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Davies, Kerryn. "Women's suffrage in South Australia /". Title page, contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ard2562.pdf.
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Kirby, Timothy Joel. "Women's Suffrage in the United States: A Synthesis of the Contributing Factors in Suffrage Extension". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1596119821783093.
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Bradley, Katherine. "Faith, perseverance and patience : the history of the Oxford suffrage and anti-suffrage movements, 1870-1930". Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264527.
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Degener, Almuth. "Khotanische Suffixe /". Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35572562s.
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Moring, Schubert Valerie Susan. "Drawing suffrage for The Masses, 1911-1917". Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1152564730.
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Crenshaw, Abby Lorraine. "The Solid South: The Suffrage Campaign Revisited". TopSCHOLAR®, 2018. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2448.
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This examination of the southern suffrage campaign focuses the movement through the eyes of three prominent southern women within the political movement: Kate Gordon, Sue Shelton White, and Josephine Pearson. The merged National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) planned and organized a focus on the South during the second half of the suffrage campaign, which presented new challenges. The Nineteenth Amendment passed through Congress in 1918 and consequently set the stage for a raging political battle between suffragists and anti-suffragists. The suffrage campaign prompted women to question how the political platform of suffrage should be addressed. Women argued over the issue of suffrage and its application; a universal amendment, state legislation, or no suffrage rights at all. The question over appropriate political tactics often revealed the social and cultural prejudices of the campaign leaders.
The cornerstone of my research focuses on the history of the southern campaign and incorporates three southern women who shared distinct political views of woman suffrage. The bulk of my research focused on the primary documents from the Josephine Pearson Collection at the Tennessee State Library and Archives and the loaned papers of Sue Shelton White from Knoxville, Tennessee. I also used the Louisiana newspaper, the Daily Picayune, for information about Kate Gordon as well as her correspondence with Laura Clay.
Through this examination, a more direct focus is applied to the southern suffrage movement, which further complicates separate accounts of racial prejudice and exclusion in southern women’s politics. Furthermore, my thesis will create a framework of southern culture by incorporating the national issue of suffrage from a regional perspective to expose commonalities and themes that muddles southern women’s history and patriarchal loyalty in the South. Carefully analyzing the suffrage and anti-suffrage leadership in the South, particularly Tennessee, helps develop a well-defined understanding of the cultural and political factors influencing southern politics as well as assist in constructing a scholarly historiographic perspective on social and cultural influences of the southern campaign within the separate groups of suffragists and anti-suffragists.
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Chevalier, François. "Le sénateur français, 1875-1995 : essai sur le recrutement et la représentativité des membres de la seconde chambre /". Paris : LGDJ, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb369702075.
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Paiva, Maria Arair Pinto. "Direito político do sufrágio no Brasil, 1822-1982". Brasília-DF-Brasil : Thesaurus Editora, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/13330294.html.
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Law, Cheryl. "Suffrage and power : the women's movement, 1918-1928 /". London ; New York : I.B. Tauris, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36712017t.
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Anderson, Gwen Trowbridge. "Interrogating Virginia Woolf and the British suffrage movement". [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003162.
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Simon-Holtorf, Anne Marlene. "Geschichte des Familienwahlrechts in Frankreich (1871 bis 1945) /". Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39271670g.
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Cavanaugh, Libby Jean. "Opposition to female enfranchisement the Iowa anti-suffrage movement /". [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2007.
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Brody, Michelle. "Voting Rights and Wrongs: Philosophical Justification for Universal Suffrage". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/418.
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This thesis analyzes Jason Brennan's paper "The Right to a Competent Electorate," then critiques his argument in favor of restricting voting rights to those deemed competent. I consider the practical and ethical implications of testing for competence, then conclude, contrary to Brennan, that granting all citizens voting rights is more just than restricting the voting population.
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Gammon, Denise. "The Road Beyond Suffrage: Female Activism in Richmond, Virginia". VCU Scholars Compass, 2012. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2749.
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This thesis focuses on the continued activism in the YWCA, the Equal Suffrage League and the League of Women Voters after 1920. The work examines the uses of motherhood, social religion, race and traditions as tools for activism and compares the YWCA to the Equal Suffrage League and League of Women Voters after 1920. The date range is roughly from 1915 to 1925.
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Voloudakis, Evanghélos C. "Recherche sur le suffrage politique en Grèce 1910-1975". Lille : A.N.R.T, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb361058254.
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Bean, Jolene Dagmar. "Making haste slowly : a study of women's suffrage in Bermuda". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396961.
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Powell, Sheila Carleton University Dissertation History. "The opposition to woman suffrage in Ontario, 1872 to 1917". Ottawa, 1987.
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Ponceau, Robert. "La Loi et le suffrage universel essai critique et constructif /". Lyon : Université Lyon3, 2006. http://thesesbrain.univ-lyon3.fr/sdx/theses/lyon3/1990/ponceau_r.
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Lévesque, Stéphane. "Participation électorale comparée et théorie des enjeux, les élections québécoises de 1970 à 1994". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0006/MQ44678.pdf.
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Collins, Clare L. "Women and Labour politics in Britain, 1893-1932". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320146.
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Dunkley, Sylvia Jane. "Women magistrates, ministers and municipal councillors in the West Riding of Yorkshire, 1918-1939". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1991. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10246/.
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In the two decades after the partial enfranchisement of women in 1918 and the removal of legal disabilities which excluded them from the magistracy, women in the West Riding of Yorkshire were mobilized to seek a new civic role as councillors and as justices of the peace through membership of women's organisations, of the women's sections of political parties and to a lesser extent as a consequence of their widespread involvement in charity work. By the post-war period, too, traditional arguments against the ordination of women in the Free Churches had lost credibility and a number of women became church ministers in the strongly Nonconformist West Riding. Women magistrates were rapidly accepted on equal terms and from the start shared duties equally with their male colleagues. Ordination of women in the Free Churches was premissed on the principle of complementarity and, although usually obliged to accept the less desirable churches, women ministers experienced little hostility. The majority of women councillors, however, justified the need for their election on the grounds of the distinctive contribution that women could make to local government. By identifying only certain issues on which women's views should be sought and concentrating on areas of local government which only affected the lives of women and children their contribution was seen to be limited. Individual women's influence over their appointment as magistrates was minimal and their numbers remained low primarily because local advisory committees failed to adopt progressive criteria for their recommendations. Traditional attitudes were still too deeply entrenched to allow many women to seek ordination and it was the identification of a limited role for women, together with social, cultural and economic factors, which militated against any significant increase in their representation on local councils in the West Riding throughout the period.
22
Williams, Gaynor Diane. "Women in public life in Liverpool between the wars". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369535.
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Aberdam, Serge. "Démographes et démocrates : l'oeuvre du comité de division de la Convention nationale : étude d'histoire révolutionnaire /". Paris : Société des études robespierristes, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392720733.
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Extrait de: Thèse de doctorat--Histoire--Paris 1, 2001. Titre de soutenance : L'élargissement du droit de vote entre 1792 et 1795 au travers du dénombrement du comité de division de la Convention nationale et des votes populaires sur les Constitutions de 1793 et 1795.Prix Albert Mathiez 2002. Bibliogr. p. 339-365. Index.
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Aberdam, Serge. "L'élargissement du droit de vote entre 1792 et 1795 au travers du dénombrement du comité de division et des votes populaires sur les constitutions de 1793 et 1795". Villeneuve-d'Ascq : Presses universitaires du septentrion, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51744860.html.
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Stowell, Sheila. "A stage of their own : feminist playwrights of the suffrage era". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29300.
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During the years 1906 to 1914, as a flagging woman's movement was revitalized by the controversial Women's Social and Political Union, women of all classes, talents and occupations were galvanized into action. Among them were a number of playwrights who used the overtly 'public' forum of drama to argue feminist views. It is their work, in its social, political and aesthetic context that forms the subject of my study. I take as my starting point Elizabeth Robins' dramatic 'tract' Votes for Women, produced as part of the Barker-Vedrenne Court season of 1907. Introducing both feminist and specifically suffrage topics to the world of Edwardian society drama, Robins showed her sister playwrights how existing theatrical models might be manipulated to their advantage. Her success helped spawn a series of so-called "suffrage" plays produced under the direct auspices of the Actresses' Franchise League and the Women Writers' Suffrage League. Intended as agitprop drama for the converted, this sub-genre, which is looked at in my second chapter, took advantage of the techniques of contemporary realism, farce, and civic pageantry for immediate and narrowly political goals. In so doing, however, it provided valuable experience for a number of women dramatists who chose as well to write for the larger and more broadly based audiences of London's West End. My final chapters focus upon selected works by professional playwrights Cicely Hamilton (Diana of Dobson's 1908), Elizabeth Baker (Chains 1909) and Githa Sowerby (Rutherford and Son 1912). I am particularly concerned with the manner in which each reworked the theatrical conventions of the late Victorians according to avowedly feminist lights. The success of their work as well as the ways in which it may be shown to differ from both the mainstream drama of Pinero and Jones and the progressive "new" theatre of Shaw, Galsworthy and Granville Barker, suggests that in this group of writers the English speaking world enjoyed its first cohesive and substantial women's theatre.Arts, Faculty of
English, Department of
Graduate
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Skog, Erica Lynn. "Equal rights for equal action women's mobilization for suffrage in Venezuela /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1453671.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 25, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 86-88).
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Johnson, Leah N. "Victory's Catalyst: Alice Paul and the Woman Suffrage Procession of 1913". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/912.
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The woman suffrage movement in America lasted nearly an entire century. The movement formally began in 1848 at the Seneca Falls Convention and concluded in 1920 when the Susan B. Anthony amendment was ratified. Throughout this time period the movement changed dramatically. At the turn of the century the excitement and radical nature of the movement that prevailed at mid-century had been exhausted. Suffragists worked with no sense of immediacy, under the assumption that universal suffrage would come eventually, whether it in their lifetimes or their daughters’ or granddaughters’. This all changed, however, in 1913 with the Woman Suffrage Procession.
The parade catalyzed the movement, sparking the beginning of the end. An examination of the parade itself, the planning process, and its aftermath reveals the importance of the procession and the changes it provoked. It first served as a platform for a new suffrage leader and a new suffrage group. Alice Paul, a young suffragist who had been involved in the movement in England, planned the procession as her first major responsibility on the US suffrage scene. Throughout the parade planning and aftermath she established herself as a strong leader. She also led the way for a younger and more radical suffragist organization, the Congressional Union, that would soon split from the dominant suffrage organization to pursue more aggressive tactics. Secondly, the suffrage parade demonstrated and catalyzed a transition of strategy, tactics, and sentiment. At the parade a younger cohort of suffragists began utilizing more militant tactics and adopting a sense of immediacy and determination. Finally, the parade altered the movement by raising awareness across the country that had not previously existed. The excitement of the procession caught the attention of government officials, the general public, and - most importantly - the media. The combination of a new leader and association, the transformation of internal attitudes, and new-found awareness put the suffragists on the path towards victory. The parade breathed new life into the movement, catalyzing the final push to success.
28
Mercer, John. "Buying votes : purchasable propaganda in the twentieth-century women's suffrage movement". Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424218.
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Ugolini, Laura. "Independent Labour Party men and women's suffrage in Britain, 1893-1914". Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1997. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/6325/.
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This thesis is a study of the attitudes towards women's enfranchisement, and involvement within the British women's suffrage movement, of the male members of the Independent Labour Party, a mixed sex socialist organisation. The period covered ranges from 1893, the year of the party's foundation, to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. The aim of this study is to contribute to our understanding of a hitherto neglected aspect of suffrage history: the male supporters. Suffrage historians have generally considered Independent Labour Party men's attitudes towards women's enfranchisement to have been positive: their ideas and activities are now placed under careful scrutiny. The theoretical underpinnings of the thesis lie in gender history, most especially in the field of historical studies of masculinities, which in themselves have been informed by the ideas and writings of women's history. Independent Labour Party men are viewed not as a group of individuals with certain physical characteristics in common, but as sharing gendered identities as socialists and as men, which influenced their attitudes towards the roles deemed appropriate for men and women within society, and towards women's emancipation in particular. Furthermore, the thesis assesses how their ideas and identities were themselves challenged by developments within the suffrage movement. Chapter 1 considers the years between 1893-5, a period characterised by few formal links between Independent Labour Party men and the suffrage movement, and assesses how supportive attitudes towards women's enfranchisement fitted into prevailing understandings of socialism and independent labour representation. Chapters 2 and 3, focusing respectively on the periods between 1895-1905, and 1905-1911, consider the impact of a burgeoning suffrage movement, active within the ranks of the labour movement itself, and characterised by its own priorities, objectives and tactics. Chapter 4, dealing with the years between 1911-1914, concludes by assessing Independent Labour Party men's responses to a shift in the suffrage debate, as the introduction in Parliament of adult suffrage became a practical proposition.
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Ngango, Bernard. "Le droit des élections politiques au Cameroun : suffrage universel et démocratie". Paris 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA010328.
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En mettant en place de nouvelles institutions, le législateur camerounais a souhaité se doter d'instruments juridiques susceptibles d'entraîner la participation du plus grand nombre de citoyens. Mais si le vote est l'acte par excellence à travers lequel le citoyen s'implique dans la vie politique la question peut se poser de savoir si sa réalisation est effective. En effet, une législation qui proclame le principe du suffrage universel mais qui ne l'accepte qu'à regret, peut, dans une mesure appréciable, en corriger les effets par une réglementation appropriée de la procédure électorale. Dès lors, l'interrogation majeure autour de laquelle s'articule notre propos est de voir si l'objectif proclamé par le législateur camerounais, à savoir l'instauration d'une société démocratique a été atteint.
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Aliot, Louis. "L'élection du président de la Cinquième République au suffrage universel direct /". Paris : F.-X. de Guibert, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390671495.
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Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Droit public--Toulouse 1, 2002. Titre de soutenance : Les effets de l'élection du président de la Cinquième République au suffrage universel direct.En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 303-321. Index.
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Dyer, Anton. "John Stuart Mill and male support for the Victorian women's movement". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294416.
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In examining male support for the Victorian women's movement, I decided to focus upon a number of men who gave active support across the wide range of causes championed by feminists. John Stuart Mill, Henry Fawcett, James Stansfeld, Jacob Bright, Richard Pankhurst and Francis Newman were selected as my main protagonists and their support for the Married Women's Property campaign, the higher education of women, the opening up of the professions to women, women's suffrage and the campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts was explored. I also examine the views of John Russell, Viscount Amberley, whose early death robbed the women's suffrage movement of his enthusiastic support, and also those of William Johnson Fox, a proponent of women's emancipation who gave his support to the Married Women's Property campaign, but who died when the women's movement had existed for only a decade. The ideas of an important male feminist of an earlier generation, William Thompson, are also explored. I discuss the views of my protagonists on sexual equality and sexual difference, marriage, sexuality, female education, the employment of women and women's suffrage. In seeking to account for the feminism of my protagonists I note the personal characteristics which they broadly shared: moral courage, a tendency to self-sacrifice, sensitivity and a strong sense of justice. Male feminists, especially Mill, were sometimes branded as effeminate, but it seems fairer to suggest that they generally combined the best of both 'masculine' and 'feminine' qualities; they possessed a sufficient degree of 'womanly' sensitivity to empathise with the wrongs of woman and a great deal of 'manly' courage which enabled them to endure the ridicule and abuse which standing up for women's rights frequently entailed. Most of my protagonists were advanced Liberals, and a belief in the need to cultivate altruism was a significant component of their creed; support for women's emancipation was an important aspect of their concern for the welfare of others. The fact that men and women worked closely together in the fight for women's emancipation is explored and especially their intellectual collaboration, notable in the cases of William Thompson and Anna Wheeler, John Mill and Harriet Taylor, and Henry and Millicent Fawcett.
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Myall, Michelle. "'Flame and burnt offering' : a life of Constance Lytton, 1869-1923". Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302232.
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Drawmer, Lois Jane. "The impact of science and spiritualism on the works of Evelyn De Morgan 1870-1919". Thesis, Bucks New University, 2001. http://bucks.collections.crest.ac.uk/9963/.
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This thesis examines the extent to which spiritualism and science inform the paintings of Evelyn De Morgan (1855-1919). I propose that her works in the period 1870-1919 incorporate Darwinist themes of evolutionary development integrated with a spiritualist paradigm of the progression of the soul after death. Chapter one examines the context and influences on De Morgan's mature works, including her family and friends. It considers the impact of her role as a professional woman artist in Pre-Raphaelite circies, and also her engagement with spiritualist practices as a medium. Chapter two argues that De Morgan's works are underpinned by a Darwinian model of evolution, expressed in her works as the progression of the soul, through the vehicle of the female physical body to the metaphysical realm. Chapter three considers how De Morgan reconfigures traditional Christian iconography and narratives through Platonist philosophy in order to create an alternative, feminist vision of divinity. Chapter four continues the exploration of science and spiritualism in relation to female empowerment through De Morgan's representation of witches and occult figures. It proposes that De Morgan's involvement in female suffrage and experience as a medium generate specific spiritualist meanings in her portrayal of occult figures. Chapter five asserts that De Morgan's recurrent concern with water and related imagery correlates with her spiritualist beliefs. It seeks to demonstrate that paintings with water imagery, including sea-scapes, sheils and mermaids, conflate contemporary scientific and spiritualist concerns, which integrate the idea of evolutionary and spiritual development. The conclusion draws together the principal findings of the thesis, and argues that the empirical evidence and close analysis of De Morgan's works in the period 1870-1919 show that they are primarily motivated by De Morgan's engagement with spiritualism.
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Thieme, Katja. "Language and social change : the Canadian movement for women's suffrage, 1880-1918". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31530.
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This dissertation examines the print discourse of the Canadian women's suffrage movement from the 1890s to the 1910s and investigates how suffragists positioned not only themselves but also suffrage sceptics through their utterances. Grounded in both rhetorical analysis and the study of nineteenth-century Canada, this work contributes to our understanding of the discourse of social and political movements. Lloyd Bitzer's concept of the rhetorical situation is used to show how suffrage debates were aligned with debates about temperance, social reform, and imperialism. Michel Foucault's notion of the statement--claims which have acquired authority independent of situation--helps expand the concept of the rhetorical situation to better theorize how suffrage utterances travelled through various genres and situations. The repeated dismissal of English suffrage militancy is here analyzed through the lenses of uptake and genre. Militancy received uptake in front-page reports, on women's pages, and in letters to the editor. Anne Freadman's notion of genre as residing in the interrelationships between utterances helps theorize the wide-reaching discursive effects--rather than direct influence--which English militant activism had on the Canadian suffrage campaign. Audience design offers a way of thinking about how suffragists addressed different audience groups and called them toward different types of action. Erving Goffman's and Herbert C. Clarke's approach to audience leaves behind the dyad of writer and reader and grasps the complexity of how some audience members are directly addressed, while others are positioned as side participants or distant bystanders and overhearers. A general tendency among Canadian suffragists was to cast men as overhearers--incidental readers who were expected not to collaborate but to witness the ongoing debate. The most predominant addressees of suffrage texts, middle- and upper-class women who were not yet suffragists, were often interpellated as inert and immoral. In fact, suffragists' appeals to morality in their audience address were part of an effort to convert middle-class women's moral capital into access to political power. These appeals to morality also participated in a fundamental re-interpretation of citizenship as founded on moral rather than economic qualifications and on concern for the moral quality of Canadian society.Arts, Faculty of
English, Department of
Graduate
36
Mountcastle, Sherry A. "Challenges and Triumphs of the North Carolina Woman Suffrage Movement, 1894-1920". NCSU, 2007. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11082007-224121/.
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This thesis describes the early development of the Suffrage Movement in North Carolina and the political and social challenges addressed throughout the movement?s history. It describes the leadership within both the suffragist and the antisuffragist groups in the state. Also addressed are the roles of gender, race, and politics in suffrage and antisuffrage literature. Special attention will be given to the important role of the state?s industrialists in opposing woman suffrage, and their motivation for doing so. Research includes the use of both suffrage and antisuffrage records and publications, as well as numerous newspaper articles, editorials, and letters to gauge contemporary public opinion.
37
Gupta, Katherine E. "A corpus linguistic investigation into the media representation of the suffrage movement". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2013. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/27624/.
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This thesis focuses on the representation of the women's suffrage movement in The Times newspaper between 1908 and 1914. I assemble two focused corpora from texts from News International's The Times Digital Archive: the 7 million word Suffrage corpus and the 400,000 word Letters to the Editor corpus. I then combine historical research into the suffrage movement, corpus linguistic analysis of social discourses and approaches drawn from critical discourse analysis. The suffrage movement was not a unified one; it was composed of various groups with differing backgrounds, ideologies and aims. Historians working with suffragist-produced texts have noted different terminology used to describe different factions of the movement. Less attention has been paid to how the suffrage movement was perceived by those outside the movement, and particularly how it was represented in the press. Central to this thesis is Deleuze and Guattari's (1987) argument that polyvocal, heterogeneous entities are simplified and erased by those in power. I demonstrate that such a simplification of diverse suffrage identities occurs on a lexical level through the consistent use of suffragist to describe all suffrage campaigners, including acts more commonly associated with suffragettes. This conflation of identities also occurred on a textual level through what I define as the 'suggestive placement' of texts within an article. I argue that suggestively placed prosuffrage texts offering a counter discourse are read in the context of the master narrative of suffrage campaigners as violent and dangerous. By focusing on a self-contained, historical movement this thesis is able to analyse changes in historical political discourses, offers corpus linguistic researchers working with contemporary social movements a point of comparison and proposes a methodology for working within the constraints of the data to get useful results. As an interdisciplinary project, it will offer historians a different perspective on ideologies as expressed through language.
38
Galloway, Stuart John. "The American Equal Rights Association, 1866-1870 : gender, race, and universal suffrage". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/29034.
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This thesis studies the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), 1866 to 1870, and argues for its historical distinctiveness and significance. The AERA was the only organisation in nineteenth-century America that explicitly campaigned for the rights of men and women on the same platform. Formed in the immediate aftermath of the American Civil War, the AERA joined the discussion of how to reconstruct the war-torn nation, demanding political rights to be extended to all American citizens based on their common humanity. As the first academic study to focus purely on the AERA, this thesis presents a series of new findings and interpretations about the association. It studies the creation, exploits, and demise of the AERA, highlighting and analysing key aspects of the association’s character, from its membership and ideas, to its campaigning and organisational dynamics. It also broadens the source base beyond the two figures of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, who have long dominated writings on the woman suffrage movement. Instead, the thesis examines the AERA membership as a whole. In so doing, it argues three main points: first, the association was more than just the vehicle for the woman suffrage movement at this time; second, the association worked well and was not constantly beset by divisions and disputes, and third, the final collapse of the association was due more to the actions of individuals than to wider historical or contextual forces. Besides arguing for the historical distinctiveness and significance of the AERA, this focus on the association itself provides a new angle on wide-ranging questions, concerning Reconstruction history, political relations between men and women and the role of men in movements for gender equality.
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Franchitti, Abby. ""No Votes, Thank you" : l'opposition au suffrage des femmes en Grande-Bretagne". Tours, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006TOUR2015.
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Les périodes victorienne et édouardienne sont connues pour les violentes protestations contre l'exclusion des femmes de la vie politique. Moins connue est l'opposition de celles et de ceux qui se dressèrent, pas uniquement contre les méthodes de ces militantes, mais contre les principes mêmes qu'elles défendaient. Ils jugèrent que l'appartenance à la famille britannique ne requérait ni le vote parlementaire ni un quelconque engagement politique. Au contraire, ils croyaient que la femme était investie d'une mission toute particulière : la défense et la préservation des valeurs traditionnelles chez elle, au sein de sa famille. Finalement, afin de défendre ses valeurs, les femmes furent contraintes de s'organiser dans un mouvement collectif : "The Women's National Anti-Suffrage League". Rejointe par la "Men's League for Opposing Women's Suffrage" et "the scottish League", les "Antis", ainsi furent-ils désignés, développèrent leur stratégie, dialectique, propagande et organe de presse. A la seule fin d'accroître leur efficacité dans leur lutte contre les mouvances revendiquant le droit de vote féminin, les organisations se fusionnèrent pour fonder la "National League for Opposing Woman Suffrage". La stratégie de la Ligue fut efficace jusqu'aux années de guerre, 1914-1918. En 1917, la Chambre des communes adopta "the Representation of the People Act, qui comportait une mesure accordant le vote aux femmes de plus de trente ans remplissant les conditions requises. L'adoption de la loi fut confirmée par la chambre des lords et reçut l'approbation royale en 1918. Cette étude offre la possibilité de découvrir les pratiques et motivations d'un grand nombre de femmes (la majorité?) et d'hommes qui furent convaincus qu'afin d'assurer la sauvegarde de l'idéal britannique sur son sol comme à l'étranger, il fallait s'opposer au droit de vote des femmes. Elle présente surtout une autre perspective à la question de savoir : comment les anti-suffragistes ont pu justifier plus de cinquante ans d'opposition à l'extension du processus démocratique au bénéfice des femmesThe victorian and Edwardian periods are well-know for the violent protest movements against the exclusion of women from political life. Less well-known is the fact that many women and men were not only opposed to the methods of the militants but also to the very principles they professed. They believed that belonging to the British family did not require the Parliamentary vote or engaging in political activity. On the contrary, they believed that women were eventually obliged to organize a collective stance inside "The Women's National Anti-Suffrage League". Later reinforced by the "Men's League for Opposing Women's Suffrage" and "the Scottish League", the "Antis", as they were called, developed their specific strategies, diialectics, propaganda, and anti-suffrage organizations soon merged to form the "National League for Opposing Woman Suffrage". The League's strategy was effective until the war years, 1914-1918. In 1917, the House of Commons adopted the "Representation of the People Act" which included a clause giving women over 30, who satisfied the property qualifications, the right to vote. Its adoption was confirmed by the House of Lords and received Royal ascent in 1918. This study offers the opportunity to discover the practices and motivation of a large number of women (a majority?) and men who were convinced that in order to safeguard the British ideal at home and abroad they had to oppose the woman's vote. Above all it presents a different perspective of understanding as to how the anti-suffragists were able to justify more than fifty years of opposition to the extension of the democratic process to include women
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Cairns, Anna. "Jokes for women : suffrage and the sense of humour on the stage". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bf0d5cf7-b876-4c97-acc7-da730b56daa6.
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This thesis investigates the works of the London-based suffrage theatre group, the Actresses' Franchise League (AFL). Examining the period between 1907 and 1914, it considers the immediate influences on its foundation in 1908 up to the start of the First World War, when the League changed its focus from that of women's enfranchisement to the entertainment of troops. It analyses in particular the influence of the contemporary debate concerning the sense of humour, and women’s supposed lack thereof, on the focus and style of the playwrights' work. In contextualising the AFL's negotiations with ideas of women’s sense of humour, this thesis represents a shift from the prevailing critical caution shown towards the politicisation of literary humour and laughter. I challenge distinctions between offstage political activity and laughter in the theatre, as well as definitions of radical suffrage action and the privileging of the tragic or violent within feminist discourse. The League displayed a sensitive and, sometimes, angry understanding of the impact of anti-suffrage humour. In a politically motivated move, playwrights consciously rejected the narrative of the tragic and bitter woman both to emulate and defiantly invert such jokes, in order to assert the strength of women's humour. Not without debate within the League’s own circles, the AFL and the wider movement's various politics are manifested in this construction of women’s sense of humour. These theatrical negotiations impacted on the internal strength of the suffrage community and on its political reception. In uncovering suffrage humour as a critical area in its own right, this thesis reinvigorates the categories by which this theatre has been defined and challenges the demotion of its political contribution. Bringing together little known, unpublished, and formerly lost plays into dialogue with each other, it also contributes to the ongoing recuperation of suffrage theatre, such as Cecil Armstrong’s staging of jujitsu. Setting this in conversation with more established playwrights such as George Bernard Shaw and with suffrage playwrights who have already received considerable attention, such as Cicely Hamilton, this thesis actively resists the isolation of suffrage theatre within critical discourse. In addition, its reconsideration of Shaw's relationship with the suffrage movement challenges prevalent deprecation of his playwriting contribution that invites further re-evaluation of his literary politics, while the survey and application of humour theory contributes to the evolving and exciting area of literary humour studies. Overall, through the close documentation of the AFL's alliances with offstage debate, a fuller conception of this political theatre is detailed in ways that also capture the variety of its membership, as indeed of its humour too.
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Rushing, Jenny. "Jessie Ackerman, 'The Original World Citizen': Temperance Leader, Suffrage Pioneer, Feminist, Humanitarian". [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2003. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0716103-141354/unrestricted/RushingJ073103f.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2003.Title from electronic submission form. ETSU ETD database URN: etd-0716103-141354. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet at the UMI web site.
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Balshaw, June Marion. "Suffrage, solidarity and strife : political partnerships and the women's movement 1880-1930". Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1998. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/5796/.
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This thesis is a study of six mixed-sex political partnerships, all of which functioned within the context of heterosexual marriage. It considers these partnerships involvement in, and attitudes toward, the campaigns for women' s enfranchisement over a fifty year period from 1880 - 1930. The aim of this study is to contribute to our understanding of the gendered nature of political activity and identity through an examination of the women' s suffrage campaigns, in particular the still under-researched, yet extremely important question of men's support for women' s suffrage. This thesis takes as its point of departure historical studies of gender, that is, a critical examination of the constructions of masculinity and femininity; ideas which have been informed and developed by women's history. It will consider the extent to which developments within the suffrage movement both challenged and reinforced gendered political identities and influenced attitudes toward the parts that men and women had to play in both the public and private spheres. The partnerships studied demonstrate not only the diversity of opinion within the women's suffrage movement but also how this single issue affected familial politics at a variety of levels. Each chapter focuses on one political partnership and charts its involvement - whatever form it took - during one of the most dynamic periods in modern British history. The partnerships included in this thesis are diverse and are comprised of Emmeline and Richard Pankhurst, James and Marion Bryce, John and Katharine Bruce Glasier, Emmeline and Frederick Pethick-Li1wrence, Annot and Sam Robinson, and Elsie Duval and Hugh Franklin. This thesis is, therefore, a contribution to both suffrage history and to the study of political partnerships in relation to changes in British political culture during a period of intense debates about the symbolic and actual representation of women.
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Satter, Lori. "Susan B. Anthony : a visionary of the nineteenth-century United States suffrage movement /". Connect to online version, 2007. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2007/242.pdf.
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Lewenson, Sandra Beth. "The relationship among the four professional nursing organizations and woman suffrage: 1893-1920 /". Access Digital Full Text version, 1989. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/10857734.
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Auchterlonie, Mitzi Marita. "Conservative women, the Conservative Party and the campaign for women's suffrage, 1867-1914". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246385.
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Geis, Amy Lynn. "“The Key to All Reform”: Mormon Women, Religious Identity, and Suffrage, 1887-1920". University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1430420424.
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Smitley, Megan K. "'Woman's mission' : the temperance and women's suffrage movements in Scotland, c.1870-1914". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1488/.
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This thesis discusses the connections that bound together the late-nineteenth-century women’s temperance and suffrage movements in Scotland. The importance of women’s temperance reform in the women’s movement has been discussed in other Anglophone contexts, however there has been little scholarly analysis of these links in British historiography. This study aims to fill some of this gap. Moreover, by focusing on the Scottish case, this investigation adds a more ‘Britannic’ perspective to discussions of Victorian and Edwardian feminism, and thereby reveals regional variation and diversity. My exploration of the women’s suffrage movement focuses on constitutional societies, and offers a fresh perspective to balance the concentration on militancy in the only major monograph on Scottish suffragism – Leah Leneman’s A Guid Cause: The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Scotland. This analysis takes a flexible approach to constitutionalism and argues that the women’s single-sex temperance society, the Scottish Christian Union (SCU) was an element of constitutional suffragism. Likewise, the Scottish Women’s Liberal Federation – peripheral to the historiography of British suffragism – is given a prominent place as a constitutionalist organisation. This study uses women’s roles in social reform and suffragism to examine the public lives of middle-class women. The ideology of ‘separate spheres’ is a leitmotif of much of women’s history, and discussions of the ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres are often linked to social class. My discussion of a ‘feminine public sphere’ is designed to reveal the ways in which women negotiated Victorian gender roles in order to participate in the civic life that was intrinsic to an urban middle-class identity. Thus, this thesis seeks to place suffragism and temperature in the context of middle-class women’s public world.
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Raphael, Mona. "The construction of political women in the news from suffrage to the present". Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/457045382/viewonline.
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Pohl, Tanya Claire. "Votes for Mothers". Thesis, Boston College, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/359.
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Thesis advisor: Peter WeilerBetween 1866 and 1918, suffragists in Britain campaigned to acquire the vote for women. Opposition to women's suffrage derived mainly from separate spheres ideology – the belief that the genders are inherently different and must fulfill different roles in society. Many scholars claim that the suffragists challenged separate spheres ideology. By comparing the writings of Millicent Fawcett and Frances Cobbe, two prominent suffragists, with the writings of Mary Ward and Violet Markham, two prominent anti-suffragists, this work demonstrates similar themes within the opposing campaigns. More importantly, the similarities indicate that suffragists argued within the context of separate spheres ideology and did not seek to significantly alter traditional gender roles
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
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St-Laurent, Geneviève. "Le droit de vote limité par la condamnation pénale ou la quête d'un équilibre entre droit fonctionnel et droit individuel". Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/26461.
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Bien que le caractère fondamental du droit, pour les citoyens, de participer aux élections par l’exercice du droit de vote ne soit plus contestable dans les pays démocratiques et que son caractère universel soit largement acquis, il semble néanmoins subsister un fort a priori quant aux qualités morales requises pour pouvoir disposer de la capacité électorale. En effet, dans de nombreux États, on considère que les détenus doivent systématiquement être privés de leur droit de vote, car indignes de participer à la vie démocratique. Néanmoins, tant la Cour constitutionnelle d’Afrique du Sud que la Cour suprême du Canada et la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme ont, au cours des dernières années, invalidé des dispositions législatives qui prévoyaient la suppression générale et automatique du droit de vote aux personnes condamnées. L’analyse comparative de ces décisions, doublée d’une étude de l’évolution historique du droit de vote, révèle que ce droit, autrefois conçu comme un droit fonctionnel – soit un droit de vote ayant d’abord pour objectif la protection de la démocratie en tant qu’institution – est aujourd’hui perçu essentiellement comme un droit individuel - soit un droit de vote avant tout défini comme un droit fondamental attaché à l’individu et à sa dignité. Or, il semble que ce passage d’un droit axé sur son « sujet » davantage que sur son « objet » ait eu des conséquences insoupçonnées. Outre le fait que cette sacralisation de l’aspect individuel du droit de vote laisse désormais peu de place aux limitations étatiques, elle a aussi pour effet d’occulter les valeurs collectives qui sont, autant que la participation individuelle au suffrage, au cœur de la démocratie. Cette thèse propose ainsi certaines pistes de solutions qui visent à rétablir un équilibre entre les deux pôles du droit de vote, en cherchant à la fois à préserver la dignité individuelle attachée à l’acte électoral et à valoriser la dignité de la fonction électorale comme élément essentiel de l’intégrité du processus démocratique.While the fundamental and universal nature of a citizen’s right to participate in the electoral process through voting is no longer disputed in democracies, the degree of morality required for electoral capacity is still up for debate. Indeed, in many countries, felons are thought unworthy of participation in the democratic process and are thus systematically disenfranchised. However, the Constitutional Court of South Africa, the Supreme Court of Canada and the European Court of Human Rights have all, in recent years, invalidated legislation that provided for general and automatic disqualification of convicted felons. A comparative analysis of these rulings, paired with a study of historical evolution of the right to vote, reveals that what was once designed as a functional right, one primarily aimed at protecting democracy as an institution, is now perceived strictly as an individual right attached to one’s personal dignity. The shift from a right focused on its “subject” rather than its “object” has had unexpected consequences. The sanctification of the individual’s right has not only encroached on the government’s ability to limit the franchise, it has also undermined the collective values that are, as much as is the individual right to participate in the election, at the heart of democracy. This thesis proposes a number of solutions to the current imbalance between the two aspects of the right to vote, all aimed at preserving the individual dignity tied to the right to cast a ballot but also at promoting the electoral function, crucial to the integrity of the democratic process.