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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Suffage”

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Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 27 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 29 lipca 2024

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1

Fairbairn, Brett. "Authority vs. Democracy: Prussian Officials in the German Elections of 1898 and 1903". Historical Journal 33, nr 4 (grudzień 1990): 811–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013777.

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The suffrage for the German Reichstag had by the 1890s become the most potent symbol of democratic ideas in imperial Germany. ‘Universal, equal, secret, and direct’, as contemporaries described it, the Reichstag suffrage stood in contrast to restrictive state suffrages as a model of liberty and fairness. By the turn of the century, 70–80 per cent of adult male German citizens took advantage of their right to participate in this, the freest of all German political arenas.

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2

YEE, ETHAN LEONG. "LEST THE KEYS BE SCORNED: THE IMPLICATIONS OF INDULGENCES FOR THE CHURCH HIERARCHY AND THIRTEENTH-CENTURY CANONISTS’ RESISTANCE TO THE TREASURY OF MERIT". Traditio 76 (2021): 247–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2021.11.

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Recent scholarship on indulgences has focused on the shared concepts theologians and canonists drew on to explain these remissions and advantageous effects of indulgences on popular piety, the mendicant orders, and the papacy. A closer examination of the work of thirteenth-century canonists reveals an uncertainty about the mechanism by which indulgences worked and concerns that diverged from those of theologians. While the treasury of merit was a popular theological explanation, it was generally ignored by most canonists, who preferred explanations based on jurisdiction, the power of the keys, and suffrages. A key distinction between suffrages, good works done with the intent of spiritually benefitting others, and the treasury of merit is that the former burdens the living while the latter does not, since it draws on merit stored from already completed actions. Since it makes granting indulgences burdensome, the suffrage theory offers a disincentive to granting indiscrete or excessive remissions. Abuse of indulgences underlined the tensions between the authority of God and the church, the penitential and public forums, and the overlapping jurisdictions of prelates. Unlike the suffrage theory of indulgences, the treasury of merit theory offers little incentive for restraint. This may explain its relative absence in the writings of thirteenth-century canonists.

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3

Quéro, Laurent, i Christophe Voilliot. "Du suffrage censitaire au suffrage universel". Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 140, nr 5 (2001): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arss.140.0034.

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Sani, Dr Hafiz Muhammad, i Bakht Shaid. "دور الصفة واصحابها فی المناهج التعليمية والتربوية فی عهد الرسولﷺ". rahatulquloob 3, nr 2(2) (10.12.2019): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.51411/rahat.3.2(2).2019.220.

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The contribution and the part played by Suffah and Ashab-e-Suffa in the system of education and training in the era of the Prophet hood an academic and research based analysis. It is an undeniable reality that an exemplary civilization, culture, education and research system was started with the advent of the birth and Prophet hood of Muhammad (PBUH), the teacher of humanity and the Prophet of Islam. Knowledge and education are the basic references of the religion and the shine he brought with him. The first revelation bestowed upon him carries the order of learning, teaching, education and propagation of education. The messenger of Allah (PBUH) made teaching and learning basic obligation to seek knowledge. It was started from Macca. However, after the migration to Madina, the first education institution–Suffah, from the foundation of the Mosque of the Prophet (PBUH), the first of the Islamic history, formally came into being, and built up. The Suffah was a residential university, in which a complete regular system of training and education along with boarding and lodging.The Part played by Suffah and Ashabe Suffah in the Islamic period of the Prophet hood towards system of education and training an academic and research analysis highlight the subject the related old and new sources, Islamic history, Ahadith–the traditions of the Holy Prophet, books on life and character of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and offer books on Islamic Sciences have been extensive-ly consulted. Suffah and Ashabe Suffa played a key role in propagation of education, teaching and trainings in the time period of the Prophet hood.

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5

Shore, Amy. "Suffrage Stars". Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 21, nr 3 (2006): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-2006-010.

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6

Prieto, Laura R. "Gallery Scrapbook as Suffrage Archive: Macbeth’s Suffrage Exhibition". Archives of American Art Journal 60, nr 1 (1.03.2021): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/714299.

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7

Dupart, Dominique. "Suffrage universel, suffrage lyrique chez Lamartine, 1834-1848". Romantisme 135, nr 1 (2007): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rom.135.0009.

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8

Mayhall, Laura E. Nym, i Sandra Stanley Holton. "Suffrage Days: Stories from the Women's Suffrage Movement". Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 30, nr 2 (1998): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053597.

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9

Cowman, Krista. "Suffrage days: stories from the women's suffrage movement". Women's History Review 7, nr 2 (1.06.1998): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029800200356.

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10

Sangster, Joan. "Exporting suffrage: British influences on the Canadian suffrage movement". Women's History Review 28, nr 4 (5.07.2018): 566–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2018.1493765.

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11

DeVries, Jacqueline R. "Suffrage Days: Stories from the Women's Suffrage Movement (review)". Victorian Studies 42, nr 3 (2000): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2000.0057.

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12

Rivera, José Antonio Aguilar. "Beyond the restrictive consensus: elections in Mexico (1809-1847)". Revista de Sociologia e Política 20, nr 42 (czerwiec 2012): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-44782012000200005.

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This essay looks at experiments with a system of representation taking place in New Spain and later in Mexico. The elections that were carried out during the days of Spanish rule dealt expediently with the political dynamics of this form of government, such as broad-based political participation. . We study the elections during the early decades of independence through the beginning of the war with the United States, and we find that in spite of the fact that during the 1830s there was growing consensus among the elites that it would be best to implement censitary suffrage, the desire to exclude the working classes did not prove feasible. None of the factions involved were able to abstain from appeals to the "lower (threatening) classes". We attempt to explain why this was so. There are several different hypotheses in this regard. One argument is that the early implementation of sufferage was a result of competition between antagonistic factions. However, by the end of the 1820s, popular mobilization led to social disorder, such as the destruction of the Parian market. This stimulated elite preoccupations. At the beginning of the 1830s, the ruling classes held back on engaging popular classes in electoral struggles. Yet this agreement proved short-lived, with conservatives giving up on the notion of census suffrage and the renewed insistence of liberals, encouraged by electoral triumphs, on maintaining a broad electoral base.

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13

Jabour, Anya. "Sharing Suffrage Scholarship". Public Historian 43, nr 2 (1.05.2021): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2021.43.2.114.

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14

Stevenson, Ana. "Imagining Women’s Suffrage". Pacific Historical Review 87, nr 4 (2018): 638–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.4.638.

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During the late nineteenth century, the print culture associated with women’s suffrage exhibited increasingly transnational connections. Between the 1870s and 1890s, suffragists in the United States, and then Australia and New Zealand, celebrated the early enfranchisement of women in the U.S. West. After the enfranchisement of antipodean women at the turn of the twentieth century, American suffragists in turn gained inspiration from New Zealand and Australia. In the process, suffrage print culture focused on the political and social possibilities associated with the frontier landscapes that defined these regions. However, by envisioning such landscapes as engendering white women’s freedom, suffrage print culture conceptually excluded Indigenous peoples from its visions of enfranchisement. The imaginative connections fostered in transnational suffrage print culture further encouraged actual transpacific connections between the suffragists themselves.

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15

Morris, Linda A., Alice Sheppard i Elisabeth Israels Perry. "Cartooning for Suffrage." American Historical Review 100, nr 3 (czerwiec 1995): 954. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168724.

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16

Bearor, Karen A., i Alice Sheppard. "Cartooning for Suffrage". Woman's Art Journal 18, nr 1 (1997): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1358682.

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17

Gourdon, Alain. "Suffrage et sondage". Commentaire Numéro 54, nr 2 (1991): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.054.0323.

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18

Brown, Joshua, i Alice Sheppard. "Cartooning for Suffrage." Journal of American History 82, nr 1 (czerwiec 1995): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082070.

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19

Graham, Aimee, i Patricia F. Dolton. "Women’s Suffrage Movement". Reference & User Services Quarterly 54, nr 2 (1.12.2014): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.54n2.31.

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20

Holton, Glyn A. "Investor Suffrage Movement". Financial Analysts Journal 62, nr 6 (listopad 2006): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2469/faj.v62.n6.4349.

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21

Holton, Glyn A. "Investor Suffrage Movement". CFA Digest 37, nr 1 (luty 2007): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2469/dig.v37.n1.4509.

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22

McAllister, Courtney. "Women’s Suffrage Collection". Charleston Advisor 20, nr 3 (1.01.2019): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.20.3.59.

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23

Fara, Patricia. "Science and Suffrage". American Scientist 106, nr 6 (2018): 378. http://dx.doi.org/10.1511/2018.106.6.378.

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24

Watts, Susan. "Suffrage Science Awards". ITNOW 59, nr 1 (2017): 52–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/itnow/bwx024.

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25

Sklar, Kathryn Kish. "Reinventing Woman Suffrage". Reviews in American History 27, nr 2 (1999): 243–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1999.0045.

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26

Sewell, Jessica. "Tea and Suffrage". Food, Culture & Society 11, nr 4 (grudzień 2008): 487–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/175174408x389148.

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27

Adams, Katherine. "Suffragism beyond Suffrage". Legacy: A Journal of American Women Writers 37, nr 2 (2020): 292–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/leg.2020.0026.

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Chapman, Mary. "Suffrage Elimination Dance". Legacy: A Journal of American Women Writers 37, nr 2 (2020): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/leg.2020.0028.

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29

Kodumthara, Sunu. "“The Right of Suffrage Has Been Thrust on Me”: The Reluctant Suffragists of the American West". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, nr 4 (7.08.2020): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000341.

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AbstractFrom nearly the moment the woman's suffrage movement began at Seneca Falls in 1848, anti-suffragists actively campaigned against it, claiming that woman suffrage would only destroy both American politics and the American family. However, despite their best efforts, states in the American West passed equal suffrage laws. Interestingly, once it passed in their states, anti-suffragists in the American West—albeit begrudgingly—exercised their right to vote. As equal suffrage continued to expand, the Western anti-suffragist strategy became the strategy of anti-suffragists everywhere. This essay examines three states that represent pivotal moments in the development of the anti-suffrage movement: Colorado, California, and Oklahoma. Shortly after Colorado passed equal suffrage in 1893 and California passed equal suffrage in 1911, anti-suffragists organized state and national associations. By the time Oklahoma passed its equal suffrage law in 1918, anti-suffragists were not only voting—they were also willing to run for office. Anti-suffragist strategy and rhetoric relied on how suffrage worked in the West, or at least anti-suffrage perceptions of it. In other words, women's suffrage in the West served as a catalyst for the anti-suffragist movement.

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30

Moore, Sarah J. "Making a Spectacle of Suffrage: The National Woman Suffrage Pageant, 1913". Journal of American Culture 20, nr 1 (marzec 1997): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.1997.00089.x.

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31

Glenn, Cheryl, i Jessica Enoch. "The ongoing necessity of suffrage rhetorics (or ‘suffragism’): On the centennial of the Nineteenth Amendment to the US Constitution". Acta Juridica 2022 (2022): 168–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/acta/2022/a8.

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This contribution analyses feminist scholarship on women’s suffrage – women’s fight for the right to vote in the United States. The 100-year anniversary of the passing of the 19th Amendment – the suffrage amendment – serves as exigence for considering how feminist scholarship dedicated to suffrage addresses our contemporary contexts and concerns. To that end, we bring together scholarship that troubles dominant white suffrage narratives in order to amplify the rhetorics of suffragists of colour, that engages the racism that inflected the suffrage movement, that explores possibilities for coalitions and alliances, and that continues to consider how suffrage rhetorics, at the turn of the twentieth century, might connect to and inform restrictions on voting rights for people living various intersectional realities in the twenty-first century.

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32

DUONG, KEVIN. "Universal Suffrage as Decolonization". American Political Science Review 115, nr 2 (8.01.2021): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000994.

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This essay reconstructs an important but forgotten dream of twentieth-century political thought: universal suffrage as decolonization. The dream emerged from efforts by Black Atlantic radicals to conscript universal suffrage into wider movements for racial self-expression and cultural revolution. Its proponents believed a mass franchise could enunciate the voice of colonial peoples inside imperial institutions and transform the global order. Recuperating this insurrectionary conception of the ballot reveals how radicals plotted universal suffrage and decolonization as a single historical process. It also places decolonization’s fate in a surprising light: it may have been the century’s greatest act of disenfranchisement. As dependent territories became nation-states, they lost their voice in metropolitan assemblies whose affairs affected them long after independence.

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33

Castor, Catherine. "L'égalité devant le suffrage". Revue française de droit constitutionnel 90, nr 2 (2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfdc.090.0001.

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Farrell, Grace. "Beneath the Suffrage Narrative". Canadian Review of American Studies 36, nr 1 (styczeń 2006): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-s036-01-03.

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Kristmundsdóttir, Sigríður Dúna. "Men and the Suffrage". Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 12, nr 2 (19.12.2016): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.2.4.

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Around the turn of the last century the suffrage was a crucial political issue in Europe and North America. Granting the disenfranchised groups, all women and a proportion of men, the suffrage would foreseeably have lasting effects on the structure of society and its gendered organization. Accordingly, the suffrage was hotly debated. Absent in this debate were the voices of disenfranchised men and this article asks why this was so. No research has been found on why these men did not fight for their suffrage while women ́s fight for their suffrage has been well researched. Within this context, the article examines the case of Iceland, in terms of issues such as the importance of urbanization, social change and culturally defined perceptions of men and women as social persons. It is argued that men did not have the same impetus as women to fight for their suffrage, and that if they had wanted to they were in certain respects disadvantaged compared to women. The gendered organization of society emerges as central in explaining why women fought for their suffrage and men did not, and why women’s suffrage received more attention than men’s general suffrage. As a case study, offering a microcosmic view of the subject in one social and cultural context, it allows for comparison with other like studies and with ongoing social processes.

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36

Beck, Elizabeth L., Ellen Dorsey i April Stutters. "The Women's Suffrage Movement". Journal of Community Practice 11, nr 3 (czerwiec 2003): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j125v11n03_02.

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Norquay, Glenda, i Sowon S. Park. "Mediating women's suffrage literature". Women's Studies International Forum 29, nr 3 (maj 2006): 301–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2006.04.006.

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Sheppard, Alice. "Suffrage Art and Feminism". Hypatia 5, nr 2 (1990): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1990.tb00421.x.

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Suffrage graphics constitute one of the first collective, ideological, artistic expressions by American women. Premised on the popular view of woman's nature as virtuous, responsible, and nurturant, this art nonetheless challenged traditional practices and demanded political change. Interrelationships between feminism, art, and the historical context are explored in this analysis of women's imagery.

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39

Macdonald, Heidi. "Women's Suffrage and Confederation". Acadiensis: Journal of the History of the Atlantic Region / Revue d’histoire de la region atlantique 46, nr 1 (2017): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aca.2017.0009.

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Duong, Kevin. "What Was Universal Suffrage?" Theory & Event 23, nr 1 (styczeń 2020): 29–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tae.2020.0002.

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Armstrong, Thomas. "Stalcup, Ed., Women's Suffrage". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 26, nr 2 (1.09.2001): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.26.2.109-110.

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In selecting women's suffrage as a "turning point in world history," Greenhaven Press has, itself, made an important statement. The enfranchisement of more than fifty percent of the American electorate has helped transform women's lives and American politics. This collection of essays underscores the significant trends that made up the movement. The collection is also arranged in a format convenient for use in college classrooms.

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42

Quéro, Laurent, i Christophe Voilliot. "Du suffrage censitaire au suffrage universel [Évolution ou révolution des pratiques électorales ?]". Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 140, nr 1 (2001): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arss.2001.2835.

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Burt, Elizabeth V. "The Ideology, Rhetoric, and Organizational Structure of a Countermovement Publication: The Remonstrance, 1890–1920". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75, nr 1 (marzec 1998): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500109.

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This article examines the anti-suffrage ideology, rhetoric, and structure of The Remonstrance, the publication of the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women. As a counter- movement publication, The Remonstrance was principally reactive, that is, driven to respond to suffrage claims and strategies. Basic themes illustrated the ideology of the anti-suffrage movement. Further, the anti-suffrage ideology was reflected in the organizational structure of both the MAOFESW and The Remonstrance. Although they changed over time, they failed to keep step with the broad social changes affecting women's lives in the early twentieth century.

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44

McDonagh, Eileen L., i H. Douglas Price. "Woman Suffrage in the Progressive Era: Patterns of Opposition and Support in Referenda Voting, 1910-1918". American Political Science Review 79, nr 2 (czerwiec 1985): 415–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956657.

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Sources of opposition and support for woman suffrage are analyzed with the use of the responses of male voters to constitutional referenda held in six key states during the Progressive era. Traditional axes of opposition and support for suffrage are examined, establishing that stable sources of suffrage support originate most often from Protestant and northern European constituencies (with the exception of Germans), whereas southern Europeans and Catholics (except for Germans) generally show no consistent patterns. Opposition to suffrage is most constant from Germans—both Catholic and Protestant—and from urban constituencies. A structural model indicating the greater importance of prohibition as an intervening variable compared to partisanship or turnout at the grass-roots level of voting behavior explicates the sources of direct and indirect support for suffrage while it also demonstrates the influence of educational commitment in determining suffrage voting patterns. Except in the West, opposition to suffrage was intense and greater at the grass-roots level than among legislative elites. The ultimate success of the federal amendment is discussed in the context of state referenda, the changed political climate after American entry into World War I, and the innovative efforts of state legislatures to grant “presidential” suffrage, thereby circumventing what proved to be the difficult referenda route.

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Jansz, Ulla. "VROUWENKIESRECHT ALS OMSTREDEN KWESTIE ONDER NEDERLANDSE FEMINISTEN, 1870-1900". De Moderne Tijd 1, nr 3 (1.01.2017): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2017.03-04.004.jans.

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WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE AS A CONTROVERSIAL ISSUE AMONG DUTCH FEMINISTS, 1870-1900 Female suffrage was not the Dutch women’s movement’s central issue from the beginning, nor did contemporary social reformers conceive it as part of the democratisation process they favoured. This article explores the public debate on women’s suffrage against the backdrop of the movement towards universal suffrage in its first three decades. Due to sources refraining from stating the obvious, it remains obscure why exactly parliamentary politics continued to be seen as an exclusively male domain for so long. What is clear, is that conservative feminists associated the demand for women’s suffrage with a radical strand of feminism which they abhorred.

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46

Carpenter, Daniel, Zachary Popp, Tobias Resch, Benjamin Schneer i Nicole Topich. "Suffrage Petitioning as Formative Practice: American Women Presage and Prepare for the Vote, 1840–1940". Studies in American Political Development 32, nr 1 (kwiecień 2018): 24–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000032.

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The American woman suffrage movement remade the U.S. Constitution and effected the broadest expansion of voting eligibility in the nation's history. Yet it did more than change laws and citizenship. It also plausibly shaped participatory patterns before and after the winning of voting rights for women. Drawing upon the idea of formative practice and reporting on a range of historical materials—including an original data set of 2,157 petitions sent to the U.S. Congress from 1874 to 1920 concerning women's voting rights—we focus on woman suffrage petitioning as both presaging the practice of voting and, in a sense, preparing tens of thousands of women for that activity. Our analyses reveal that, before 1920, suffrage petitioning activity was heightened in general and midterm election years (especially among Republican-leaning constituencies), suffrage petitioning both enabled and reflected organization in critical western states, and that post-suffrage women's turnout was immediately and significantly higher in states with greater pre-suffrage petitioning (controlling for a range of political, organizational, and demographic variables). In its claims, symbolism, habits, and temporality, suffrage petitioning differed from other petitioning in American political development and marked a formative practice for women on their way to voting.

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47

Newman, Louise M. "REFLECTIONS ON AILEEN KRADITOR'S LEGACY: FIFTY YEARS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE HISTORIOGRAPHY, 1965–2014". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 14, nr 3 (lipiec 2015): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000055.

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AbstractThis article assesses the impact that Aileen Kraditor's classic monograph, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement (1965) has had on fifty years of suffrage historiography. Kraditor is best known among scholars for offering the terms “justice” and “expediency” to distinguish between two strains of suffragist argumentation, the former of which she associated with the nineteenth century and the latter with the Progressive Era. Although specialists no longer believe in a firm divide between the two periods, many continue to differentiate between principled (egalitarian) arguments that called for suffrage as a universal right of citizenship and instrumental (expedient) claims that often contained racist assumptions about white women's superiority. The majority of scholars now accept Kraditor's fundamental insight that a political movement devoted to the extension of democracy contained within it antidemocratic and racist elements, but they have challenged other key aspects of Kraditor's work, including her characterization of white southern women's advocacy of suffrage and her Turnerian assumptions about why statewide suffrage referenda succeeded first (and primarily) in the West. In addition, scholars have expanded the terrain of women's political activism to include analyses of black women's suffrage activities and understandings of citizenship; in so doing they have connected the regional histories of the South and the Midwest, displacing Kraditor's national narrative. Collectively the field has moved far beyond Kraditor's focus on the National American Woman Suffrage Association to emphasize the enormous range of suffrage activities that took place before the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified, demonstrating how woman suffrage encompassed new understandings of citizenship that were inseparable from the histories of Reconstruction, U.S. expansion, and western imperialism.

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Tobin, Rusty C. "Who Voted for Woman Suffrage: 1915 & 1917 New York State Suffrage Referenda". New York History 98, nr 3-4 (2017): 422–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2017.0005.

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Galloway, Stuart. "Fighting Chance: The Struggle Over Woman Suffrage and Black Suffrage in Reconstruction America". American Nineteenth Century History 13, nr 2 (czerwiec 2012): 282–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2012.720091.

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Terborg-Penn, R. "Fighting Chance: The Struggle over Woman Suffrage and Black Suffrage in Reconstruction America". Journal of American History 99, nr 3 (1.12.2012): 936–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas496.

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