they may enter non traditional jobs. Although on-the-job training has always been considered a major tool for increasing occupational mobility, it has received very little consideration in employment equity programmes. This article identifies the major aspects of women's participation in on-the-job training programmes and proposes ways to bridge the gap between these programmes and employment equity. The first section of the article examines the current situation of women in the labour market. According to the most recent statistics, occupational segregation as well as the wage gap between males and females are still quite significant. Studies of employment equity programmes show that progress has, in general, been slow. Among the reasons given for these results are a lack of integration of employment equity programmes and employers' human resource management strategies, particularly as regards on-the-job training. In the second section we examine data depicting different aspects of women workers' participation in on-the-job training. The data originate from a wide variety of sources and show that women are disadvantaged relative to men along several dimensions, including: participation rates; duration and intensity of training; and financing. Explanations for these discrepancies are discussed in the following two sections which deal respectively with access to and outcomes of on-the-job training for women workers. An initial factor that may explain the lower participation rate of women is the fact that employers tend to offer on-the-job training to workers in qualified jobs. In this context, women's jobs are usually considered as less qualified and studies show that there is an under-investment in human capital in jobs such as clerical work where women are concentrated. Another factor that comes into play is the relation between on-the-job training and an employee's real or anticipated stability in the enterprise. Although women's periods of absence from the labour market for family reasons are much shorter now than before, they are still perceived as less attached to their jobs. It has been shown, for instance, that women with young children are less likely to be offered training by their employers. Another characteristic of women's jobs that negatively affects their participation in training is the fact that they are over-represented in areas of marginal employment such as part-time work. Employers tend to offer less training to these employees because they are considered less motivated and less productive. Finally, the positive relation that has been shown to exist between size of firm and the incidence of training may equally have an adverse impact since women are over-represented in small and mediumsized firms. Even if employers modify their practices in order to give women access to training for non-traditional jobs, some barriers can still limit positive outcomes. These barriers may exist during or after training. For instance, for reasons arising from education or the traditional nature of their job experience, women are less familiar with basic technical skills. Studies have shown that the chances of women remaining in and successfully completing these programmes are improved if, prior to training, they receive some technical or scientific instruction in areas such as refresher mathematics or technical vocabulary. Positive attitudes and awareness on the part of trainers are also important factors in avoiding discouragement and withdrawal from the programme by women workers. Finally, once training is over, occupational mobility may not necessarily follow for various reasons such as bias of supervisors against women entrants in non traditional jobs or a lack of seniority. The analysis presented in this article proposes a comprehensive framework for studying women's participation in on-the-job training programmes. One of the main features of the analysis is to demonstrate the interactions between a large number of variables. The next step is to improve our knowledge of this situation through use of a more comprehensive statistical data base, and through case studies. Given the fact that hiring has considerably slowed down for cyclical as well as structural reasons, promotions into non-traditional jobs will probably become the main avenue for employment equity, hence the importance of on-the-job training for women workers.
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Kanungo, Anil Kumar. "Regional Integration in Services in South Asia". International Studies 55, nr 2 (kwiecień 2018): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718790891.
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Regional integration in South Asia remains a distant priority for South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation countries. In the area of services, this region offers a great potential. This article aims to examine the opportunities that exist in services and analyses the constraints that impede regional integration in services in South Asia. It highlights the gamut of scope and benefits that can be accrued from this regional integration in services provided certain constraints such as regulatory, infrastructural, institutional and business-related constraints are addressed adequately. The article argues that the region throws up several political and economic challenges which merit immediate attention to further the cause of integration of services. It identifies intraregional mobility, trade facilitation and investment opportunities as the key drivers of regional integration. Sectors such as tourism and health care have huge potential. Intervention from governments of all member countries in specific sectors like tourism is crucial to realize the goal. The article argues for an open, broad-based, flexible regional services agreement, which takes a liberal approach to services integration. It is important that regulatory harmonization, liberal investment policies, willingness towards free movement of natural persons and political will of high order are encouraged to seek such integration in services.
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Coram, Brucetalbot. "Structural Dependence: A Simple Marxian Analysis of the Limits to Redistribution with International Capital Transfers". British Journal of Political Science 24, nr 1 (styczeń 1994): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006839.
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States in liberal democracies are said to be structurally dependent on the decisions of private investors in the sense that governments do not directly control the level of investment and economic growth. The general consensus amongst Marxian political economists and neo-classical economists is that this imposes restrictions on the scope of the redistributive policies that governments can pursue. It is also frequently argued that these restrictions are increased with international capital mobility because of the threat or reality of capital flight. The McCracken Report noted this link between capital mobility and restrictions on government as early as 1977. It warned that some governments appeared to have ‘overrated their scope for independent action’ and they had paid insufficient attention to the consequences of ‘capital flight’. Since then, both the rate of capital mobility and the severity of these restrictions have probably increased. In the 1970s, capital outflows from the thirteen leading industrial countries averaged $52 billion per annum. In 1989 they averaged $444 billion. The problems that this presents to governments attempting to make transfers from capital to labour have been described in considerable detail and there is an extensive formal literature in trade theory that deals with capital transfers. There is also some work on strategies for social democratic governments wishing to minimize capital losses. The main gap in this literature, however, is that some of the fundamental political, or ‘democratic choice’, aspects of these problems are not well understood. In particular, little is known about the optimum rate of taxation for a government attempting to maximize workers' consumption out of profits. The purpose of this Note is to contribute towards such an analysis.
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Horská, Elena, Serhiy Moroz, Zuzana Poláková, Ľudmila Nagyová i Ihor Paska. "Evaluation of interaction between chosen indicators of development of regions in Ukraine". Equilibrium 14, nr 2 (30.06.2019): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/eq.2019.016.
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Research background: In recent years, special attention has been given to the research direction regarding the study of economic, social, and demographic aspects of regional development. This direction is especially important for transition countries, including Ukraine. Despite that, there is a lack of research studies in which interdependencies of economic and demographic indicators of Ukraine’s regions are investigated.
Purpose of the article: The paper assesses the relationships between the selected indicators of Ukrainian regions (export of goods per capita, foreign direct investment per capita, and the average resident population) and gross regional product per capita.
Methods: Research results were compared in the periods before and during the military conflict in the eastern part of the country, based on regional data for 2010 and 2015. We used a multiple linear econometric model and tested multicollinearity.
Findings & Value added: The analysis confirms that there is a positive correlation between export of goods and gross regional product and between foreign direct investment and gross regional product. That is why it is necessary to pay attention to the effective use of existing trade opportunities, especially within the framework of the Ukraine — EU Association Agreement, and to elaborate directions for further expansion of export activities. It is important to provide simpler and more understandable conditions in order to attract foreign investments in Ukrainian regions.
Our study also shows that there is no influence of the average resident population on gross regional product. In many aspects, the interaction between demographic and economic components takes place through the labour market. This situation indicates that insufficient attention is given to regional employment issues, and the quantitative and structural imbalance is observed on the labour market at the regional level. In our opinion, to improve the situation, targeted activities should be elaborated on in the frame of regional development programmes.
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Lee, Andrew. "Die ökonomische Bedeutung des Brexits". Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftspolitik 73, nr 1 (1.05.2024): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfwp-2024-2003.
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Abstract On January 1, 2021, Great Britain (England, Scotland and Wales) left the EU single market and customs union. Although the Trade and Cooperation Agreement between the UK and EU ensures that no tariffs or quotas are to be imposed on traded goods, there are still numerous non-tariff barriers to trade. These added a significant layer of trade complexity that did not exist pre-Brexit and it was thus inevitable that there would be ramifications for the UK economy. Carefully judging this impact is a complicated task, however, as a counterfactual must be used: how would the UK economy have fared if it were still in the EU? This difficulty is exacerbated by two other highly significant events affecting the UK economy at the same time, namely the Covid-19 pandemic and the Ukraine war. Disentangling Brexit from all this and deciding what is and is not a Brexit effect makes the evaluation thereof difficult. Nevertheless, there have been a number of studies published that have attempted such a task. UK-EU trade is widely judged to have taken a significant hit due to Brexit, with smaller firms producing a limited range of products being affected the most. The consensus view is that Brexit has also had a negative impact on UK investment levels and GDP, with the latter judged to be approximately 6 % lower than if the UK had stayed in the EU. In the long run, the UK economy may benefit from more skilled foreign labour due to the post-Brexit immigration rules. Nevertheless, any positive effects are likely to be outweighed by the non-tariff barriers in UK-EU trade, acting as a deterrent in exploiting comparative advantage and widely seen as being the main drag on UK productivity.
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Maku, Olukayode Emmanuel, Bolaji Adesola Adesoye, Awoyemi Olayiwola Babasanya i Oluwaseyi Adedayo Adelowokan. "COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF GLOBALISATION ON HUMAN WELFARE IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA". Scientific Journal of Polonia University 30, nr 5 (29.10.2018): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/3002.
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The world has become more linked owing to the increased intensity of globalisation across regions. Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has become more relatively integrated into the world economy as shown by increasing degree of trade openness and foreign direct investment. Over the same period, quality of life of people in SSA in terms of access to basic necessity, monetary and non-monetary indices of poverty have been on the declining trend. This study adopted endogenous growth theory in analysing the comparative effects of globalisation between the highly and weakly globalised economies in SSA countries. Four channels of transmission of impact of globalisation were considered: trade openness, financial and capital flows labour mobility and access to telephone. Data for 16 SSA countries – 8 weakly globalised and 8 strongly globalised countries based on KOF globalisation index, were sourced from the world Development indicator for the period of 1980-2012. The feasible generalised least square (GLS) estimator was utilized to estimate the fixed and random effects panel regression models. Hausman test was used to determine the efficient estimator between fixed and random effects. All estimated coefficients were evaluated at 5% level of significance. The outcome of the comparative analysis revealed a mix result in some cases and unidirectional in some. In all, countries with higher intensity of globalisation have a greater improvement in their human welfare indicators compared to countries with weak globalisation indices. The study then recommended an improved reform in global integration to enable the region maximize the immense benefits inherent in global connections.
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Martin, Nathan D., i David Brady. "Workers of the Less Developed World Unite? A Multilevel Analysis of Unionization in Less Developed Countries". American Sociological Review 72, nr 4 (sierpień 2007): 562–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240707200404.
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Past scholars of unionization have offered exemplary cross-national studies of affluent democracies and case studies of less developed countries (LDCs). What has been lacking is cross-national research on unionization across LDCs. We conduct a multilevel analysis of the likelihood that a worker is unionized with the late-1990s World Values surveys of 39 LDCs. We propose that unionization in LDCs can be explained by the individual characteristics of workers as well as the country-level factors of institutions, industrialization, and globalization. Our analyses yield several conclusions. First, owing to the legacy of state socialism, ex-communist countries have much higher unionization. Second, our analyses show that class very effectively explains union membership across LDCs. Although skilled manual workers are more unionized than most, educated professionals stand out for their distinctively high unionization. Third, the debt crisis significantly undermined unionization through the institutional influence of International Monetary Fund (IMF) agreements and the globalization pressure of debt service. Despite being the focus of much research, industrialization, democratization, the size of the state, International Labour Organization conventions, and international trade and investment are surprisingly insignificant. Decomposing the sample by communist legacy, signing an IMF agreement is significant in ex-communist countries, and debt service is significant in countries without a communist legacy. Overall, we conclude that the debt crisis has undermined unionization and class remains a powerful basis of mobilization across LDCs.
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Lahiri, Sajal, i Valerica Vlad. "Peace keeping in a model of conflict with foreign investments". Indian Growth and Development Review 13, nr 2 (14.11.2019): 391–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/igdr-01-2019-0014.
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Purpose This paper aims to examine the role of outside peacekeepers in a bilateral conflict. Design/methodology/approach The authors build upon a trade theoretic framework by incorporating disruptions due to war, which could affect directly the return to investment, both domestic and foreign, and by introducing explicitly peacekeeping forces into the model. Two countries are engaged in a war, with the purpose of capturing capital. A third country plays a dual role: it is the source of investments in the warring countries, and it deploys soldiers on ground for peacekeeping purposes. The authors consider the cases where the levels of foreign investments are exogenous and when they are endogenously determined by free mobility conditions. In the worst case, they find that foreign investment reduces conflict. In the case of endogenous foreign investments, they examine the effect of multilateral agreements where the two warring countries reduce their number of soldiers and the third increases the number of peacekeepers. Findings The authors find that the reform benefits all three countries and increases the level of foreign investments. They consider the cases of exogenous and endogenous foreign direct investment (FDI). In the first case, the authors examine the effect of an exogenous increase in FDI on the war equilibrium and find that it reduces the employment of soldiers in the warring countries and increases the size of the peacekeeping force. They also find that the first-best level of peacekeeping is larger than the equilibrium level. When FDI is endogenous, starting from the initial war equilibrium, they also examine the effect of a multilateral agreement in which the size of the peacekeeping force is increased by the third country and the two warring countries agree to reduce their war efforts. The authors find that the reform makes all three countries better off and increases the level of FDI. Originality/value The paper uses a theoretical model with third-party interventions in a bilateral war. It intends to shed light on some of the missing economic implications of peacekeeping. The paper introduces explicitly peacekeeping forces into the analysis and introduces a factor that represents a disruption to return on investment in both warring countries. The third country has a dual role; it provides investments in the warring countries and deploys soldiers for peacekeeping. Peacekeeping reduces the disruption mentioned above and affects the employment of soldiers by the warring countries. The authors find that a multilateral agreement in which the two warring countries reduce their war efforts and the third party increases its peacekeeping force can increase welfare in all three countries.
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Strihul, M. V., i H. А. Khomeriki. "Economism and commercialization as manifestation of the globalization of higher education". Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, nr 4 (2.05.2018): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171859.
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The main point of the article is to disclose the essence of the phenomena of economism and commercialization. Economism is seen as part of globalization of education, a global corporatization of education provides training for the global labour market, using human capital economic theories. As noted by George Spring, the human capital, economists argue that investments in education lead to economic growth, reducing income inequality and increasing employment.In general, the globalization of higher education is considered as a process of increasing interdependence and convergence of national economics, trade liberalization and market dominated by competition, struggle, transnational education and the commercialization of knowledge, as well as the erosion and disappearance of national boundaries and models of education. Despite the fact that most researchers associate globalization with the increasing influence of the World Bank and Americanization of higher education, globalization of higher education is not linear, and the same process of unification of educational systems. In modern conditions has acquired a strong relevance to international competition and stratification of higher education is also an increasing competition for social and academic prestige. In the context of this increased institutional cross-border activities and academic mobility, global communications and mobility have created conditions for the emergence of the global higher education market. Consequently, the competition among elite universities is now globally closer to capitalist economic forms. The economization of education is considered as a component of global education, a global corporatization of education provides training for the global labour market using human capital economic theories. Such massive development of higher education is associated with a number of factors such as socio-economic and socio-cultural, which are manifested at both macro level of the whole society and the microsocial level of the individual.It becomes obvious by the fact that in a globalized world, the consumer society is transformed into goods, and the goods that will bring a significant profit with the appropriate investment. However, commercialization of education is quite dangerous for the classical Institute of education. Because education as another global business trend threatens the institutional framework and its content.The processes of globalization is greatly affected the emergence and spread of economism and the commercialization in various educational systems, in particular it is proved that they formed a single world information-educational space, the characteristics of which are: the rapid penetration of the globalization trends in the national educational system; integration of educational systems into the world market for educational services and intellectual products; increased competition in the global educational environment.
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Mutebi, Ronald, i Ahmed Ferej. "A Review of TVET Quality Assurance Practice in Uganda". East African Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, nr 1 (19.07.2023): 182–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajis.6.1.1327.
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The movement towards internationalisation of education and training practices to facilitate the global flow of labour, technology, trade, and industry; has brought to the forefront the discussions of national TVET strategies, the issues of credibility of qualifications in regard to national economic growth and graduates’ mobility nationally and internationally in search of employment opportunities. This pressure to internationalise TVET systems and qualifications has mainstreamed the development and implementation of national and regional frameworks for quality assurance through which the comparability of standards and qualifications can be achieved. Document analysis research methodology has been used to review and analyse existing regulatory frameworks on quality assurance of education and training in Uganda so as to establish: 1) Existing quality TVET assurance governance entities, 2) Regulatory frameworks that guide TVET quality assurance, and 3) Progress on future opportunities for quality assurance. The findings showed that: numerous loopholes exist in the quality assurance processes of the education sector as a whole; the TVET sub-sector in Uganda is still being guided by the BTVET Act of 2008 lacks a regulatory structure to oversee quality assurance throughout the entire TVET sub-sector in the country; lack of a policy implementation action plan for the TVET Policy; governance of TVET quality assurance in the country is scattered among many government departments and agencies; and existing quality assurance guiding frameworks never encompassed investment and financing of TVET. The paper recommends that the Government of Uganda prioritises the: establishment of the TVET council as envisaged in the TVET Policy, the development and operationalisation of the TVET qualifications framework and TVET qualifications registry system, and the development of a TVET policy implementation Action Plan.
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Dølvik, Jon Erik, Kristin Alsos i Anne Mette Ødegård. "Innenfor eller utenfor: Rammene for arbeidslivspolitikk ved ulike EU-tilknytninger". Internasjonal Politikk 81, nr 4 (21.12.2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v81.6005.
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I debatten om Norges EU-tilknytning har konsekvensene for arbeidslivspolitikken stått sentralt. Denne artikkelen beskriver først hva striden om arbeidslivsregulering innenfor EØS har dreid seg om. Deretter drøftes hvordan de mest aktuelle alternativene til EØS-avtalen – en britisk-inspirert frihandelsavtale for industrivarer («norxit») og EU-medlemskap – kan påvirke rammene for den nasjonale arbeidslivspolitikken. Norxit vil gi økt formell handlefrihet, men økte barrierer for grensekryssende handel og arbeids- og tjenestemobilitet vil endre de økonomisk-politiske rammene for arbeidslivspolitikken. Å erstatte deltakelse i det indre markedet med en frihandelsavtale for varer, vil trolig føre til svakere vekst i investeringer, handel, produksjon og sysselsetting. Videre kan oppløsning av det «nasjonale kompromisset» om EØS-avtalen og svekket konkurranseevne for næringslivet bidra til at konfliktnivået i arbeidslivspolitikken og den økonomiske politikken skjerpes. EU-medlemskap vil i hovedsak gi samme formelle rammer for arbeidslivspolitikken som EØS-avtalen, men vil styrke det politisk-demokratiske grunnlaget for alliansebygging og påvirkning av EUs arbeidslivreguleringer. Et medlemskap kan innebære store omstillinger for landbruket og fiskerinæringen, men åpne nye eksportmuligheter for fiskeindustrien og havbruksnæringen. Tap av selvstendig pengepolitikk ved deltakelse i ØMU/euro vil legge økte byrder på finans- og lønnspolitikken, men videreføringen av nasjonal valuta i flere medlemsland illustrerer at det ikke er noen automatisk kopling mellom EU-medlemskap og ØMU. Abstract in English:Inside or Outside: The Framework for Working Life Policies in Various EU ConnectionsIn the debate about Norway’s relationship to the EU, the consequences for working life policies have featured centrally. This article first describes what the strife over labour market regulation under the EEA-agreement has been about. Then it discusses how the most relevant alternatives to the EEA-agreement – a British-inspired free trade agreement and EU membership – may influence the ramifications for national working life policies. Norxit will increase the formal room for manoeuvre, but increased barriers to cross-border trade and mobility of labour and services will alter the economic-political frameworks for working life policies. Replacing participation in the single market with a free trade agreement will probably imply reduced growth in investment, trade, production and employment. Further, evaporation of the «national compromise» about the EEA-agreement, and weakened competitiveness for business, is likely to heighten the level of conflict in working life and economic policies. EU membership will mainly entail the same formal frameworks for working life policies as the EEA-agreement, but will strengthen the politico-democratic basis for coalition-building and influence on EU labour market regulations. Membership may imply significant adjustments for agriculture and fisheries, but can open new export opportunities for the seafood and fishing industry. Loss of independent monetary policy through memberhip in EMU/euro, will imply increased burdens on fiscal and wage policies, but the preservation of national currencies in a number of EU member states illustrate that there is no automatic coupling between between membership in the EU and EMU.
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My, Duong Thi Dieu, i Phan Thanh Hoan. "TRADE AND INVESTMENT EFFECTS OF THE EU-VIETNAM FREE TRADE AGREEMENT". Hue University Journal of Science: Economics and Development 132, nr 5B (28.11.2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.26459/hueunijed.v132i5b.7167.
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We implement simulations for two policy scenarios to explore how Vietnamese trade and investment change following the EU-Vietnam free trade agreement (EVFTA), based on a computable general equilibrium model. Simulation results indicate that the bilateral trade between Vietnam and the EU grows substantially, and by a much greater amount than the growth of total exports and total imports for the two regions. Aggregating the sectors modelled into six aggregate sectors including agricultural, processed food, extraction, labour-intensive manufacturing, other manufacturing, and services sectors, we find that the processed food and labour-intensive manufacturing sectors in Vietnam experience significant export growth, whereas the remaining four sectors witness declines in exports. In terms of the investment effect of the EVFTA, we find that the EVFTA leads to positive changes in Vietnam’s short-run current rates of return, which is due to the change in the short-run rental price of capital. The findings suggest that Vietnam would receive significant capital gains in the long-run. We further find that all the policy components contribute to the capital growth in Vietnam in the long-run. However, capital gains resulting from tariff elimination are much larger than those from other policy components.
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Artuc, Erhan, Irene Brambilla i Guido Porto. "Patterns of labour market adjustment to trade shocks with imperfect capital mobility". Economic Journal, 12.03.2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ej/ueac012.
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Abstract We explore how different investment frictions affect the patterns of responses of labour markets to tariff cuts. To investigate these patterns, we formulate a multi-sector dynamic model featuring capital and labour adjustment costs that we fit to Argentine data. Using counterfactual simulations of a tariff decline in the textile sector, we show that capital adjustment can create long-run responses of real wages that are larger than the short-run responses. This happens as textile firms disinvest during the transition. We also show that the reduction of tariffs on capital inputs boosts investment and real wages across sectors.
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Acheson, Keith, i Christopher J. Maule. "International Regimes for Trade, Investment, and Labour Mobility in the Cultural Industries". Canadian Journal of Communication 19, nr 3 (1.03.1994). http://dx.doi.org/10.22230/cjc.1994v19n3a826.
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Abstract:
International trade, investment, and the movement of technical and professional personnel are very important to the cultural industries. A set of bilateral co-production treaties impose strict financing, expenditure, and nationality of personnel restrictions for film and television projects that qualify for national treatment with respect to broadcast quotas and for
subsidized finance from government lending agencies or tax shelters. In addition, a number of multilateral, regional, and industry-specific regimes establish general rules and procedures that govern these international transactions. We examine the success of these treaties and their
probable future. Historically, the GATT concentrated on trade in goods and only with the successful termination of the Uruguay Round negotiations have the members committed to extensive rules governing trade in services. In doing so, the GATT incorporated many features of the integration of trade in services that had occurred in NAFTA and the FTA. We
explore the effect on the cultural industries of the commitments to the most-favoured-nation (MFN), national treatment, and market access clauses combined with the exemptions and reservations made by Canada. Since trade in the cultural industries involves both goods and services,
strong commitments not to impose conditions on investment undertaken in the trade-related investment measures of the goods section of GATT could also impact on these industries. Co-production treaties have been exempted from the MFN clause in GATT, but the exemption will lapse in 10
years. We anticipate that in the future the co-production treaties will be phased out and replaced with an industry-specific chapter in a future negotiation under the new World Trade Organization.
Résumé:
Le libre-échange et le commerce internationaux, tout comme le mouvement libre de personnel technique et professionnel, sont très importants pour les industries culturelles.Une série de traités de co-production bilatéraux imposent des règles strictes sur le financement, les dépenses, et la nationalité du personnel pour certains films et émissions de télévision (ceux qui sont dans les conditions nationales requises pour
les quotas de radiodiffusion, les subventions gouvernementales et les abris fiscaux). En outre, un nombre d'accords multilatéraux, régionaux, et particuliers à l'industrie établissent des règles générales et des
procédures qui gouvernent ces transactions internationales. Nous examinons le succès de ces traités et leur avenir probable. Traditionnellement, le GATT s'est concentré sur le commerce des biens, et c'est seulement suivant les pourparlers d'Uruguay que les membres ont décidé de suivre des règlements sur les services. Pour adresser les services, le GATT a incorporé plusieurs règlements provenant de l'accord
de libre-échange entre le Canada et les États-Unis, et de celui entre ces deux pays et le Mexique. Dans notre article, nous explorons l'effet sur les industries culturelles qu'ont produit la clause de "nation la plus favorisée" et les clauses de traitement de nations et d'accès aux marchés,
tout en tenant compte des exemptions et des réservations faites par le Canada. Comme le commerce dans les industries culturelles implique à la fois biens et services, une forte réticence à restreindre certains investissements (du genre traité dans la section du GATT sur les biens) pourrait aussi avoir une influence sur ces industries. Les traités de
co-production ont été exemptés de la clause de "nation la plus favorisée" du GATT, mais cette exemption prendra fin dans dix ans. Nous croyons qu'à l'avenir les traités de co-production seront éliminés et remplacés par un chapitre dédié à l'industrie dans des négociations futures entreprises par le nouveau World Trade Organization ("Organisation de commerce mondial").
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Ganic, Mehmed, i Amila Novalic. "Does regional trade integration reinforce or weaken capital mobility? New evidence from four free trade areas". Economics and Business Review 9, nr 3 (28.08.2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.18559/ebr.2023.3.795.
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The study aims to empirically determine whether a higher level of trade openness and the presence of better legal protection for investors enhances the impact of trade bloc membership on capital mobility based on four trading blocs: Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), Central American and Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA), and the Pacific Alliance. This study employs the fully modified and dynamic ordinary least squares estimators and a panel quantile regression cointegration estimator. The study finds that a country's affiliation with a trade bloc improves capital mobility in the whole group and EAEU region, low capital mobility in the Pacific Alliance region and moderate low capital mobility in the CAFTA-DR region. The legal protection system alone provided for the investors does not improve the level of capital mobility unless its interaction with investment is included. Also the study reveals that high trade openness does not necessarily lead to better capital mobility for the studied trade blocs.
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Borselli, F., A. Buoncompagni i S. Manestra. "Residential Real Estate Taxation in Europe: Actual Burden on Ownership and Investment". European Taxation 50, nr 10 (2.09.2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.59403/2e1vabg.
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In this article, the authors examine residential real estate taxation in some European countries. The authors outline the types of direct and indirect real estate taxes (on owned and rented property and on transactions), present statistical data to demonstrate the structure of and tax yield from real estate taxation and offer conclusions regarding the impact of tax policy on property ownership choices and trade, as well as labour mobility.