Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Structuralist hegemony

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Structuralist hegemony”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021
Data aktualizacji: 20 lutego 2023

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Structuralist hegemony"

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Mesing, Dave. "From Structuralism to Points of Rupture". Symposium 23, nr 1 (2019): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposium20192316.

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This paper considers the ontological and political implications of the concept of the subject within structuralism. I turn first to Balibar in order to articulate structuralism as a tendency or movement rather than fixed set of positions, using some indications he has provided in order to demonstrate how thoroughly embedded the subject is as a problem within this tendency. I argue that Laclau and Mouffe’s work on hegemony deepens the political stakes of this problem while also introducing the grammar of strategy in an ambivalent and underdefined manner. Considering some possible options for understanding strategy within a structuralist framework, I contend that a stronger theoretical account of strategy is necessary. In order to provide some outlines for such a project, I conclude the analysis by emphasizing the contribution that George Jackson’s writings can provide to this framework, suggesting that the role of the subject should be assigned to tactics.Cet article analyse les implications ontologiques et politiques du concept structuraliste de sujet. En me tournant dans un premier temps vers les indications de Balibar concernant l’intrication profonde du problème du sujet au sein du structuralisme, je montre que ce dernier devrait être compris comme une tendance ou un mouvement plutôt que comme une position philosophique définitive. Je montre ensuite que le travail de Laclau et Mouffe sur l’hégémonie permet d’approfondir les enjeux politiques de ce problème, tout en introduisant de manière ambivalente et prédéfinie la grammaire de la stratégie. En considérant quelques options possibles pour comprendre la stratégie dans une perspective structuraliste, je soutiens la nécessité de l’approcher théoriquement de manière plus puissante. En guise d’esquisse d’un tel projet, je conclus mon analyse avec la contribution qu’y apportent les écrits de George Jackson, en suggérant que le rôle du sujet devrait revenir à la tactique.
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MENDES, MARCOS VINICIUS ISAIAS. "Is it the end of North-American hegemony? A structuralist perspective on Arrighi’s systemic cycles of accumulation and the theory of hegemonic stability". Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 38, nr 3 (wrzesień 2018): 434–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-35172018-2799.

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ABSTRACT The paper aims to present some aspects of the debate about the end of the hegemony of the United States, in light of the theories of systemic cycles of accumulation and hegemonic stability. Among the conclusions, the paper shows that the North-American hegemony is diminishing not only because of the emergence of new powerful countries, such as China, but because the international system, composed by new powerful actors such as multinational corporations, global cities, religious organizations and transnational terrorist groups, is diminishing the means by which the US has exercised its global power since the mid twentieth century.
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Romashko, Tatiana Vladimirovna, i Olga Gurova. "Poststructuralist Discourse Theory and its Methods of Analysis of Sociocultural Reality". Социодинамика, nr 10 (październik 2022): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2022.10.38874.

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This paper discusses Laclau and Mouffe’s post-structural theory of discourse and its methodological tools that could be used for an analysis of social and cultural phenomena. Initially, we outline the variety of discursive approaches within the classification suggested by Jacob Torfing (2005) in order to explain the distinctions and similarities between the linguistic and discursive understanding of social reality. Then, we examine the premises of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, which is drawn critically upon structuralist and Marxist traditions of thinking. In particular, various trends of French post-structuralism and non-essentialist theories of culture and hegemony by Antonio Gramsci and Stuart Hall are the focus of our attention. By doing so we seek to clarify the basis of the post-structural approach and its key notions such as ‘an empty signifier’ by Jacques Derrida, ‘the nodal point’ by Jacques Lacan, and ‘discursive dispersion’ and ‘discursive positivity’ by Michel Foucault. After that, we seek to unfold the abstract logics of Laclau and Mouffe’s research programme and illustrate them with schemes and examples. Thus, we explain an analytical character of the central concepts – ‘the logics of difference and equivalence’, ‘hegemony’, ‘social antagonism’, and ‘dislocation of meanings’.
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Mace, Gordon, i Hugo Loiseau. "Cooperative Hegemony and Summitry in the Americas". Latin American Politics and Society 47, nr 4 (2005): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2005.tb00330.x.

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AbstractAs an instrument for governance, summitry is a novel structure for the management of contemporary hemispheric regionalism in the Americas. Such regionalism is a clear case of the “structuralist paradox” of international cooperation. This article attempts to explain the particular asymmetric regionalism in the Americas by using the concept of cooperative hegemony. The underlying hypothesis is that the U.S. government, since 1994, has pursued a strategy of cooperative behavior, at least in regard to power sharing, in two specific phases of hemispheric regionalism: agenda setting and institutionalization. This study tests the hypothesis through a content analysis of the main documents produced at the Miami, Santiago, and Québec summits, then relates these findings to the progress of institutionalization from 1994 to 2003.
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Narotzky, Susana. "On waging the ideological war: Against the hegemony of form". Anthropological Theory 16, nr 2-3 (wrzesień 2016): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499616652518.

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This article seeks to rehabilitate the concept of ideology as a necessary tool of struggle against present-day capitalism. Post-structuralist epistemologies, by celebrating pluralism and the emergent character of knowledge and politics, have rendered the intellectual production of a unitary theory an obsolete remnant of a Modernist past. I contend that these well-meaning anti-authoritarian epistemologies unwillingly express the hegemony of a form that the Austrian school proposed for market competition in the first half of the 20th century. Based on ethnographic material of Spain, I acknowledge the need to develop a new conceptual framework that captures the singular experienced realities of the present but links them in a coherent unitary theoretical structure. The productive power of the ‘hegemony of form’ requires the construction of an ideology that may not only destroy it but also provide the basis of a counter-hegemony for producing a better future.
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Zienkowski, Jan. "Overcoming the post-structuralist methodolocial deficit – metapragmatic markers and interpretive logics in a critique of the Bologna process". Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 22, nr 3 (1.09.2012): 501–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.22.3.07zie.

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This paper argues for an integration of post-structuralist and linguistic pragmatic perspectives on discourse as a response to the post-structuralist methodological deficit. In order to make his argument, the author presents and illustrates the logics approach to discourse, subjectivity and hegemony as presented by Jason Glynos and David Howarth. This post-structuralist approach constitutes a response to the methodological deficit that haunts much of post-structuralist discourse theory. Nevertheless, it does not provide a linguistic toolbox for analysis. Zienkowski argues that the logics approach can be brought to bear on empirical analysis through the notion of metapragmatic markers. These are linguistic tools that allow us to investigate the self-interpretations of individuals. The practical relevance of using metapragmatic markers in the identification of interpretive logics will be illustrated by means of an analysis of a critical response to the implementation of the Bologna process in Germany. Zienkowski studies Dietrich Lemke’s critical article called Mourning Bologna published in a special issue of E-flux journal n° 14 devoted to the Bologna process. More specifically, he investigates how Lemke constructs his critical stance. Throughout this process, Zienkowski proposes an interpretive and functionalist heuristic for identifying the interpretive logics operative in his text by means of a functional analysis of metapragmatic markers. He concludes with an argument for integrating both perspectives while emphasising that any articulation of post-structuralist and linguistic pragmatic theories of discourse involves some significant reconsiderations with respect to the indexical and differential theories of meaning that characterise each perspective respectively.
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Huckle, John. "Becoming critical: A challenge for the Global Learning Programme?" International Journal of Development Education and Global Learning 8, nr 3 (31.03.2017): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/ijdegl.8.3.05.

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The Global Learning Programme in England employs a new form of networked governance to deliver education for sustainable development in schools. This article focuses on Biccum's claim that such programmes serve to sustain the prevailing neo-liberal hegemony by further marginalizing critical voices such as those drawing on Marxist and post-structuralist theories. After introducing the GLP, Biccum's argument, and indicators of the neo-liberalization of education for sustainable development, it examines the potential of these two theories to inform critical pedagogy. It then evaluates the GLP's core guidance, assessing the extent to which it reflects the indicators and whether it is likely to promote such pedagogy. It concludes by outlining some research questions.
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Fuller, Crispian, i Karen West. "The possibilities and limits of political contestation in times of ‘urban austerity’". Urban Studies 54, nr 9 (13.06.2016): 2087–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016651568.

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This paper seeks to provide a conceptual framework in which to examine the social practices of contemporary austerity programmes in urban areas, including how these relate to different conceptions of crisis. Of current theoretical interest is the apparent ease with which these austerity measures have been accepted by urban governing agents. In order to advance these understandings we follow the recent post-structuralist discourse theory ‘logics’ approach of Glynos and Howarth (2007), focusing on the relationship between hegemony, political and social logics, and the subject whose identificatory practices are key to understanding the form, nature and stability of discursive settlements. In such thinking it is not only the formation of discourses and the mobilisation of rhetoric that are of interest, but also the manner in which the subjects of austerity identify with these. Through such an approach we examine the case of the regeneration/economic development and planning policy area in the city government of Birmingham (UK). In conclusion, we argue that the logics approach is a useful framework through which to examine how austerity has been uncontested in a city government, and the dynamics of acquiescence in relation to broader hegemonic discursive formations.
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Goodyear, Trevor. "(Re)politicizing harm reduction: Poststructuralist thinking to challenge the medicalization of harms among people who use drugs". Aporia 13, nr 1 (21.01.2021): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/aporia.v13i1.5272.

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Poststructuralism, with its critical interpretations of knowledge, discourse, truth, and power, offers a set of compelling analytic tools for disentangling and deconstructing the ways in which health-related phenomena exist and are understood. This paper adopts a poststructuralist stance to outline the impacts of medical hegemony on the lives of people who use drugs, as well as responses to the harms experienced by this population. This analysis reveals how structuralist projects have narrowed the scope and impact of harm reduction through processes of medicalization, neoliberal responsibilitization, and medical co-opting and depoliticization. Nomadic thinking is then introduced as a means for health policy makers and practitioners to transform the boundaries of dominant approaches to harm reduction – particularly, in ways that (re)politicize harm reduction through forms of equity-promoting and social justice-oriented action. Implications for (re)politicized, community-engaged, and structurally responsive approaches to harm reduction in health policy and practice are then discussed.
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Carroll, Claire E. "Another Dodecade: A Dialectic Model of the Decentred Universe of Jeremiah Studies 1996—2008". Currents in Biblical Research 8, nr 2 (17.12.2009): 162–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x09346504.

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In the years since the publication of Robert Carroll’s ‘Surplus Meaning and the Conflict of Interpretations: A Dodecade of Jeremiah Studies (1984—95)’, in Currents 4 in 1996, major paradigm shifts in biblical studies have resulted in an unprecedented level of innovation. Increased engagements with the element of chaos in the text and the resultant innovative encounters with this problematic scriptural material include influential contributions from philosophy, cultural and literary theories. The present review surveys the current state of the field of Jeremiah studies by tracing the impact of post-structuralist methodologies of decentring on ways of thinking about and engaging with Jeremiah. It argues that in the aftermath of the widely acknowledged end of the hegemony of historical-criticism as the dominant paradigm of biblical interpretation articulated by Perdue as ‘the collapse of history’, Jeremiah studies has taken on the shape and nature of a dialectic between the principles of order and chaos.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Structuralist hegemony"

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Nicholas, Lucy Katherine, i n/a. "Australian Anarcha-Punk Zines: Poststructuralism in Contemporary Anarchist and Gender Politics". Griffith University. School of Arts, Media and Culture, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070104.115215.

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This thesis describes and analyses the politics of the Australian DIY anarcha-punk scene and the ethos of the culture's participants. Eschewing the orthodox sub-cultural approach which situates 'punk' within a structuralist hegemony / resistance paradigm, the thesis uses participant observation and textual analysis techniques to understand the role played by zines (hand made publications) in fostering the intellectual and ethical capacities needed to participate in the Australian DIY anarcha-punk scene. The zines, in their deviation from classical anarchism, often invoke concepts of power and 'the political' analogous with those of poststructuralist theory, yet DIY anarchist politics also diverge from poststructuralism. I therefore address DIY anarchist politics by questioning the significance of these inconsistencies with Theory. In doing so I am led to suggest that the zines may be more usefully approached as elements in the ethico-political practice of DIY anarchism, which nonetheless draws on the 'conceptual vocabulary' of much poststructuralism, as well as other theoretical approaches. Thus I re-describe DIY anarchism as an ethos which seeks to argue for its agendas and values on non-foundational terms. Further, I demonstrate that by pursuing an ethos of 'autonomy', the culture's participants seek to develop their intellectual and ethical capacities through a self-consciously 'developmental' engagement of power relationships, in the form of DIY 'prefiguration' or exemplification. Following the preoccupation with gender politics in the zines and the wider scenes, I describe the approach to gender politics in similarly ethico-political terms, drawing likewise on various elements of poststructuralist and other theories. I show this feminist ethical practice to be based on assumptions about gender which embody a certain poststructuralist approach to 'gender', one that is predicated on the material effects of a discursively congealed gender structure, but forms part of an ethos aiming to deconstruct this structure. By re-describing the political approaches of these zines in reference to various theoretical perspectives and ethico-political practices, I am able to offer perspectives to the culture in question, as well as to the interdisciplinary academic context within which I am writing.
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Nicholas, Lucy Katherine. "Australian Anarcha-Punk Zines: Poststructuralism in Contemporary Anarchist and Gender Politics". Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367436.

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This thesis describes and analyses the politics of the Australian DIY anarcha-punk scene and the ethos of the culture's participants. Eschewing the orthodox sub-cultural approach which situates 'punk' within a structuralist hegemony / resistance paradigm, the thesis uses participant observation and textual analysis techniques to understand the role played by zines (hand made publications) in fostering the intellectual and ethical capacities needed to participate in the Australian DIY anarcha-punk scene. The zines, in their deviation from classical anarchism, often invoke concepts of power and 'the political' analogous with those of poststructuralist theory, yet DIY anarchist politics also diverge from poststructuralism. I therefore address DIY anarchist politics by questioning the significance of these inconsistencies with Theory. In doing so I am led to suggest that the zines may be more usefully approached as elements in the ethico-political practice of DIY anarchism, which nonetheless draws on the 'conceptual vocabulary' of much poststructuralism, as well as other theoretical approaches. Thus I re-describe DIY anarchism as an ethos which seeks to argue for its agendas and values on non-foundational terms. Further, I demonstrate that by pursuing an ethos of 'autonomy', the culture's participants seek to develop their intellectual and ethical capacities through a self-consciously 'developmental' engagement of power relationships, in the form of DIY 'prefiguration' or exemplification. Following the preoccupation with gender politics in the zines and the wider scenes, I describe the approach to gender politics in similarly ethico-political terms, drawing likewise on various elements of poststructuralist and other theories. I show this feminist ethical practice to be based on assumptions about gender which embody a certain poststructuralist approach to 'gender', one that is predicated on the material effects of a discursively congealed gender structure, but forms part of an ethos aiming to deconstruct this structure. By re-describing the political approaches of these zines in reference to various theoretical perspectives and ethico-political practices, I am able to offer perspectives to the culture in question, as well as to the interdisciplinary academic context within which I am writing.
Thesis (Masters)
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)
School of Arts, Media and Culture
Full Text
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Lönnborg, Amanda, i Peter Wendell. "Evidens som hegemonisk strategi i socialt arbete : en diskursanalys av den språkliga praktiken i en barn och ungdomsgrupp som arbetar med ett strukturerat beslutsstöd". Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Social Work, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7412.

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This thesis describes how social work language practice circulates around the implementation process of an evidence based structured assessment tool – Savry. The purpose is to examine and understand the social workers language practice in a working group that uses this structured assessment tool in their work with youth. The purpose is also to look for dimensions of identity in terms of discourse. The ontological viewpoint is post-structuralism where language is in focus. The theoretical framework is discourse theory based upon the work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. This theory is used as a basis of the creation of an analytical toolkit which emphasises the concept chains of equivalence and nodal points. The study is based upon qualitative interviews with social workers in a group in the social services for children and youth, who uses the evidenced based structured assessment tool - Savry. The study concerns the structuring around two identities. Theese identities circulate around the nodal point “knowledge” and defines it in two different ways through chains of equivalence. One of the identities equivalates scientific research to the nodal point knowledge, the other equivalates the unique experience to the same nodal point. Theese identities seames to be the result of a hegemonic strategy articulated by one of the two. The purpose of the strategy seams to be the incorporation of as many discursive elements as possible into one dominating discourse. This is also done through the principal exclusion of certain discursive elements, witch is the characterisation of power in discursive theory. The character of the struggle for dominance is not equal. It is instead characterised by the expansion of the chains of equivalence by the scientific knowledge based identity to incorporate discursive elements form other discourses. This is identified as a hegemonic strategy with the purpose of organising consent around the definition of the concept of knowledge and its consequences for social work practice.

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Bower, Richard John. "Towards an articulation of architecture as a verb : learning from participatory development, subaltern identities and textual values". Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/3220.

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Originating from a disenfranchisement with the contemporary definition and realisation of Westernised architecture as a commodity and product, this thesis seeks to explore alternative examples of positive socio-spatial practice and agency. These alternative spatial practices and methodologies are drawn from participatory and grass-roots development agency in informal settlements and contexts of economic absence, most notably in the global South. This thesis explores whether such examples can be interpreted as practical realisations of key theoretical advocacies for positive social space that have emerged in the context of post-Second World-War capitalism. The principal methodological framework utilises two differing trajectories of spatial discourse. Firstly, Henri Lefebvre and Doreen Massey as formative protagonists of Western spatial critique, and secondly, John F. C. Turner and Nabeel Hamdi as key advocates of participatory development practice in informal settlements. These two research trajectories are notably separated by geographical, economic and political differentiations, as well as conventional disciplinary boundaries. However by undertaking a close textual reading of these discourses this thesis critically re-contextualises the socio-spatial methodologies of participatory development practice, observing multiple theoretical convergences and provocative commonalities. This research proposes that by critically comparing these previously unconnected disciplinary trajectories certain similarities, resonances and equivalences become apparent. These resonances reveal comparable critiques of choice, value, and identity which transcend the gap between such differing theoretical and practical engagements with space. Subsequently, these thematic resonances allow this research to critically engage with further appropriate surrounding discourses, including Marxist theory, orientalism, post- structural pluralism, development anthropology, post-colonial theory and subaltern theory. 5 In summary, this thesis explores aspects of Henri Lefebvre's and Doreen Massey's urban and spatial theory through a close textual reading of key texts from their respective discourses. This methodology provides a layered analysis of post-Marxist urban space, and an exploration of an explicit connection between Lefebvre and Massey in terms of the social production and multiplicity of space. Subsequently, this examination provides a theoretical framework from which to reinterpret and revalue the approaches to participatory development practice found in the writings and projects of John Turner and Nabeel Hamdi. The resulting comparative framework generates interconnected thematic trajectories of enquiry that facilitate the re-reading and critical reflection of Turner and Hamdi's development practices. Thus, selected Western spatial discourse acts as a critical lens through which to re-value the social, political and economical achievements of participatory development. Reciprocally, development practice methodologies are recognised as invaluable and provocative realisations of the socio-spatial qualities that Western spatial discourse has long advocated for, and yet have remained predominantly unrealised in the global North.
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Anastasiou, Michaelangelo. "Nation dislocation: hegemony and nationalism". Thesis, 2018. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/9888.

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An examination of scholarly work on nationalism reveals that the nation is typically defined on the basis of positivistic understandings of human nature or society. Consequently, it is understood, not in term of its own specificity, but in terms of an underlying referent that is thought to engender it. Since the unity of the nation is attributed to a “privileged” cause, the plurality of forms that co-constitute it are underemphasized. Positivist explanations have therefore obfuscated the extent to which “the nation” and “nationalism” come to be diversely imbricated in the social and political fabric, and how the nation comes to be totalized, in light of the plurality of its constitutive forms and subject positions. The present work deconstructs existing theories of nationalism, while seeking to generatively furnish a theory of nationalism that eliminates all reliance on positivism. Laclau and Mouffe’s theory of hegemony, which sees socio-political blocs as discursive terrains of multiple overdetermined forms and relations, is deployed in these efforts. Therefore, nationalism is understood, not in terms of privileged constituents, but as a variable set of overdetermined “family resemblances,” such as, “the nation,” “the state,” “the military,” “tradition,” etc., that come to represent the national communal totality. These “family resemblances” come to be dispersed variably and unevenly, as privileged nodes in the field of overdetermination, “binding” together differential identities. And since what governs any discursive formation is the uneven play of differences, it follows that a particular identity will have saturated, more than any other, the field of overdetermination and the content of nodal signifiers (e.g., “the nation”) with its narratives, thereby establishing its hegemony. “The nation” can thus be understood as a privileged signifier of historically variable content that, through its general and uneven dispersion, fuses but unevenly privileges, multiple identities into a socio-political bloc.
Graduate
2019-06-14
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Haase, Nicole. "South Africa in the African political economy: benevolent or selfish hegemon". Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/1372.

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M.A.
On the African continent South Africa is unequivocally the economic and military giant. As the continental hegemon, the state has sought the reform of the unequal global economy in order to enhance the participation in the global political economy of all African countries. The South African government projects the discourse of African solidarity in driving global reforms, emphasising that such reforms will be of benefit to both the continent as a whole, and to the South African state. Within this context, it is the purpose of this dissertation to determine with greater clarity who stands to gain from South Africa’s efforts. In other words, is South Africa acting to acquire economic growth and development for Africa as a whole, or is the country primarily acting to secure its own wealth and power? In short, this study investigates whether South Africa – as the continental hegemon – is acting in a benevolent or selfish manner in its undertakings. The assessment of South Africa’s hegemony is presented in a theoretical schema constructed with a focus on the three main theories of international relations, namely liberalism, realism and structuralism. Each of these theories is employed descriptively as well as prescriptively as tools to evaluate the nature of the African political economy, and South African action versus rhetoric. Applying these conceptual lenses, South Africa’s position on three aspects of the African political economy are assessed and evaluated. These three areas of the political economy – trade, debt and foreign direct investment – serve as case studies revealing South Africa’s benevolence and/or selfishness. In brief, South Africa is pressing for the reform of the international financial architecture; rhetorically, the state seeks free trade and enhanced export opportunities for all African states; the country is urging foreign creditors to reduce Africa’s external debt; South African leaders have recommended that their counterparts establish an investor-friendly climate in Africa as a means to enhance foreign investments on the continent. South Africa’s actions have the potential to benefit the African continent as a whole, and simultaneously advance the state’s interests. The findings of this study point out that (a) each of the three theories can be utilised to describe South Africa’s rhetoric and actions, and (b) the essence of South Africa’s hegemony is neither entirely benevolent, nor exclusively selfish.
Prof. D.J. Geldenhuys Mr. P.P. Fourie
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Nunn, Neil. "Gender, empowerment, and hegemonic masculinity: analyzing social relations among cooperative recyclers in São Paulo, Brazil". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3280.

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This project explores the gender relations among a group of recyclers belonging to a consortium of nine recycling cooperatives in the ABC region of São Paulo, Brazil. Employing a feminist geographical lens and participatory research methodologies I examine these uniquely gendered spaces. This thesis is divided into four sections. Each section is written in an attempt to improve understandings of the ways in which the spaces of the recycling cooperatives are gendered. In the first section I provide information that frames the thesis and the larger research project. I begin this section by providing a geographical and socio-economic overview of the region where the research took place. This is followed by a discussion of my research methodology, a literature review of the relationship between women, solid waste, and labour in Brazil, and a look at my reflexive positioning as a researcher on this project. Section two explores the relationship between gender, empowerment and equity among cooperative recyclers involved with this study. This section poses the question: in what ways has the recycling cooperative allowed for women to inspire personal and social change and have the power to influence the institutions that affect their lives? I argue that the recycling cooperatives involved with this study are spaces where individuals who have traditionally lacked access to power are granted the opportunities to empower themselves. Section three is about performed social relations, specifically the role of hegemonic masculinity in shaping gendered space within the recycling cooperatives. Drawing from qualitative research data, this section critically explores the deployment of power within the lives of the cooperative recyclers. First, I explore the concept of hegemonic masculinity, and suggest its importance for understanding gendered space. Second, I draw on my personal research experiences and qualitative data to provide a spatial examination of the most salient aspects of hegemonic masculinity in the lives of the female cooperative recyclers. Third, I support the notion that masculine domination is not something only established by men and designed to oppress women, but women themselves can construct and reinforce hegemonic masculinities. Section four concludes the study by highlighting apparent shortcomings of the research and implications for future research. Concerned with apparent contradictions between the arguments in sections two and three, I provide a discussion of the multiplicities of space and explain that such contradictions are inherent to the nature of social space. Following this I offer a critical self-reflection of my methodology were I discuss my complicity in reproducing gender binaries and post-colonial research practices.
Graduate
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Renaud-Grignon, Geoffroy. "Les Rastafaris : dans les poumons de l'hégémonie : matérialisme symbolique d'une négation idéologique". Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19270.

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Ce travail explore la culture rastafarie au travers de sa structuration symbolique abordée depuis trois manifestations culturelles significatives : les assemblées Nyabinghi, les chants cérémoniels et le langage Iyaric. J’ai cherché à étudier la manière dont s’était constitué le complexe symbolique rastafari à travers l’Histoire jamaïcaine et ses multiples cultures de résistances. J’avais pour objectif d’aborder le symbolisme depuis un cadre matérialiste, c’est- à-dire d’attester que le symbolisme est à la fois déterminé et déterminant, que l’Histoire le façonne tout comme il façonne l’Histoire à son tour. La culture rastafarie, se positionnant en rupture avec l’ordre établi, fut un lieu de recherche et d’analyse fertile à une anthropologie du matérialisme symbolique. J’ai appuyé ma démarche sur un séjour de recherche en Jamaïque au cours duquel j’ai fréquenté diverses communautés rastafaries, tant au sein de lieux rituels qu’aux carrefours d’interactions entre les adhérants rastafaris et des non-rastafaris. Ma recherche est guidée par un cadre d’analyse abordant la culture depuis l’idéologie, les contres-hégémonies et l’hétérotopie de même que sur la dialectique de la reconnaissance. Ces théories offrent des éléments d’analyse permettant de discuter plus en profondeur des données collectées autour de trois lieux symboliques : assemblées rituelles, chants cérémoniels et construction d’un langage.
This work explores Rastafari culture through its symbolic structuration, focusing on three cultural manifestations of significance: Nyabinghi Assembly, Ceremonial Chants and Iyaric language. I have sought to study the way Rastafari’s symbolic order establishes itself through Jamaican History and through multiple cultures of resistance. My objective is to study symbolism from a materialist perspective, namely showing that symbolism is both determined and determinant, that History shapes just as it is shaped by History. Rastafari culture, making a break with the established order, proved to be a fertile context for the research and analysis of a symbolic materialist approach in anthropology. I have grounded my approach in a yearlong Jamaican research residency where I socialized with various Rastafari communities, both in rituals spaces and at the crossroads of interaction between Rastafari adepts and ordinary Jamaicans. This stay reasserted to me the importance of guiding this research with a theoretical framework allowing to grasp particularities in the cultural dynamics involved while at the same time enabling bridges with other cultures of resistance through a given universalism. A framework addressing culture through ideology, counter-hegemony and heterotopia as much as recognition’s dialectic had guided this research. These theories allow deeper analysis and discussion concerning the collected data of three symbolic spaces; ritual assembly, ceremonial chants and the construction of a language.
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(13980581), Abul Hossain Ahmed Bhuiyan. "Developmentalism and disciplinary power: The case of Bangladesh". Thesis, 2022. https://figshare.com/articles/thesis/Developmentalism_and_disciplinary_power_The_case_of_Bangladesh/21359379.

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Over the last fifty years or so, a myriad of strategies and techniques were deployed with a hope of bringing the people of post -colonial and underdeveloped societies under the process of 'normalization', i.e. development, such as was already experienced by the Western industrial societies. In the process of their deployment, three actors - European rational science, local trustees and the masses - emerged within an ideal construct, developmentalism. This thesis, using discourse insight, examines the process of normalization that operated through the execution of developmentalism in a particular country - Bangladesh.

The thesis shows that, despite achieving the status of political independence as a nation state, Bangladesh not only remained dependent but also entered into a decisive condition of management and control by this disciplinary power of normalization. This occurred through an acceptance of Western modernity as a truth applicable to all humanity. In concrete terms, the Bangladeshi state actively participated in this project by forming (1) a 'think tank' comprising the planning commission and various research institutions; (2) a huge bureaucracy, both public and private; and (3) a mobilisation of the masses into various cooperatives/collectives. The think tank produced development knowledge by directly appropriating the rationality of Western science and technology. Various development projects produced by the application of this knowledge were then implemented by the bureaucracy at the local level. Unlike under colonial subjugation, the masses were not forced to accept the project, but they were made to conform 'of their own free will'. Regardless of its level of achievement in transforming the lives of poor Bangladeshis in material terms, the project achieved their consent to being ruled by the development elite.

Although numerous studies have concluded that most Bangladeshis remained poor (if not worse-off), the trustees or elite of development in Bangladesh managed to change their own fortunes. They gained recognition by intellectually promoting Bangladeshi underdevelopment to the West, keeping themselves personally afloat on Western aid, in luxury. In the end, Western science and rationality are enabling them to remain in power until an alternative--a resistance to this hegemony--can be established.

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Chamberlain, Marlize. "The carceral in literary dystopia: social conformity in Aldous Huxley’s Brave new world, Jasper Fford’s Shades of grey and Veronica Roth’s Divergent trilogy". Diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26525.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-127)
This dissertation examines how three dystopian texts, namely Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World, Jasper Fforde’s Shades of Grey and Veronica Roth’s Divergent trilogy, exhibit social conformity as a disciplinary mechanism of the ‘carceral’ – a notion introduced by poststructuralist thinker Michel Foucault. Employing poststructuralist discourse and deconstructive theory as a theoretical framework, the study investigates how each novel establishes its world as a successful carceral city that incorporates most, if not all, the elements of the incarceration system that Foucault highlights in Discipline and Punish. It establishes that the societies of the texts present potentially nightmarish future societies in which social and political “improvements” result in a seemingly better world, yet some essential part of human existence has been sacrificed. This study of these fictional worlds reflects on the carceral nature of modern society and highlights the problematic nature of the social and political practices to which individuals are expected to conform. Finally, in line with Foucault, it postulates that individuals need not be enclosed behind prison walls to be imprisoned; the very nature of our social systems imposes the restrictive power that incarcerates societies
English Studies
M.A. (English Studies)
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Książki na temat "Structuralist hegemony"

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Griggs, Steven, David Howarth i Eleanor Mackillop. The Meta-Governance of Austerity, Localism, and Practicesof Depoliticization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748977.003.0009.

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This chapter contributes to ‘second-generation’ accounts of depoliticization through the critical assessment of the meta-governance of English local authorities under conditions of austerity. It draws on the grammar of post-structuralism to examine the case of a county council and how in the context of the 2010 public spending cuts, its corporate centre sought, but ultimately failed, to implement a system of ‘integrated commissioning’. The chapter focuses on the discursive and rhetorical strategies to de-contest this project of organizational change, foregrounding how the rhetoric of austerity was deployed to depoliticize proposals for change. Such strategies of depoliticization, as counter-attempts to decouple austerity from integrated commissioning demonstrates, are always open to contestation, such that the complex interactions of politicization and depoliticization strategies cannot be divorced from accounts of local agency and the politics of hegemony. This chapter thus concludes against hasty characterizations of the depoliticizing practices of neo-liberal meta-governance.
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Części książek na temat "Structuralist hegemony"

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Williams, Alex. "Post-Structuralist Hegemony". W Political Hegemony and Social Complexity, 113–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19795-7_7.

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Reynolds, Andie. "Community development as counter-hegemony". W Populism, Democracy and Community Development, 227–44. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447353836.003.0013.

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This chapter examines the relationship between the decline in status of community development, entrenching neoliberal hegemony, and the rise in populism. It does so using a post-structuralist discourse analysis methodology to analyse 74 texts which span national policy debate and the policy and practice within a case-study local authority. The empirical evidence shows that during the administration of the coalition government (2010–15), neoliberal and left-wing populist discourses competed to shape community development debate and practice in England. The chapter calls for community development to unite with left-wing populist strategies to generate and practise counter-hegemonic discourses. However, it also cautions that such discourses can reproduce unhelpful binaries which the community development field must attempt to reconcile.
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Munck, Ronaldo. "Democracy without Hegemony: A Reply to Mark Purcell". W Reflections on Post-marxism, redaktor Stuart Sim, 29–31. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529221831.003.0003.

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My own engagement with Ernesto Laclau goes back to the mid-1970s in the UK when he was for a time my PhD supervisor at Essex, after I had arrived from Argentina some years after he had. I thought then that he was forsaking Marxism for some illusory post-structuralist politics that would take him far away from socialism. In the years since, I have taken his work, on his own, and of course the landmark Hegemony and socialist strategy with Chantal Mouffe (1985), as basic building blocks for any reconstruction of democratic socialism after the collapse of its actually existing and most alternative variants. I will not comment here on Mouffe’s work insofar as she developed a quite distinct theory of democracy, in my opinion, after this joint work. Mark Purcell’s chapter represents a heterodox account of democracy and, in certain respects, Laclau’s work. His statement that ‘hegemonic politics and radical democracy are at odds’ and that ‘it is not possible to engage in a hegemonic project for democracy’ seemed, in fact, quite at odds with the underlying political intent of Hegemony and socialist strategy and Laclau’s work since.
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"English debates and the structuralism of Poulantzas". W Hegemony, 81–110. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203166529-9.

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Bhusan, Amlan. "A Positive Hegemony?" W From Government to E-Governance, 261–70. IGI Global, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-1909-8.ch016.

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Amlan Bhusan raises important questions in “A Positive Hegemony? Arguing for a Universal Knowledge Regime led by an e-Governance ‘Savvy’ Global Knowledge Enterprise!” To him, there is a growing academic consciousness, regarding the use of e-governance, to deliver social goods in a better way. This voice advocates that more needs to be done by public institutions, governments, and more importantly, the academia, to develop e-governance as an enabler for social efficiency. Such developments would help reach debates and discussions on this area to the grassroots of the policy system. His chapter is neither a commentary of the application of e-governance to deliver social change nor a study of how different governments have handled this area around the world. Rather, it is a practicing consultant’s views of the power of e-governance to refine public choice and social decision making and how this process was enriched by a more vigorous role of the academia. Taking specific examples from the education sector, particularly universities, this chapter is a comment on some of the ways in which e-governance ‘can’ be handled across the education system and how lessons from the developed countries can be used to inspire similar revolutionary changes to the status quo in the developing world. His objective is to promote a greater role for the academia in the public policy making process. The idea is to support a more constructive engagement of the academia with the more vulnerable parts of the social system. Above all, he argues for the benefits of spreading the values of information democracy, right to access to information, among the people. He envisages that the power of a more vocal and active academia would be profound in how it could positively affect the information apartheid affecting many large sections of the developing world. He proposes greater research and development on the means of engaging with e-governance and to establish the mechanisms to enhance, converge, simplify, homogenize, and structuralize the knowledge and information enterprise of the global political and social systems.
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Bhusan, Amlan. "A Positive Hegemony?" W Public Affairs and Administration, 1535–45. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8358-7.ch077.

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Amlan Bhusan raises important questions in this chapter. To him, there is a growing academic consciousness, regarding the use of e-governance, to deliver social goods in a better way. This voice advocates that more needs to be done by public institutions, governments, and more importantly, the academia, to develop e-governance as an enabler for social efficiency. Such developments would help reach debates and discussions on this area to the grassroots of the policy system. His chapter is neither a commentary of the application of e-governance to deliver social change nor a study of how different governments have handled this area around the world. Rather, it is a practicing consultant's views of the power of e-governance to refine public choice and social decision making and how this process was enriched by a more vigorous role of the academia. Taking specific examples from the education sector, particularly universities, this chapter is a comment on some of the ways in which e-governance ‘can' be handled across the education system and how lessons from the developed countries can be used to inspire similar revolutionary changes to the status quo in the developing world. His objective is to promote a greater role for the academia in the public policy making process. The idea is to support a more constructive engagement of the academia with the more vulnerable parts of the social system. Above all, he argues for the benefits of spreading the values of information democracy, right to access to information, among the people. He envisages that the power of a more vocal and active academia would be profound in how it could positively affect the information apartheid affecting many large sections of the developing world. He proposes greater research and development on the means of engaging with e-governance and to establish the mechanisms to enhance, converge, simplify, homogenize, and structuralize the knowledge and information enterprise of the global political and social systems.
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Spanakos, Anthony Petros. "A Structural Explanation for Sino-US-Venezuelan Relations". W China, The United States, and the Future of Latin America, redaktor David B. H. Denoon. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479899289.003.0006.

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US-Venezuelan relations display both confrontation and cooperation. Chinese relations with Venezuela are a most likely case for rebellion against the global governance system over which the US presides. This chapter makes a structuralist argument, arguing that the way that the three countries are positioned within global and regional governance structures conditions the underlying character of their relations with each other. Simply put, the US, China, and Venezuela have very different interests and capabilities and their structural positions in South America explain why the increased Chinese presence in Venezuela is neither a threat to the US nor does it substantially aid Venezuelan intentions toward multi-polarizing the region or world. To make this argument, the chapter assumes that US foreign policy toward Venezuela is informed by its position as regional hegemon, Chinese foreign policy toward Venezuela is informed by its position as an extra-regional commercial state, and Venezuelan foreign policy toward both is informed by its position as a petrostate.
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Kollmorgen, Raj. "Modernization Theories". W The Handbook of Political, Social, and Economic Transformation, 55–64. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0005.

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Modernization theories represent one of the most important and most controversial approaches in transformation research. After their golden age in the 1950s and 1960s, they came under pressure by alternative approaches like World-Systems Analysis or actor-centred transition approaches. But modernization theories have experienced a renaissance with the epochal threshold of 1989/90 and the subsequent wave of democratization. Today, three major currents can be identified: neo-evolutionist approaches, structuralist modernization theory, and the approach of multiple modernities or comparative historical sociology. They consider transformation as a specific type of accelerated transition of traditional, partly, or alternatively modernized societies to hegemonic social modernity. Although all approaches have elaborated an explanatory interpretation framework for empirical analysis often combining various social levels, dimensions, and factors (like structures and actors, or economic and cultural factors), there is considerable need for further research and self-reflection concerning normative foundations, causal mechanisms, and their empirical operationalization, as well as ‘postmodern’ challenges.
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Miller, Nicola. "Not the ‘Dismal Science’ but the ‘Lifeless’ One". W Republics of Knowledge, 164–80. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691176758.003.0009.

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This chapter looks at how development economics was pioneered at the United Nations, which founded the Economic Commission for Latin America in Santiago de Chile. It cites Argentine Raúl Prebisch and other economists from across the region who built on his argument that the terms of trade for primary products in Argentina were bound to decline as technological advance accelerated. It also discusses the raft of policies stemming from the theory of structuralism that promote industrialisation and reduce reliance on imports in the developing world. The chapter elaborates on the fundamental ideas of the Economic Commission for Latin America in Santiago de Chile that remained influential on the dependency school, the world system theorists, and the policy-making of the New Left. It questions the assumption that classical political economy was hegemonic in Latin America from independence until the Second World War.
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