Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Tomini language”

Abstract In this final descriptive chapter we discuss the status of clitics in East Slavic (ESl). These include Russian (Rus), to which most of the chapter is devoted, and Belarusian (Br) and Ukrainian (Ukr), which we treat in less detail. These languages are presented for the sake of completeness and play a minimal role in subsequent parts of the book. The reason is that the ESl literary languages lack the kinds of prononimal and auxiliary clitics which are the focus of this study. With the exception of southwestern Ukr dialects, one of which, Hucul, we examine in some detail, “special” clitics were lost in ESL This is in keeping with Jakobson’s (1935/1971) generalization that all inflecting clitics were lost in Rus, with the ramification that pronominal and auxiliary clitics disappeared and the related consequence that the reflexive (or “voice”) morpheme -sja became frozen as such (see also Toman 1999). However, most noninflected (or “simple”) clitics remained intact. As we shall see in our description of Rus, this includes various sentence particles, the conditional marker by, the proclitic negation marker ne, and most famously the Rus interrogative element li.

Abstract “Man invented language to satisfy his deep need to complain,” or so says comedienne Lily Tomlin (quoted in Pinker 1994: 32; emphasis added). An effective study of troubles telling is one contribution that linguistic anthropology should make toward theorizing medicine and the social organization of power, emotion, and troubles-management strategies, which include “medicine,” broadly construed. How are the realities and ideologies of power and of person - hood constructed when Bangladeshi people tell troubles? This book seeks to answer that question and, in doing so, uniquely yokes linguistic and medical anthropology in the service of ethnography. It is a book about small linguistic acts of resistance in Bangladesh. It deals with the telling of troubles, with local perceptions of the troubles-in-the-telling process (communicative competence), and with my perception that many speech genres-which not only carry personal signs of grief, but also potentially serve as hidden transcripts of social protest-are themselves in trouble, or at least make trouble for the teller. Much of the troubles talk reflected herein represents resistance to the forces that structure the lives of the women and men who are speaking. Acts of resistance are often political, but some of the actors described here are better described as resisting illness, trouble, and death. As Byron Good reminds us, there is another sense of resistance in illness narratives and other forms of troubles talk: They tell of ways in which reality resists us as we experience and confront illness, disease, and injustice as “brute facts” in the world (1994: 177).

Abstract This chapter looks at the final book of Ovid’s exile poetry, in assessing the nature of Ovid’s farewell to elegy. Ex Ponto 4.16, presented as an utterance from Ovid after death, has inevitably shaped approaches to Ex Ponto 4, but this chapter will show that there are other aspects to the closure that Ovid creates in the second half of this final book of elegies. The chapter begins by considering the significance of Sextus Pompeius, the consul of ad 14, as a way of reflecting on the change of emperor from Augustus to Tiberius, and as a figure who himself is associated with the kind of gratitude from Ovid which might properly be owed to an emperor. Praise of members of the imperial family in Ex Ponto 4 turns out to be something which is limited in coverage, and indeed treated most extensively only in a description of Ovid’s poem composed in the Getic language (Ex Ponto 4.13). A similar kind of transformation is also evident in the way in which Ex Ponto 4.14 revisits the theme from Ovid’s earlier exile poetry of the harm done to him by his own poetry, but shifts the focus from imperial anger to the possibility of giving offence to his hosts in Tomis. Even though the exile poetry as a whole has a tendency to self-characterization in terms of repetition and endless complaints, Ex Ponto 4 paradoxically suggests new directions for Ovid’s poetry even as his life draws to a close.

Tomi Ungerer, auteur et illustrateur à la réputation mondiale, est considéré comme l’un des plus brillants illustrateurs et dessinateurs de sa génération. Né le 28 novembre 1931 à Strasbourg, il a habité en Irlande jusqu’à la fin de sa vie où il est mort le 9 février 2019. Il a d’abord fait une carrière aux États-Unis où il s'est fait connaître comme auteur pour les enfants et comme dessinateur engagé et satirique. Ce globe-trotter germano-anglophone a toujours gardé de profondes attaches avec l’Alsace, sa terre d’origine, et s’est forgé une identité plurielle au contact de plusieurs langues et de plusieurs cultures. Il a grandi entre trois langues, le français, l’allemand et l’alsacien. Ses dessins et ses écrits en sont fortement imprégnés. Ce berceau alsacien originel a eu une profonde influence sur son caractère, son génie et son appétence pour les langues. Cette question de la trajectoire d’un artiste, doublée d’une mondialisation géographique assumée prend donc ses racines dans son enfance pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, dans sa langue et dans l’histoire même de l’Alsace.

Abstract Morality dignifies and elevates. When Adam and Eve ate the forbidden fruit, God said “Behold, the man is become as one of us, to know good and evil” (Gen. 3:22). In many of the world’s religious traditions, the good go up, to heaven or a higher rebirth, and the bad go down, to hell or a lower rebirth. Even among secular people, moral motives are spoken of as the “highest” and “noblest” motives, whereas greed and lust are regarded as “baser” or “lower” instincts. Morality is therefore like the temple on the hill of human nature: It is our most sacred attribute, a trait that is often said to separate us from other animals and bring us closer to God. For 2,400 years, the temple has been occupied by the high priests of reason. Plato (4th century B.C./1949) presented a model of a divided self in which reason, firmly ensconced in the head, rules over the passions, which rumble around in the chest and stomach (Timaeus, 69). Aristotle had a similar conception of reason as the wise master and emotion as the foolish slave: “anger seems to listen to reason, but to hear wrong, like hasty servants, who run off before they have heard everything their master tells them, and fail to do what they were ordered, or like dogs, which bark as soon as there is a knock without waiting to see if the visitor is a friend” (Ethics, 1962, 1149a). Throughout the long history of moral philosophy, the focus has generally been on moral reasoning, whereas the moral emotions have been regarded with some suspicion (Solomon, 1993). Even when moral psychology finally separated itself from moral philosophy and began to make its own empirical contributions, it invested almost all of its capital in the study of moral reasoning. Piaget (1932/1965) studied the child’s developing understanding of fairness and rules. Kohlberg (1969; Kohlberg, Levine, & Hewer, 1983) built on Piaget to provide both a measurement tool and a conceptual framework for the study of moral reasoning, and the field grew rapidly. Kohlberg’s work was an important part of the cognitive revolution, demonstrating that morality, like language, could be studied as a system of transformations of underlying cognitive constructs. Yet as the cognitive revolution matured, researchers recognized the growing need for a parallel “affect revolution” (Tomkins, 1981). Table 45.1 shows that this revolution has indeed taken place, for the moral emotions have been growth stocks in the 1980s and 1990s. Although the number of journal articles on morality and moral reasoning rose in the 1980s and then began to decline in the 1990s, the number of articles on emotion in general, and on the moral emotions in particular, has increased greatly. Table 45.1 shows that the “old academy” stocks of empathy and guilt, which were the most widely studied moral emotions in the 1970s, have not grown in the 1990s, whereas the “new academy” stocks of anger, shame, and disgust have racked up impressive gains in scholarship.