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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Student strikes, 1968"
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altaee, thanoon. "Student strikes in Mosul 1966-1968 (documentary study)". مجلة دراسات موصلیة 12, nr 52 (25.06.2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/moss.2019.167248.
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Belausteguigoitia, Marisa, Emanuela Borzacchiello, RÍan Lozano i Alex Brostoff. "Strikes, Stoppages, Occupations". Critical Times 5, nr 2 (1.08.2022): 444–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9799762.
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Abstract After the repression of the student movement in 1968, it was feminists who collectively took over public spaces for the first time in the 1970s. In recent years, two of the most representative occupations have taken place at the Angel of Independence in Mexico City and the Department of Philosophy and Literature at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM). Over the past fifty years, feminist political strategies have proliferated, exerting a significant, direct impact on the visual regime and the disappropriation of cultural patrimony. Drawing on the voices of different generations of feminists, this article explores the political meanings that striking, work stoppage, and occupation have acquired, and some of the visual and narrative political strategies (including strikethroughs, graffiti, and mural-making) that serve them.
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Jajčević, Jasmin. "“Year of resolve” – Yugoslavia 1968: student demonstrations and Tuzla’s reactions". Historijski pogledi 2, nr 2 (28.10.2019): 300–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.300.
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The protests that affected the student population in 1968 around the world did not go beyond Yugoslavia. The first Belgrade, and then the students of other Yugoslav universities, launched demonstrations and highlighted the demands for more equitable relations in society. Student demonstrations in Yugoslavia that erupted in June 1968, were a series of public demonstrations and strikes and other protest actions that took place at universities in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis on demonstrations of students from the Belgrade University. The year 1968 is a symbol of revolution and historical change in society, and student revolutionary mood, mini-revolution, demonstrations, riots and dissatisfaction spread from the United States to Europe, and from Paris through Prague to Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana and Sarajevo. Student dissatisfaction was initiated by the inefficiency of the implementation of economic and social reform, and the decline in the standard of living not only of the broader strata of society, which had a negative impact on the student population. During the student mini-revolution, they were trying to gain for their ideals the working class, convincing them in equal interests and the only way to the desired goal, but without success. In this connection, this paper seeks to draw on the basis of the press (Oslobodjenje and Front Freedom) and letters and telegrams addressed to the Union of Students of the Belgrade University to demonstrate that the employees of the company and mine in the Tuzla region reacted to these student demonstrations in Belgrade, then the schools, college students and others. By holding a meeting of working collectives, choirs, then sending letters and telegrams, they condemned the actions of students, but also gave full support to Tito in building a self-managing socialist society.
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Fichter, Madigan. "Yugoslav Protest: Student Rebellion in Belgrade, Zagreb, and Sarajevo in 1968". Slavic Review 75, nr 1 (2016): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.1.99.
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In June 1968, Yugoslav university students launched strikes and demonstrations condemning police brutality and university conditions and critiquing the apparent failure of self-managing socialism. The "June events" show that the demonstrators were active participants in a global movement but also heavily influenced by local context, practices, and ideas. Whereas Yugoslav youth engaged with, drew from, and ignored the activities of other student movements, authorities reacted to youth rebellion by insisting that the majority of the protesters were showing support for state policies and that the most incorrigible were influenced by, or agents of, foreign entities. Thus, the state reproduced an artificially rigid boundary between east and west as well as between good socialist youth and enemy agents. This article decenters the west as the standard of youth rebellion, considering it in conjunction with but not in comparison to Yugoslavia. It approaches the Cold War world as characterized by the transfer of ideas and practices, not just the clash of civilizations.
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Cóme, Tony. "L'Institut de l'environnement". French Historical Studies 41, nr 2 (1.04.2018): 305–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4322966.
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Précis Si, aux yeux des rares Français qui la visitèrent durant les années 1960, la Hochschule für Gestaltung d'Ulm s'affirma comme un lieu d'étude exemplaire, le climat régnant au sein de cette prestigieuse école de design allemande allait irréversiblement se dégrader en 1968. La complicité qui semblait établie entre enseignants et étudiants allait être mise à mal au cours du mois de mai 1968. Des Français essayèrent néanmoins de faire infuser l'esprit de cet établissement allemand, descendant du Bauhaus, au sein des écoles d'art françaises. Lors des assemblées générales et des commissions pédagogiques de Mai 1968, ceux-ci contribuèrent à la création d'une unité d'enseignement et de recherche pluridisciplinaire animée par plusieurs membres de l'école d'Ulm et soutenue par André Malraux : l'Institut de l'environnement. Les grèves et révoltes étudiantes qui enflammèrent le Quartier latin eurent réciproquement une forte influence au sein de l'école d'Ulm, la conduisant à sa fermeture définitive. L'auteur analyse ici ces complexes effets de vases communicants. The few French visitors to the Ulm Hochschule für Gestaltung in the 1960s considered it an exemplary place to study. But the prevailing climate in this prestigious German school of design declined irreversibly in 1968. May ’68 challenged its atmosphere of productive collaboration between teachers and students. In France, however, some tried to instill the spirit of this Bauhaus‐affiliated German establishment in French art schools. On the one hand, during the general assemblies and educational commissions of May 1968, these individuals contributed to the creation of a multidisciplinary teaching and research unit led by several members of the Ulm school and supported by André Malraux: the Institut de l'Environnement. On the other hand, the student strikes and protests that raged through the Latin Quarter had a strong influence on the Hochschule für Gestaltung, leading to its final closure. The author analyzes this complex interdependence.
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Buffett, Neil Philip. "Crossing the Line: High School Student Activism, the New York High School Student Union, and the 1968 Ocean Hill-Brownsville Teachers’ Strike". Journal of Urban History 45, nr 6 (28.12.2018): 1212–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144218796455.
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In the fall of 1968, 54,000 of 57,000 New York City teachers went on strike in what has since become known as the Ocean Hill-Brownsville Teachers’ Strike. With schools closed for thirty-six days, from September to November, more than one million students were left without schools to attend. Nearly 300,000 of them were high school students—many of whom utilized their “time off” to become or, in some cases, continue to be socially and politically active. This article outlines high school students’ involvement in the Ocean Hill-Brownsville Crisis. It centers upon the New York High School Student Union, which was established as a citywide student organization in September of 1968. During the tense days of that autumn, members of this organization openly supported the African American community’s call for decentralization of schools and firmly opposed the United Federation of Teachers’s strike action.
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Barbaruk, Magdalena. "Misja uniwersytetu. Walka o reformę na Universidad Católica de Chile". Prace Kulturoznawcze 23, nr 2 (7.11.2019): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-6668.23.2-3.12.
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University mission: The fight for reform at the Catholic University in ChileThe author asks about the mission of the university understood as an axiologically defined way of life. She follows the history of the university reform in Chile in the 20th century, its two key moments from the point of view of university reflection: the strike in 1949 and in 1967. She notes that the strike phenomenon, although contrary to the idea of the university, is a tool for the disclosure of the university community. Both strikes were organized by architecture students at private Catholic universities in Santiago and Valparaíso, respectively, hence the demands for total reorganization, research autonomy, modernization and democratization can be regarded as radical. The author describes the research and teaching practice of the so-called School of Valparaíso, which can be considered the most important source and largest beneficiary having been granted the Open City area of the university reform in Chile. The ideas of architect Alberto Cruz Covarrubias and poet Godofredo Iommi Marini are also a good case for analyzing the problem of university autonomy the issue of apoliticality and questions about when the university fails in its mission.
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Umemoto, Karen. "“On Strike!” San Francisco State College Strike, 1968–69: The Role of Asian American Students". Amerasia Journal 15, nr 1 (styczeń 1989): 3–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/amer.15.1.7213030j5644rx25.
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الجنابي, عبد الستار شنين. "The political activity of Najaf students 1932-1958 A reading in the government perspective through the documents of the archives of the Iraqi Ministry of Interior". Kufa Journal of Arts 1, nr 28 (8.09.2016): 233–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2016/v1.i28.6120.
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The subject of the student movement and its political movement in Najaf, as a conscious and important segment of the national movement, constitutes an important unstudied page in its political history, whether at the level of local histories, or at the level of Iraqi historical and political studies. Our research on (the political activity of Najaf students 1932-1958) comes to fill some of the shortcomings in its subject. The research included a presentation of the details of the events that took place in the city of Najaf, including strikes, demonstrations, and confrontations with the security forces, and the role of students in them.
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Burak, Ahmet. "Turecki ruch młodzieżowy w Turcji latach 1968–1971". Studia Orientalne 9, nr 1 (2016): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/so2016103.
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Turkey has the honor of being the first modern, secular state in a predominantly Muslim Middle East. From 1968–1971, the Turkish armed forces played a critical role in the political formation of modern Turkey, contributing to a watershed moment in Turkish history as the country’s youth began to split between the ideological left and the right. The country was in a state of chaos as of January 1971. Turkish universities closed their doors and students formed groups of urban guerrillas, robbing banks and targeting Americans for kidnappings. “Young Turks” as they were known, grew dramatically in strength, registering the most strikes between January 1 and March 12, 1971. Consequently, a Turkish military intervention came as no surprise to most people in the country at that time. This article analyzes the Republic of Turkey’s leftist youth movement from 1968 to 1971.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Student strikes, 1968"
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McNamara, Sara. "Posters, Politics and immigration during the May 1968 Protests in France". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/110.
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How were immigrants, immigrant issues and their histories represented through radical poster art created during the 1968 protests and strikes in France? The May 1968 protests remain one of the most significant moments in contemporary French history and it occurred during a time when immigrant populations were rapidly increasing. There is a multitude of research, analysis and reflections on the protests and strikes; yet there is very little mention of the place of immigrants during this event. Art collectives that were created during the protests designed and produced posters that later became a symbol of the strike. By using a variety of primary and secondary sources including small press publications, interviews, manifestos, historical and artistic secondary soured this work argues that it is during this social movement that immigrants and immigrant issues entered French social discourse and this can be seen by exploring the messages presented in the posters.
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Carneiro, Cesar Oliveira. "Aventuras e desventuras: a peça proibida e a greve de estudantes que desafiou a ditadura em 1966". Programa de Pós- Graduação em História da UFBA, 2008. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11377.
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Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-26T11:08:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cesar Carneiroseg.pdf: 732259 bytes, checksum: e36cc86495f8401f5190a9da976f4a9e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Essa dissertação analisa as movimentações em torno da peça "Aventuras e desventuras de um estudante". Proibida pela direção do Colégio Estadual da Bahia, a peça transformou-se no pivô de uma greve de estudantes que, lutando pela liberdade de expressão, enfrentaram autoridades civis e militares no Estado da Bahia no ano de 1966, em plena ditadura. Aborda temas como a repressão ao movimento estudantil no período, articulações entre secundaristas, universitários e outros setores sociais e a repercussão das movimentações estudantis na imprensa baiana. Ancorada em um leque de fontes que engloba arquivos escolares, jornais da época, arquivos pessoais, documentos da repressão e depoimentos de protagonistas e contemporâneos, a pesquisa teve como objetivo contribuir com debate historiográfico acerca do movimento estudantil no período da ditadura militar, particularmente sobre a participação de secundaristas na resistência ao regime que se instalou no Brasil após o golpe de 1964.
Salvador
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Oliveira, Sergio Luiz Santos de. "O grupo (de esquerda) de Osasco. Movimento estudantil, sindicato e guerrilha (1966-1971)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-25062012-164453/.
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A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo estudar a trajetória do Grupo de Osasco, grupo que reunia operários, estudantes e estudantes-operários. Para o desenvolvimento de nosso projeto utilizaremos fontes documentais provenientes de inquéritos policiais e material produzido pelas organizações revolucionárias (periódicos, manifestos, programas). Estes documentos são encontrados em arquivos como o Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo e o Centro de Documentação e Memória da UNESP (CEDEM). Também trabalharemos com História Oral, com base em depoimentos colhidos com personalidades que estiveram diretamente envolvidas com os eventos analisados em minha pesquisa. O recorte cronológico abrangerá o período que vai de 1966, início das atividades políticas do Grupo de Osasco, até 1971, quando praticamente todos os seus membros estavam exilados, presos ou mortos. Em setembro de 1971 tomba a última grande liderança remanescente de Osasco, José Campos Barreto, juntamente com Carlos Lamarca, no sertão da Bahia. Ao longo da segunda metade da década de sessenta, o Grupo de Osasco foi o principal movimento de esquerda nesta cidade. Em meados de 1968 dominava o movimento estudantil local, reunido em torno do CEO; dominava o sindicato dos metalúrgicos, e expandia sua influência a outras categorias através da criação de comissões de fábrica, mecanismo de representação que articulava os trabalhadores pela base, a margem do sindicato. Possuíam um vereador e vários representantes seus nas secretárias municipais. Pouco antes do AI-5, este grupo estava organizando associações de bairro sob sua influência, e nessas associações ministravam cursos de marxismo para populares. Coube ao Grupo de Osasco a organização da greve de julho de 1968, que se somou a onda de manifestações anti-ditadura que sacudiram o país. A repressão pós greve de julho jogou praticamente todos os militantes do Grupo de Osasco na clandestinidade, e estes acabaram por se integrar a VPR e partiram para a luta armada.This research aims to study the trajectory of the Group of Osasco, group bringing together workers, students and student-workers. For development of our project will use documentary sources from of police investigations and material produced by organizations revolutionary (journals, manifestos, programs). These documents are found in archives and the Archive of State of São Paulo and the Documentation Center and Memorial of UNESP (CEDEM) . Also work with oral history, based on testimonies gathered with personalities who were directly involved in the events analyzed in my research. The outline will cover the chronological period from 1966, beginning of political activities of the Group of Osasco, until 1971, when virtually all of its members were exiled, imprisoned or killed. In September 1971 falls the last great remaining leadership of Osasco, Joseph Campos Barreto, along with Carlos Lamarca, in the interior of Bahia. Throughout second half of the sixties, the Group was the main Osasco leftist movement in this city. In mid-1968 dominated the movement local student, gathered around the CEO; dominated the union metallurgical, and expanded its influence to other categories by creating workplace committees, representation mechanism which articulated the workers at the base, the margin of the union. They had a city councilman and several their representatives in the municipal secretaries. Shortly before the AI-5, this group was organizing neighborhood associations under its influence, and these ministered associations for popular courses on Marxism. It fell to Group Osasco organizing the strike in July 1968, which added to the wave anti-dictatorship protests that rocked the country. The repression of post strike July played virtually every militant group in Osasco underground, and these will eventually join the VPR and went to battle armed.
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Crouillebois, Olivier. "La loi Devaquet : raisons et sens d’un échec". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL001.
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À l’issue de la victoire des droites à l’élection législative de mars 1986, la France se trouve dans une situation politique inédite avec un exécutif dont les deux têtes n’ont pas la même couleurs politique : c’est la première cohabitation. Le gouvernement décide d’abroger la loi sur l’enseignement supérieur en vigueur depuis 1984. Alain Devaquet, le jeune ministre délégué à l’Enseignement supérieur et à la Recherche propose un nouveau texte. Mais sa propre majorité ne le considère pas comme suffisamment audacieux et ne s’inscrit pas dans la logique libérale du nouveau gouvernement. Le projet prend du retard et n’est présenté au Sénat qu’en octobre 1986. Peu offensifs depuis le printemps les étudiants et le principal syndicat, l’UNEF-ID dénoncent le texte et déclenchent un mouvement de contestation. Deux très grandes manifestations s’organisent en novembre et décembre. Des heurts violents entre les forces de l’ordre et les étudiants font basculer le mouvement dans une nouvelle dimension politique. Dans la nuit du 5 au 6 décembre, le jeune Malik Oussekine est frappé à mort par des policiers. L’opinion publique prend fait et cause pour les étudiants. Redoutant une crise politique majeure, le gouvernement retire le projet de loi le 10 décembre. On aura retenu de cette crise que la phase la plus aigüe, mais il s’avère que ce projet de loi possédait les germes son propre échec à sa création. Mais au-delà de la crise estudiantine, la situation cohabitationniste tout d’abord, mais surtout les antagonismes persistants entre les deux partis de la coalition de droite, le RPR et l’UDF fragilisé le bon déroulement de l’élaboration et la mise en place du projet de loi DevaquetIn March 1986, right-wing parties’ victory in France’s parliamentary elections place the country in an unprecedented situation: the two “chiefs” of the executive, the sitting president and the Prime Minister of the newly elected majority, do not lean the same way politically. This is the first “cohabitation,” as it will come to be called. The newly elected government decides to repeal the 1984 law on universities. Alain Devaquet, the junior minister for Universities and Research, introduces a new bill. But his own majority considers that the reform does not go far enough or promote market based reforms aggressively enough. The bill is only introduced into the Senate in October 1986. Although throughout the spring, students and the main student union, the UNEF-ID, had remained very muted, in the fall, massive protests start. Two huge demonstrations are organized, in November and December. Clashes with the police suddenly catapult the movement into a different political dimension, when on the night of December 5, 1986, policemen beat young Malik Oussekine to death. Public opinion sides with the students. Fearing a major political crisis, the government drops the bill on December 10, 1986. Most remember this dramatic context as what cut short the Devaquet reforms, but in reality, the seeds of failure were there all along: beyond the student protests, one must look to the institutional context created by the anomalous “cohabitation,” and especially, to the antagonism between France’s two right-wing parties (RPR and UDF), which undermined the Devaquet bill at every stage, setting it up to fail
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Šlouf, Jakub. "Genealogie plzeňské revolty 1. června 1953: Analýza veřejných kolektivních protestů obyvatelstva města Plzně v letech 1948 - 1953". Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-335652.
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The presented dissertation thesis analyzes one of the largest protests of the Czechoslovak Stalinism-era - the Plze revolt against the currency reform in June 1953. From a conceptual perspective, the work draws on the theory of the so-called new social movements. Therefore it sets the well-known Plze incident into the context of previous protest actions that occurred in the Plze region in the course of the years 1948-1953. This method enables the author to chart the development of several varied protest cultures which had been employed in particular parts of society in Western Bohemia on a long term basis and which inspired the inception and the course of the Plze revolt in the year 1953. This way the work offers not only a considerably more precise critical description of the June protests but also their cultural genealogy. By the means of this genealogy the author reveals the structure of the main social movements that took part in the revolt and an associated complex of social conflicts that caused the protests. There were in particular the following three: a socially-motivated strike movement of industrial blue-collars, a pro-western movement of both student and blue-collar youth and a latent tension within the communist party which was becoming evident through a passive resistance of its rank...
Książki na temat "Student strikes, 1968"
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Tarniewski, Marek. Krâotkie spiecie: Marzec 1968. [Warszawa?]: Mysl, 1988.
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Decourty, Willy. Bruxelles, le 13 mai 1968. Bruxelles: Éditions Luc Pire, 2008.
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), Kwiek Julian (1954, i Gąsowski Tomasz (1947 ), red. Marzec 1968 w Krakowie: W dokumentach. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka, 2005.
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Bavaria (Germany). Generaldirektion der Staatlichen Archive. Protest oder "Störung"?: Studenten und Staatsmacht in München um 1968 : eine Ausstellung des Staatsarchivs München. München: Generaldirektion der Staatlichen Archive Bayerns, 1999.
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Kazimierz, Miroszewski, red. Marzec 1968 roku w województwie katowickim. Katowice: Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, 2009.
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Whitson, Helene. On strike! Shut it down!: A revolution at San Francisco State : elements for change. [San Francisco, Calif: J. Paul Leonard Library, San Francisco State University, 1999.
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Kawauchi, Kensaku. Tōdai Tōsō no tennōzan: "kakuninsho" o meguru kōbō. [Tokyo]: Kadensha, 2020.
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1979-, Borowiec Jarosław, red. Poznań w Marcu--Marzec w Poznaniu: W rocznicę wydarzeń 1968 roku. Poznań: Wydawn. Poznańskie, 2010.
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Shlomo, Sand, red. Mai 68: Grafiṭi ʻal ḳirot ha-Sorbon. Binyaminah: Nahar sefarim, 2008.
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Archivio storico della sinistra "Marco Pezzi.", red. Immaginazione senza potere: Il lungo viaggio del maggio francese in Italia. Milano: Punto rosso, 2011.
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Legois, Jean-Philippe, i Alain Monchablon. "From the Struggle Against Repression to the 1968 General Strike in France". W Student Revolt, City, and Society in Europe, 67–78. New York : Routledge, 2017. | Series: Routledge studies in cultural history ; 52: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170145-7.
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Zogry, Kenneth Joel. "Print News and Raise Hell". W Print News and Raise Hell. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469608297.003.0005.
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This chapter covers the tumultuous 1960s at UNC and beyond, and at the Daily Tar Heel. The 1960 Dixie Classic, UNC’s most infamous sports scandal, is discussed, as is a 1961 speech on campus by President John F. Kennedy. The Civil Rights Movement is covered in detail, as Chapel Hill was a center for protest; the student newspaper took on a new activist role during this time, sending reporters across the South to report on Civil Rights events. The infamous Speaker Ban Law is examined in detail, 1963-1968. In 1963 UNC became completely co-educational, and the changes on campus and the issues facing women students is explored, including the role of the sexual revolution, access to birth control, and the fight over legalizing abortion. The major shift in state politics, away from one-party Democratic rule is discussed, and the rise of conservative politician Jesse Helms, who used UNC and the Daily Tar Heel as examples of extreme liberalism and permissiveness to help build his political base. The Vietnam War, the 1969 UNC Foodworker’s Strike, gay rights, and contributions of later renowned cartoonist Jeff MacNelly on the newspaper are other topics in this chapter
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Conway, James. "Beyond 1968". W An Unseen Light. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813175515.003.0014.
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In the aftermath of the sanitation strike and the assassination of Martin Luther King, the black community in Memphis achieved an unprecedented political mobilization, especially through the NAACP’s “Black Monday” protest. This essay employs local archival collections, newspapers, and personal interviews to show that in less than two months, the NAACP was able to create a unified front within the black community that forced rapid changes in the Memphis school system. While the NAACP organized downtown marches, pickets, and Monday boycotts of public schools, black youths vandalized schools and businesses before the approaching holiday season. At its height, more than 66,000 students and 600 teachers missed school to support the protest. By the time the boycott ended, the school board agreed to appoint two black advisers, a black assistant superintendent, and a black coordinator. The Black Monday protest was successful, but it also exposed the limitations of coalitions in the Black Power era, as moderates and radicals struggled to find common ground.
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Scalice, Joseph. "A Storm on the Horizon". W The Drama of Dictatorship, 23–59. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501770463.003.0002.
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This chapter details the political landscape in Manila after World War II and the declaration of martial law. It notes the mounting social anger over the years, referencing the eruption of student strikes that eventually resulted in all the universities in the university belt having been shut down by student strikes. The student strikes were one expression of a massive growth in working class struggles in the country. The chapter explains that the 1969 election became a bloody and expensive affair after following the growing radicalization of youth, the increasingly seething levels of social outrage, and the discontent of the politically excluded layers of the elite. It cites that Ferdinand Marcos became the first reelected president in the postcolonial period.
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Khazanchi, Pankaj, i Rashmi Khazanchi. "Role of Assistive Technology in Teaching Students With Disabilities in K-12 Classrooms". W Technology-Supported Interventions for Students With Special Needs in the 21st Century, 149–76. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-8874-1.ch007.
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With the passage of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) of 1990 (Public Law 101-476), it has become mandatory to address assistive technology for every student with disabilities. The Assistive Technology Act of 1998 provides students with disabilities equal access to assistive technology. Despite the grants available to assist students with assistive technology in every state, stakeholders struggle in integrating assistive technology in K-12 classrooms. Many teachers strive to implement appropriate assistive technology to educate students with disabilities in K-12 classrooms because of variations of the needs in students, lack of proper knowledge and training in assistive technologies, and the higher costs of some of the emerging 21st-century technology. The purpose of this chapter is to analyze the role of assistive technology to improve student learning and engagement and highlight some of the available no-tech, low-tech, and high-tech assistive technology equipment used with students with disabilities in K-12 classrooms.
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Morrissey, Susank. "Radicalism Reborn? Students in Protest, War, and Revolution". W Heralds of Revolution, 206–26. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195115444.003.0009.
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Abstract Two years after the humiliating collapse of the 1908 strike, amid the surge of youth suicide, student protest again swept through Russia, only this time it led to the devastation of the universities and thousands of arrests. Beginning with a series of street demonstrations following the death of Lev Tolstoi in November 1910 and culminating in the mass resignation of Moscow professors in February 1911, these protests had far-reaching political consequences. The specter of renewed disorder in the universities contributed to a broad political crisis in the Duma, including the splintering of the Octobrist party and the growing political hegemony of the extreme right.
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Higgins, Andrew Stone. "Their Struggle Is Our Struggle". W Higher Education for All, 152–79. University of North Carolina PressChapel Hill, NC, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469672915.003.0007.
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Abstract Chapter six shows that, rather than fostering a narrow nationalism, the racial exclusions embedded in the Master Plan inspired a wave of multiracial activism on campuses across California. At the UC, CSU, and community college levels, student activists worked together, forming alliances and rainbow coalitions to increase the recruitment and matriculation of diverse working-class youth. This activism was directed, quite consciously, at the exclusionary admissions standards enacted by the Master Plan in 1960. The chapter succinctly explores the Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) at San Francisco State College, which carried out a five month long strike for affirmative action and ethnic studies. The successful strike at SF State established a model for other campus struggles throughout California, including the Third World Strike at UC Berkeley, the Lumumba-Zapata coalition at UC San Diego, and interracial alliances organized at various community colleges.
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Hardt, Michael. "Strategic Racial Multiplicities". W The Subversive Seventies, 165–80. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197674659.003.0012.
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Abstract When the Third World Liberation Front initiated a strike at San Francisco State College in November 1968, it brought together students from different racial and ethnic groups, uniting them all under the term “third world.” This chapter analyzes a number of experiments undertaken in the United States, the United Kingdom, and South Africa to create multiracial organizations that strategically create conditions such that no group is given priority over others. In the Black Consciousness Movement, for instance, South African activist Steve Biko argues that people of all races can be “Black” insofar as they are part of the revolutionary struggle.
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Varel, David A. "The Nonviolent Crusade from Montgomery to Madras". W The Scholar and the Struggle, 122–53. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660967.003.0006.
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This chapter tracks the most momentous years of Reddick’s life as he became a professor of history at Alabama State College in Montgomery and emerged as a major leader within the southern civil rights movement. He helped guide and document the Montgomery Improvement Association during the Montgomery Bus Boycott, and he then did the same for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, serving as a founding member of its nine-member executive committee and as the organization’s official historian. Reddick also became a close mentor to Martin Luther King Jr. during these years, and he wrote the first biography of King, Crusader Without Violence (1959), helped King write a memoir on the boycott, Stride Toward Freedom (1958), and traveled with King and his wife Coretta Scott King to India. After supporting the local student sit-in movement in 1960, Alabama Governor John Patterson had him fired from Alabama State College, thus symbolizing his significant stature within the civil rights movement.
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Cooper, Ashton R. "Lessons From Myles Horton and the Highlander Folk School". W Supporting Activist Practices in Education, 36–54. IGI Global, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/979-8-3693-0537-9.ch003.
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This chapter explores developing critical empathy through transformational leadership as pedagogy. Using the example of Myles Horton and the Highlander Folk School (HFS), the author expands Sergiovanni's (1998) pedagogy as leadership by combining social justice-oriented leadership models with an understanding of critical empathy. This demonstrates how educators can foster social change in all learning contexts. Pedagogical leadership, or as it will be discussed in this chapter; leadership as pedagogy, provides a break from traditional (i.e., White) forms of leadership in educational contexts and instead strives to develop human capital among students and educators alike.
Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Student strikes, 1968"
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Zwanziger, Daniel. "Graduate Student Days at Columbia University, 1956-1960". W Quarks, Strings and the Cosmos - Héctor Rubinstein Memorial Symposium. Trieste, Italy: Sissa Medialab, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/1.109.0040.
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