Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Street Rail Company”

Abstract. As a strategic resource, urban underground space can be used for rail transportation, commercial streets, which has high economic and social benefits, and is of great significance to sustainable city development. Due to denied Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) signal, traditional mobile mapping systems have difficulty collecting accurate 3D point clouds in urban underground space. Thus, a helmet-based laser scanning system, named "WHU-Helmet", is integrated in this paper to make up for the shortcomings of the existing traditional mobile mapping systems. "WHU-Helmet" is mainly equipped with four types of sensors: a GNSS receiver (optional), an IMU, a laser scanner, and a global shutter camera. "WHU-Helmet" is not relying on GNSS signal and has the advantages of low cost, small volume and easy operation. Using "WHU-Helmet", a multi-scale Normal Distributions Transform (NDT) based LiDAR-IMU SLAM is implemented to collect underground 3D point cloud in real-time. To validate the performance of "WHU-Helmet" in aboveground and underground 3D mapping, experiments were conducted in a typical urban metro station. The experiments show that the average and RMSE of HLS point errors of "WHU-Helmet" are 0.44 meters and 0.23 meters, respectively, showing great potential of "WHU-Helmet" in the application of aboveground and underground 3D mapping.

At the 1997 Desh Pardesh Festival, five artists from diverse cultural and theatrical backgrounds gathered to discuss theatre as a forum for community building. They were Gloria Eshkibok, former President of the Board of Directors of De-bah-jeh-mu-jig Theatre; Dipti Gupta, President of Teesri Duniya Theatre; Sheila James, independent playwright, director, community activist and former Artistic Co-Director of the Company of Sirens; George Seremba, the Ugandan-born playwright of the acclaimed Come Good Rain; and Sarah Stanley, co-founder of Die in Debt Theatre and currently the Artistic Director of Buddies in Bad Times Theatre. Time proved to be too short to speak to their multifaceted passions, but all those in attendance felt privileged to have gained an understanding of their vitally political visions. Here were artists whose projects, through their creation and production, had brought together communities marginalized by virtue of their race, nationality, class, gender, sexual orientation and other factors. These projects represented many different theatrical traditions - street theatre, theatre of protest, storytelling, naturalistic drama, and Shakespearean and classical Greek texts - yet all of them could be encompassed by the phrase “community theatre.”

Cars in the interwar became a popular means of communication. Therefore, also benefited from it in intelligence work. Mainly it was just that their exploitation was cheaper than rail travel. On the other hand, gave it the ability to travel freely and quickly, and also perform some espionage tasks . At the same time we had to be careful, because foreign intelligence quickly versed in the ways of movement of Polish officers in Gdansk. The development of the automotive industry caused a lot of interest in new models, including rapid and sports. Therefore, sometimes the variety of brands became an indispensable element of Gdańsk streets, where there had place also collisions and accidents. Having a car also scheduled between social status, and so the more expensive and nicer car had the individual, the more significant was his position in society Gdansk. Gdańsk policymakers drove expensive cars, imported from abroad. In this image also entered the Polish intelligence chief, Maj. Jan Henryk Żychoń who loved, next to glamorous parties, expensive cars. And this led to accusations him by officers working in an easterly direction, to cooperate with foreign intelligence, because there seen the source of his finances. Żychoń had no worries about false allegations, the transparency of the work of subordinate officers stations, seemed numerous instructions, even for drivers of company vehicles. This had a big impact on the streamlining of information. Cars were also cause other problems, “ace Polish intelligence” that exacerbated the dispute with his former opponents.

Objective: show the prospects of using an innovative type of public urban transport - a digital tram on tires with optical guidance along a strip marked on the road or using magnetic markers along the route, as attractive to passengers, cheaper in the arrangement of lines, as well as requiring less time to build than rail tram for urban transportation, allowing to relieve city roads from traffic jams and improve their ecology. Methods: an analysis and generalization of the operating experience of new digital trams built by the Chinese company CRRC, operated in the cities of China: Zhuzhou, Yibin, Yongxiu, Yancheng and Shanghai, as well as the most advanced designs of the operating rolling stock. Results: the operation of the tire tram revealed a number of problems: after a year of operation, severe rutting appeared on a dedicated lane of the road, speeds and capacity were lower than declared. The construction of new tire tram lines required costs for strengthening the roadway, which was not originally intended by the manufacturer. The possibility of their use in winter climate conditions on roads covered with ice and snow has not been proven. Further testing is required to identify and eliminate emerging deficiencies. Practical significance: despite a number of identified shortcomings, it is advisable to use a digital tire tram for cities with a warm climate, with complex terrain and narrow streets as a medium-capacity vehicle that can improve the mobility and quality of life of citizens, as well as reduce the negative impact on the environment. It is advisable to lay it in new residential areas and industrial zones under construction, as well as to use it for mass transportation of passengers in the event of any major one-time events: major exhibitions, forums, Olympic Games, world football championships, etc.

Spiro Munayyer's account begins immediately after the United Nations General Assembly partition resolution of 29 November 1947 and culminates in the cataclysmic four days of Lydda's conquest by the Israeli army (10-14 July 1948) during which 49,000 of Lydda's 50,000 inhabitants ("swollen" with refugees) were forcefully expelled, the author himself being one of those few allowed to remain in his hometown. Although the author was not in a position of political or military responsibility, he was actively involved in Lydda's resistance movement both as the organizer of the telephone network linking up the various sectors of Lydda's front lines and as a volunteer paramedic, in which capacity he accompanied the city's defenders in most of the battles in which they took part. The result is one of the very few detailed eye-witness accounts that exists from the point of view of an ordinary Palestinian layman of one of the most important and tragic episodes of the 1948 war. The conquest of Lydda (and of its neighbor, Ramla, some five kilometers to the south) was the immediate objective of Operation Dani-the major offensive launched by the Israeli army at the order of Ben-Gurion during the so-called "Ten Days" of fighting (8-18 July 1948), between the First Truce (11 June-8 July) and the Second Truce (which started on 18 July and lasted, in theory, until the armistice agreements of 1949). The further objective of Operation Dani was to outflank the Transjordanian Arab Legion positions at Latrun (commanding the defile at Bab al-Wad, where the road from the coast starts climbing toward Jerusalem) in order to penetrate central Palestine and capture Rumallah and Nablus. Lydda and Ramla and the surrounding villages fell within the boundaries of the Arab state according to the UNGA partition resolution. Despite their proximity to Tel Aviv and the fall of many Palestinian towns since April (Tiberias, Haifa, Jaffa, Safad, Acre, and Baysan), they had held out until July even though little help had reached them from the Arab armies entering on 15 May. Their strategic importance was enormous because of their location at the intersection of the country's main north-south and west-east road and rail lines. Palestine's largest British army camp at Sarafand was a few kilometers west of Lydda, its main international airport an equal distance to the north, its central railway junction at Lydda itself. Ras al-Ayn, fifteen kilometers north of Lydda, was the main source of Jerusalem's water supply, while one of the largest British depots was at Bayt Nabala, seven kilometers to its northeast. The Israeli forces assembled for Operation Dani were put under the overall command of Yigal Allon, the Palmach commander. They consisted of the two Palmach brigades (Yiftach and Harel, the latter under the command of Yitzhak Rabin), the Eighth Armored Brigade composed of the Second Tank Battalion and the Ninth Commando Battalion (the former under the command of Yitzhak Sadeh, founder of the Palmach, the latter under that of Moshe Dayan), the Second Battalion Kiryati Brigade, the Third Battalion Alexandroni Brigade, and several units of the Kiryati Garrison Troops (Khayl Matzav). The Eighth Armored Brigade had a high proportion of World War II Jewish veterans volunteering from the United States, Britain, France, and South Africa (under the so-called MAHAL program), while its two battalions also included 700 members of the Irgun Zva'i Le'umi (IZL). The total strength of the Israeli attackers was about 8,000 men. The only regular Arab troops defending Lydda (and Ramla) was a minuscule force of 125 men-the Fifth Infantry Company of the Transjordanian Arab Legion. The defenders of Lydda (and Ramla) were volunteer civilian residents, like the author, under the command of a retired sergeant who had served in the Arab Legion. The reason for the virtual absence of Arab regular troops in the Lydda-Ramla sector was that the Arab armies closest to it (the Egyptian in the south, the Arab Legion in the east, and the Iraqi in the north) were already overstretched. The Egyptian northernmost post was at Isdud, thirty-two kilometers north of Gaza and a like distance southeast of Ramla-Lydda as the crow flies. The Iraqi southernmost post was at Ras al-Ayn, where they were weakest. And although the Arab Legion was in strength some fifteen kilometers due east at Latrun, the decision had been taken not to abandon its positions on the hills between Ras al-Ayn and Latrun for fear of being outflanked and cut off by the superior Israeli forces in the plains where Lydda and Ramla were situated. Indeed, as General Glubb, commander of the Arab Legion, informs us, he had told King Abdallah and the Transjordanian prime minister Tawfiq Abu Huda even before the end of the Mandate on 15 May that the Legion did not have the forces to hold and defend Lydda and Ramla against Israeli attacks despite the fact that these towns were in the area assigned to the Arabs by the UNGA partition resolution. This explains the token force of the Arab Legion-the Fifth Infantry Company. Thus, the fate of Lydda (and Ramla) was sealed the moment Operation Dani was launched. The Israeli forces did not attack Lydda from the west (where Lydda's defenses facing Tel Aviv were strongest), as the garrison commander Sergeant Hamza Subh expected. Instead, they split into two main forces, northern and southern, which were to rendezvous at the Jewish colony of Ben Shemen east of Lydda and then advance on Lydda from there. After capturing Lydda from the east they were to advance on Ramla, attacking it from the north while making feints against it from the west. Operation Dani began on the night of 9-10 July. Simultaneously with the advance of the ground troops, Lydda and Ramla were bombed from the air. In spite of the surprise factor, the defenders in the eastern sector of Lydda put up stout resistance throughout the 10th against vastly superior forces attacking from Ben Shemen in the north and the Arab village of Jimzu to the south. In the afternoon, Dayan rode with his Commando Battalion of jeeps and half-tracks through Lydda in a hit-and-run raid lasting under one hour "shooting up the town and creating confusion and a degree of terror among the population," as the Jewish brothers Jon and David Kimche put it. This discombobulated the defenders, some of whom surrendered. But the following morning (11 July) a small force of three Arab Legion armored cars entered Lydda, their mission being to help in the evacuation of the beleaguered Fifth Infantry Company. Their sudden appearance both panicked the Israeli troops and rallied the defenders who had not surrendered. The Israeli army put down what it subsequently described as the city's "uprising" with utmost brutality, leaving in a matter of hours in the city's streets about 250 civilian dead in an orgy of indiscriminate killing. Resistance continued sporadically during the 12th and 13th of July, its focus being Lydda's police station, which was finally overrun. As of 11 July, the Israeli army began the systematic expulsion of the residents of Lydda and Ramla (the latter having fallen on 12 July) toward the Arab Legion lines in the east. Also expelled were the populations of some twenty-five villages conquered during Operation Dani, making a total of some 80,000 expellees-the largest single instance of deliberate mass expulsion during the 1948 war. Most of the expellees were women, children, and elderly men, most of the able-bodied men having been taken prisoner. Memories of the trek of the Lydda and Ramla refugees is branded in the collective consciousness of the Palestinians. The Palestinian historian Aref al-Aref, who interviewed survivors at the time, estimates that 350 died of thirst and exhaustion in the blazing July sun, when the temperature was one hundred degrees in the shade. The reaction of public opinion in Ramallah and East Jerusalem at the sight of the new arrivals was to turn against the Arab Legion for its failure to help Lydda and Ramla. Arab Legion officers and men were stoned, loudly hissed at and cursed, a not unintended outcome by the person who gave the expulsion order, David Ben-Gurion, and the man who carried it out, Yitzhak Rabin, director of operations for Operation Dani.

To say something is complex can often be conclusive. It can mean that an issue or an idea is too difficult to explain or understand, or has too many aspects to examine clearly. In many ways the designation “complex” can be an abdication, an end to an argument or discussion. An epochal change in thinking about complexity dates from post structuralist challenges to the idea that the world was known by arguing that everything was indeed much more complex than master narratives would suggest. In the last decade a social scientific engagement with complexity theory has meant that social and cultural meanings of “complex” and “complexity” are being explored. “Complex” has also made a renaissance within the popular and everyday imagination. Reference to “complex” and “complexity” can be found in advertising campaigns for Sydney City Rail (Figure 1), as well as advertising for a telecommunication company (Figure 2). Figure 1 Figure 2 In our feature article Bob Hodge provides a detailed analysis of Sydney City Rail’s “Rail Clearways” advertising campaign. In a comparable campaign, a telecommunications company claims “Simplicity trumps Complexity”. It seems that advertisers will call any networking system “complex” because its binary is “simple”, from the Latin simplex. Simple versus Complex creates a nice image of a telecommunication company possessing a SIMPLE solution for any COMPLEX networking system. “Simplicity trumps Complexity” denotes a competition between the two meanings and a “simple” solution for “complex” networking needs can be found within this company’s product portfolio. Rather than position “complex” in competition with “simple”, we wanted to explore the possibilities of “complex”. The idea of “complex” as a beginning, not a conclusion, has been the driving concept behind this journal edition. This M/C Journal edition assembles seemingly disparate interpretations of “complex”. We did not want to reduce a journal edition on “complex” into “simple” neat links. Instead, we have grouped the articles together under four titles: “‘Complex’ and Affect: Complexities in the Concept of Love”, “Situating ‘Complex’ within Fixed Social and Cultural Systems”, “Positioning ‘Complex’ in Cultural Theories” and “Locating ‘Complex’ in Design”. This thematic arrangement demonstrates how each interpretation of “complex” forms assemblages and from this other assemblages can be formed. Such an approach reveals the way in which “complex” entities emerge from “complex” processes. Our feature article, “The Complexity Revolution”, outlines and categorises complex(ity) in its varying forms. Bob Hodge positions complex(ity) in popular culture, science and humanities. Complex(ity)’s popular meaning reduces the concept to something that is intricate, involved, complicated or multi-dimensional. In a more negative sense complex(ity) is often stripped to simplicity. This article decodes Sydney City Rail’s “Rail Clearways” publicity campaign “untangling our complex rail network” to illustrate how complex(ity) is not reducible to simplicity, it is not strictly a positive or a negative but encompasses many meanings located with popular culture, science and humanities. “Complex” and Affect: Complexities in the Concept of Love “The Heart of the Matter” positions romantic love as productive force and explores the complexity that lies within the notions of love and desire. Richard Carpenter examines why romantic love is so complex by exploring its development from a romantic ideal to encorporating notions of desire. Carpenter explores the move from love as fusion, encapsulated by the movie Jerry Maguire (“you complete me”), to Anthony Gidden’s “plastic sexuality” where desire is detached from reproductive imperatives. It is not that we have moved past romantic love, Carpenter argues, but that we should explore the complex range of possibilities created by its productive force. Adding to this exploration of love’s complexities, Glen Fuller uses the film Punch Drunk Love to illustrate the contingent nature of contemporary romance. Inspired by a conversation with a woman who claims “everyone does rsvp” this paper probes the very notion of love by relating the experiences of the film’s lead characters, Barry and Lisa, to theories by Badio and Deleuze. The continual striving for an elusive harmony is presented as the materiality of love; reconciling love’s contradictions by suggesting it is the problematic nature of romance that elicits the “wonder at the heart of love”. Situating “Complex” within Fixed Social and Cultural Processes Mario Lopez’s article explores contemporary Japanese-Philippine relations through an ethnographic study in Japan on marriages between Japanese men and Filipino women. In this article, he focuses on one aspect of his research: Filipino women attending a ‘care-giver’ course and the outcomes. Japan’s aging society and a shortage of labour in Health Care Facilities has sparked an effort by the Japanese State to source and educate Filipino women to fill the labour void. “Bride to Care Worker” outlines how Filipino women are located within a complex system of nation-state relations. It has become common to claim that we live within a culture of fear and a by-product of this is increased surveillance technologies. “Commodifying Terrorism” explores London’s Metropolitan Police use of Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) cameras to monitor and control public spaces. Yasmin Ibrahim examines how surveillance systems like CCTV locate the body and its everyday actions as stored data in an effort to “combat” terrorism and make public spaces “safer”. The ramifications are that it constructs and supports new power relationships and new risk hierarchies; raising questions of how surveillance technologies are making us safer. In “Decisions on Fire” Valerie Ingham asserts one thought process or model cannot encompass the complex decisions made on the fire-ground. Ingham argues incident commanders use “Multimodal Decision Making” a term that she developed from her ethnographic research with fire-fighters. “Multimodal Decision Making” illustrates how sensorial awareness and experiential knowledge is used when assessing and recommending a course of action to fight fires. Positioning “Complex” in Cultural Theories Sarah James examines one mural, from one street in San Francisco’s, predominantly Mexican, Mission District. She assesses how it is symbolic of complex assemblages denoting a diasporic community, post colonial histories and cultural hybridity. “Culture and Complexity: Graffiti on a San Francisco Streetscape” argues complexity theories can extend and contribute to established concepts in humanities such as post colonialism and cultural hybridity. Karen Cham and Jeffrey Johnson argue that complex systems are cultural systems. They trace the developments within interactive digital media and industry design practice to illustrate the relationship between art and complex systems. This relationship is epitomised by the possibilities inherent within interactive media for experimentation and innovation. Drawing on post-structural, science and art theory, Cham and Johnson suggest that digital mediums serve as a model that highlights the nature of complex adaptive systems. Locating “Complex” in Design A labyrinth epitomises complexity in design with its numerous choices of pathways and directions. In “A Vision of Complex Symmetry”, Ilana Shiloh applies a complexity perspective to the Coen Brothers’ neo-noir film The Man Who Wasn’t There (2001) by arguing its symbolic relationship to a labyrinth. Shiloh uses the labyrinth as a metaphor to highlight the difference between rationalistic genre in detective fiction in which complexity is simplified by the work of the detective to film noir in which the audience is taken deeper into the labyrinthine maze of a story where little makes sense and nothing is what it seems. Vince Dziekan’s curatorial project during his recent “Remote” exhibition inspired his interactive piece for our journal edition. In his paper Dziekan’s explores the creative process behind curatorship, presenting it as a design process which adds levels of complexity to the experience of the gallery space. By creating an interactive element to his work, Dziekan’s draws the reader into the experience of curatorial design, using layers of black, magenta, cyan and yellow. Each colour represents an aspect of design: the ‘black’ layer is a synopsis of curatorial design and complexity, the article is situated within the four magenta layers, the cyan layer provides a visual experience of the exhibition and the yellow layer embodies Marcel Duchamp’s “Mile of String”. Dziekan’s work is symbolic of “complex” representing layers of concepts each interacting, reflecting and affecting the other. Through these papers this journal edition presents an exploration of the idea of “complex”. A complex “revolution” (in a quiet way) infuses the vast range of topics by adding depth to challenge all types of research. This journal, in keeping with the idea of complex, illustrates the possibilities from which to start/continue in an effort to expand rather than limit the possibilities of further explorations of “complex”. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Cahir, Jayde, and Sarah James. "Complex." M/C Journal 10.3 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0706/00-editorial.php>. APA Style Cahir, J., and S. James. (Jun. 2007) "Complex," M/C Journal, 10(3). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0706/00-editorial.php>.

Evidence to prove that compact cities, the core of smart growth strategies, are the vision for carbon-neutral cities has been insufficiently explored because analyses have not distinguished between production- and consumption-based carbon emissions. Empirically analyzing the relationship with compact cities by estimating the final demand and investigating carbon emissions generated from the consumption of goods is essential. This study estimated consumption-based carbon emissions in South Korea using nighttime satellite imagery. Subsequently, using spatial analysis, K-means clustering analysis, and a regression model, we comprehensively confirmed whether a compact city to reduce consumption-based carbon emissions should be pursued. The results showed that (1) based on the clustering analysis, consumption-based carbon emissions were the lowest in clusters with the most desirable development form from a compact city perspective; and (2) the OLS regression analysis showed that the higher the complex land use (diversity), population density (density), congestion frequency intensity (transit access), green area ratio (environment), and agricultural area ratio (environment), the lower the consumption-based carbon emissions. However, the results confirmed that the greater the Vehicle Kilometers Traveled (street accessibility) and the poorer the accessibility of high-speed rail, the higher the consumption-based carbon emissions. Therefore, we recommend pursuing a compact city to reduce consumption-based carbon emissions.

—Death? It's not interesting. What intrigues Paris at this moment surely is not Death; it is the interior monologue.—Haven't you heard about the talk about Joyce?—J[ean] Giraudoux (1924)The rain stops; the last drop falls on the rue de l'Odéon. Across the slick, shimmering atmosphere purrs a low, faint rumble. Suddenly, a glimmering light flows, slicing the gray glaze: in solemn silence a splendid Rolls arrives. It approaches, weightless, and dims the crystal mirage of its astonishing headlights. Like an endless sigh, it glides, seeping, stealthy, gentle. Quickly, a murmur [rumor] softly unglues the wheels from the damp pavement, and they take off smoothly. Cutting through the street along the stream of houses, the car moves on until it chances upon a banner that, feinting from a façade, obliges it to stop. It is detained before a bookstore whose sign reads, “Shakespeare and Company.” On the poster hanging above, perpendicular and stylized, appears the sketched silhouette of Old Will.

The term “coffee palace” was primarily used in Australia to describe the temperance hotels that were built in the last decades of the 19th century, although there are references to the term also being used to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom (Denby 174). Built in response to the worldwide temperance movement, which reached its pinnacle in the 1880s in Australia, coffee palaces were hotels that did not serve alcohol. This was a unique time in Australia’s architectural development as the economic boom fuelled by the gold rush in the 1850s, and the demand for ostentatious display that gathered momentum during the following years, afforded the use of richly ornamental High Victorian architecture and resulted in very majestic structures; hence the term “palace” (Freeland 121). The often multi-storied coffee palaces were found in every capital city as well as regional areas such as Geelong and Broken Hill, and locales as remote as Maria Island on the east coast of Tasmania. Presented as upholding family values and discouraging drunkenness, the coffee palaces were most popular in seaside resorts such as Barwon Heads in Victoria, where they catered to families. Coffee palaces were also constructed on a grand scale to provide accommodation for international and interstate visitors attending the international exhibitions held in Sydney (1879) and Melbourne (1880 and 1888). While the temperance movement lasted well over 100 years, the life of coffee palaces was relatively short-lived. Nevertheless, coffee palaces were very much part of Australia’s cultural landscape. In this article, I examine the rise and demise of coffee palaces associated with the temperance movement and argue that coffee palaces established in the name of abstinence were modelled on the coffee houses that spread throughout Europe and North America in the 17th and 18th centuries during the Enlightenment—a time when the human mind could be said to have been liberated from inebriation and the dogmatic state of ignorance. The Temperance Movement At a time when newspapers are full of lurid stories about binge-drinking and the alleged ill-effects of the liberalisation of licensing laws, as well as concerns over the growing trend of marketing easy-to-drink products (such as the so-called “alcopops”) to teenagers, it is difficult to think of a period when the total suppression of the alcohol trade was seriously debated in Australia. The cause of temperance has almost completely vanished from view, yet for well over a century—from 1830 to the outbreak of the Second World War—the control or even total abolition of the liquor trade was a major political issue—one that split the country, brought thousands onto the streets in demonstrations, and influenced the outcome of elections. Between 1911 and 1925 referenda to either limit or prohibit the sale of alcohol were held in most States. While moves to bring about abolition failed, Fitzgerald notes that almost one in three Australian voters expressed their support for prohibition of alcohol in their State (145). Today, the temperance movement’s platform has largely been forgotten, killed off by the practical example of the United States, where prohibition of the legal sale of alcohol served only to hand control of the liquor traffic to organised crime. Coffee Houses and the Enlightenment Although tea has long been considered the beverage of sobriety, it was coffee that came to be regarded as the very antithesis of alcohol. When the first coffee house opened in London in the early 1650s, customers were bewildered by this strange new drink from the Middle East—hot, bitter, and black as soot. But those who tried coffee were, reports Ellis, soon won over, and coffee houses were opened across London, Oxford, and Cambridge and, in the following decades, Europe and North America. Tea, equally exotic, entered the English market slightly later than coffee (in 1664), but was more expensive and remained a rarity long after coffee had become ubiquitous in London (Ellis 123-24). The impact of the introduction of coffee into Europe during the seventeenth century was particularly noticeable since the most common beverages of the time, even at breakfast, were weak “small beer” and wine. Both were safer to drink than water, which was liable to be contaminated. Coffee, like beer, was made using boiled water and, therefore, provided a new and safe alternative to alcoholic drinks. There was also the added benefit that those who drank coffee instead of alcohol began the day alert rather than mildly inebriated (Standage 135). It was also thought that coffee had a stimulating effect upon the “nervous system,” so much so that the French called coffee une boisson intellectuelle (an intellectual beverage), because of its stimulating effect on the brain (Muskett 71). In Oxford, the British called their coffee houses “penny universities,” a penny then being the price of a cup of coffee (Standage 158). Coffee houses were, moreover, more than places that sold coffee. Unlike other institutions of the period, rank and birth had no place (Ellis 59). The coffee house became the centre of urban life, creating a distinctive social culture by treating all customers as equals. Egalitarianism, however, did not extend to women—at least not in London. Around its egalitarian (but male) tables, merchants discussed and conducted business, writers and poets held discussions, scientists demonstrated experiments, and philosophers deliberated ideas and reforms. For the price of a cup (or “dish” as it was then known) of coffee, a man could read the latest pamphlets and newsletters, chat with other patrons, strike business deals, keep up with the latest political gossip, find out what other people thought of a new book, or take part in literary or philosophical discussions. Like today’s Internet, Twitter, and Facebook, Europe’s coffee houses functioned as an information network where ideas circulated and spread from coffee house to coffee house. In this way, drinking coffee in the coffee house became a metaphor for people getting together to share ideas in a sober environment, a concept that remains today. According to Standage, this information network fuelled the Enlightenment (133), prompting an explosion of creativity. Coffee houses provided an entirely new environment for political, financial, scientific, and literary change, as people gathered, discussed, and debated issues within their walls. Entrepreneurs and scientists teamed up to form companies to exploit new inventions and discoveries in manufacturing and mining, paving the way for the Industrial Revolution (Standage 163). The stock market and insurance companies also had their birth in the coffee house. As a result, coffee was seen to be the epitome of modernity and progress and, as such, was the ideal beverage for the Age of Reason. By the 19th century, however, the era of coffee houses had passed. Most of them had evolved into exclusive men’s clubs, each geared towards a certain segment of society. Tea was now more affordable and fashionable, and teahouses, which drew clientele from both sexes, began to grow in popularity. Tea, however, had always been Australia’s most popular non-alcoholic drink. Tea (and coffee) along with other alien plants had been part of the cargo unloaded onto Australian shores with the First Fleet in 1788. Coffee, mainly from Brazil and Jamaica, remained a constant import but was taxed more heavily than tea and was, therefore, more expensive. Furthermore, tea was much easier to make than coffee. To brew tea, all that is needed is to add boiling water, coffee, in contrast, required roasting, grinding and brewing. According to Symons, until the 1930s, Australians were the largest consumers of tea in the world (19). In spite of this, and as coffee, since its introduction into Europe, was regarded as the antidote to alcohol, the temperance movement established coffee palaces. In the early 1870s in Britain, the temperance movement had revived the coffee house to provide an alternative to the gin taverns that were so attractive to the working classes of the Industrial Age (Clarke 5). Unlike the earlier coffee house, this revived incarnation provided accommodation and was open to men, women and children. “Cheap and wholesome food,” was available as well as reading rooms supplied with newspapers and periodicals, and games and smoking rooms (Clarke 20). In Australia, coffee palaces did not seek the working classes, as clientele: at least in the cities they were largely for the nouveau riche. Coffee Palaces The discovery of gold in 1851 changed the direction of the Australian economy. An investment boom followed, with an influx of foreign funds and English banks lending freely to colonial speculators. By the 1880s, the manufacturing and construction sectors of the economy boomed and land prices were highly inflated. Governments shared in the wealth and ploughed money into urban infrastructure, particularly railways. Spurred on by these positive economic conditions and the newly extended inter-colonial rail network, international exhibitions were held in both Sydney and Melbourne. To celebrate modern technology and design in an industrial age, international exhibitions were phenomena that had spread throughout Europe and much of the world from the mid-19th century. According to Davison, exhibitions were “integral to the culture of nineteenth century industrialising societies” (158). In particular, these exhibitions provided the colonies with an opportunity to demonstrate to the world their economic power and achievements in the sciences, the arts and education, as well as to promote their commerce and industry. Massive purpose-built buildings were constructed to house the exhibition halls. In Sydney, the Garden Palace was erected in the Botanic Gardens for the 1879 Exhibition (it burnt down in 1882). In Melbourne, the Royal Exhibition Building, now a World Heritage site, was built in the Carlton Gardens for the 1880 Exhibition and extended for the 1888 Centennial Exhibition. Accommodation was required for the some one million interstate and international visitors who were to pass through the gates of the Garden Palace in Sydney. To meet this need, the temperance movement, keen to provide alternative accommodation to licensed hotels, backed the establishment of Sydney’s coffee palaces. The Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company was formed in 1878 to operate and manage a number of coffee palaces constructed during the 1870s. These were designed to compete with hotels by “offering all the ordinary advantages of those establishments without the allurements of the drink” (Murdoch). Coffee palaces were much more than ordinary hotels—they were often multi-purpose or mixed-use buildings that included a large number of rooms for accommodation as well as ballrooms and other leisure facilities to attract people away from pubs. As the Australian Town and Country Journal reveals, their services included the supply of affordable, wholesome food, either in the form of regular meals or occasional refreshments, cooked in kitchens fitted with the latest in culinary accoutrements. These “culinary temples” also provided smoking rooms, chess and billiard rooms, and rooms where people could read books, periodicals and all the local and national papers for free (121). Similar to the coffee houses of the Enlightenment, the coffee palaces brought businessmen, artists, writers, engineers, and scientists attending the exhibitions together to eat and drink (non-alcoholic), socialise and conduct business. The Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace located in York Street in Sydney produced a practical guide for potential investors and businessmen titled International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney. It included information on the location of government departments, educational institutions, hospitals, charitable organisations, and embassies, as well as a list of the tariffs on goods from food to opium (1–17). Women, particularly the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) were a formidable force in the temperance movement (intemperance was generally regarded as a male problem and, more specifically, a husband problem). Murdoch argues, however, that much of the success of the push to establish coffee palaces was due to male politicians with business interests, such as the one-time Victorian premiere James Munro. Considered a stern, moral church-going leader, Munro expanded the temperance movement into a fanatical force with extraordinary power, which is perhaps why the temperance movement had its greatest following in Victoria (Murdoch). Several prestigious hotels were constructed to provide accommodation for visitors to the international exhibitions in Melbourne. Munro was responsible for building many of the city’s coffee palaces, including the Victoria (1880) and the Federal Coffee Palace (1888) in Collins Street. After establishing the Grand Coffee Palace Company, Munro took over the Grand Hotel (now the Windsor) in 1886. Munro expanded the hotel to accommodate some of the two million visitors who were to attend the Centenary Exhibition, renamed it the Grand Coffee Palace, and ceremoniously burnt its liquor licence at the official opening (Murdoch). By 1888 there were more than 50 coffee palaces in the city of Melbourne alone and Munro held thousands of shares in coffee palaces, including those in Geelong and Broken Hill. With its opening planned to commemorate the centenary of the founding of Australia and the 1888 International Exhibition, the construction of the Federal Coffee Palace, one of the largest hotels in Australia, was perhaps the greatest monument to the temperance movement. Designed in the French Renaissance style, the façade was embellished with statues, griffins and Venus in a chariot drawn by four seahorses. The building was crowned with an iron-framed domed tower. New passenger elevators—first demonstrated at the Sydney Exhibition—allowed the building to soar to seven storeys. According to the Federal Coffee Palace Visitor’s Guide, which was presented to every visitor, there were three lifts for passengers and others for luggage. Bedrooms were located on the top five floors, while the stately ground and first floors contained majestic dining, lounge, sitting, smoking, writing, and billiard rooms. There were electric service bells, gaslights, and kitchens “fitted with the most approved inventions for aiding proficients [sic] in the culinary arts,” while the luxury brand Pears soap was used in the lavatories and bathrooms (16–17). In 1891, a spectacular financial crash brought the economic boom to an abrupt end. The British economy was in crisis and to meet the predicament, English banks withdrew their funds in Australia. There was a wholesale collapse of building companies, mortgage banks and other financial institutions during 1891 and 1892 and much of the banking system was halted during 1893 (Attard). Meanwhile, however, while the eastern States were in the economic doldrums, gold was discovered in 1892 at Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie in Western Australia and, within two years, the west of the continent was transformed. As gold poured back to the capital city of Perth, the long dormant settlement hurriedly caught up and began to emulate the rest of Australia, including the construction of ornately detailed coffee palaces (Freeman 130). By 1904, Perth had 20 coffee palaces. When the No. 2 Coffee Palace opened in Pitt Street, Sydney, in 1880, the Australian Town and Country Journal reported that coffee palaces were “not only fashionable, but appear to have acquired a permanent footing in Sydney” (121). The coffee palace era, however, was relatively short-lived. Driven more by reformist and economic zeal than by good business sense, many were in financial trouble when the 1890’s Depression hit. Leading figures in the temperance movement were also involved in land speculation and building societies and when these schemes collapsed, many, including Munro, were financially ruined. Many of the palaces closed or were forced to apply for liquor licences in order to stay afloat. Others developed another life after the temperance movement’s influence waned and the coffee palace fad faded, and many were later demolished to make way for more modern buildings. The Federal was licensed in 1923 and traded as the Federal Hotel until its demolition in 1973. The Victoria, however, did not succumb to a liquor licence until 1967. The Sydney Coffee Palace in Woolloomooloo became the Sydney Eye Hospital and, more recently, smart apartments. Some fine examples still survive as reminders of Australia’s social and cultural heritage. The Windsor in Melbourne’s Spring Street and the Broken Hill Hotel, a massive three-story iconic pub in the outback now called simply “The Palace,” are some examples. Tea remained the beverage of choice in Australia until the 1950s when the lifting of government controls on the importation of coffee and the influence of American foodways coincided with the arrival of espresso-loving immigrants. As Australians were introduced to the espresso machine, the short black, the cappuccino, and the café latte and (reminiscent of the Enlightenment), the post-war malaise was shed in favour of the energy and vigour of modernist thought and creativity, fuelled in at least a small part by caffeine and the emergent café culture (Teffer). Although the temperance movement’s attempt to provide an alternative to the ubiquitous pubs failed, coffee has now outstripped the consumption of tea and today’s café culture ensures that wherever coffee is consumed, there is the possibility of a continuation of the Enlightenment’s lively discussions, exchange of news, and dissemination of ideas and information in a sober environment. References Attard, Bernard. “The Economic History of Australia from 1788: An Introduction.” EH.net Encyclopedia. 5 Feb. (2012) ‹http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/attard.australia›. Blainey, Anna. “The Prohibition and Total Abstinence Movement in Australia 1880–1910.” Food, Power and Community: Essays in the History of Food and Drink. Ed. Robert Dare. Adelaide: Wakefield Press, 1999. 142–52. Boyce, Francis Bertie. “Shall I Vote for No License?” An address delivered at the Convention of the Parramatta Branch of New South Wales Alliance, 3 September 1906. 3rd ed. Parramatta: New South Wales Alliance, 1907. Clarke, James Freeman. Coffee Houses and Coffee Palaces in England. Boston: George H. Ellis, 1882. “Coffee Palace, No. 2.” Australian Town and Country Journal. 17 Jul. 1880: 121. Davison, Graeme. “Festivals of Nationhood: The International Exhibitions.” Australian Cultural History. Eds. S. L. Goldberg and F. B. Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 158–77. Denby, Elaine. Grand Hotels: Reality and Illusion. London: Reaktion Books, 2002. Ellis, Markman. The Coffee House: A Cultural History. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2004. Federal Coffee Palace. The Federal Coffee Palace Visitors’ Guide to Melbourne, Its Suburbs, and Other Parts of the Colony of Victoria: Views of the Principal Public and Commercial Buildings in Melbourne, With a Bird’s Eye View of the City; and History of the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880, etc. Melbourne: Federal Coffee House Company, 1888. Fitzgerald, Ross, and Trevor Jordan. Under the Influence: A History of Alcohol in Australia. Sydney: Harper Collins, 2009. Freeland, John. The Australian Pub. Melbourne: Sun Books, 1977. Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace. International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney, Restaurant and Temperance Hotel. Sydney: Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace, 1879. Mitchell, Ann M. “Munro, James (1832–1908).” Australian Dictionary of Biography. Canberra: National Centre of Biography, Australian National U, 2006-12. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/munro-james-4271/text6905›. Murdoch, Sally. “Coffee Palaces.” Encyclopaedia of Melbourne. Eds. Andrew Brown-May and Shurlee Swain. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM00371b.htm›. Muskett, Philip E. The Art of Living in Australia. New South Wales: Kangaroo Press, 1987. Standage, Tom. A History of the World in 6 Glasses. New York: Walker & Company, 2005. Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company Limited. Memorandum of Association of the Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company, Ltd. Sydney: Samuel Edward Lees, 1879. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic: A Gastronomic History of Australia. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2007. Teffer, Nicola. Coffee Customs. Exhibition Catalogue. Sydney: Customs House, 2005.

Superati «novant’anni d’impazienza» e dopo un lungo periodo votato all’autocommento e all’esplorazione delle proprie intenzioni, Raffaele La Capria ha raccolto le sue opere in due Meridiani curati da Silvio Perrella. La Capria ne ha celebrato l’uscita nella prolusione inaugurale di Salerno Letteratura, poi confluita nel breve autoritratto narrativo "Introduzione a me stesso" (2014). In questa sede, l’autore è tornato su alcuni punti essenziali della sua riflessione sulla scrittura, come la relazione, reciproca e ineludibile, fra tradizione e contemporaneità. All’epilogo del «romanzo involontario» di una vita, La Capria guarda retrospettivamente alla propria esperienza come ad un’autentica educazione intellettuale. Perciò, muovendo da un’intervista inedita del 2015, riportata integralmente in appendice, la tesi ha l’obiettivo di ricostruire l’apprendistato letterario di La Capria dai primi anni Trenta, quando l’autore ancora frequentava il ginnasio, fino all’inizio dei Sessanta, quando ottenne il premio che ne avrebbe assicurato il successo. Il percorso, che riesamina l’intera bibliografia lacapriana nella sua varietà e nella sua stratificazione, si articola in una serie di fasi interdipendenti: la partecipazione indiretta alle iniziative dei GUF (intorno alle riviste «IX maggio» e «Pattuglia»); l’incursione nel giornalismo e l’impegno culturale nell’immediato dopoguerra (sulle pagine di «Latitudine» e di «SUD»); l’attività di traduttore dal francese e dall’inglese (da André Gide a T.S. Eliot); l’impiego alla RAI come autore e conduttore radiofonico (con trasmissioni dedicate a Orwell, Stevenson, Saroyan e Faulkner); la collaborazione con «Il Gatto Selvatico», la rivista dell’ENI voluta da Enrico Mattei e diretta da Attilio Bertolucci; e le vicende editoriali dei suoi primi due romanzi, “Un giorno d’impazienza” (1952) e “Ferito a morte” (1961), fino alla conquista dello Strega. La rilettura dell’opera di uno scrittore semi-autobiografico come La Capria, attraverso il costante riscontro di fonti giornalistiche, testimonianze epistolari e documenti d’archivio che avvalorano e occasionalmente smentiscono la sua versione dei fatti, diventa allora un’occasione per immergersi nella sua mitografia personale e avventurarsi in territori finora poco esplorati: come la ricostruzione del suo profilo culturale, a partire dal milieu in cui La Capria vive e opera, o l’incidenza delle letture e delle esperienze giovanili sulla sua prassi letteraria.

This chapter discusses how the creation of an urban transportation system transformed New York City. After private railroad companies built tracks for elevated railroads (Els) above the city's streets in the 1870s, the city's population spread out and grew rapidly from Lower Manhattan. To continue growing, however, the city had to build electric-powered rail lines, underground, that would travel faster and further and would accommodate even more people than the Els. Thus, the City of New York paid the construction costs for its first subway and in 1900 entered into a long-term lease with the Interborough Rapid Transit Company (IRT) to build and operate it. In 1913, the City of New York entered into contracts with two companies—the IRT and the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company (BRT)—to build more lines in Manhattan, Brooklyn, Queens, and the Bronx. However, in the early twentieth century, New York's politicians took a shortsighted approach to the transit system. Instead of raising fares, they raised false expectations that New Yorkers could have high-quality subway service with low fares. The repercussions would last for generations. The chapter then looks at the establishment of the Office of Transit Construction Commissioner, the construction of a city-owned and city-operated “Independent” (IND) subway system, and the planning for a Second Avenue subway.

“Any water-related stress you can imagine, we have. Abundance, shortage, pollution. We have them all,” a young woman named Afifa Raihana told me on my first trip to Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh. Afifa was working for the World Bank at that time, coordinating environmental initiatives, having earlier worked as a journalist. The list of water-related problems in Bangladesh is long and sometimes contradictory: waterlogging as well as desertification, floods along with shortages. Bangladesh sees frequent cyclones and storm surges; it copes with salinity and sedimentation of riverbeds. Industrial chemicals, agricultural runoff, and urban sewage pollute the nation’s ponds and rivers. The problems sometimes stem from the sheer abundance of water in this nearliquid land. In the monsoon, a quarter of the land is regularly inundated. When rivers flood, two-thirds of the land may be covered by water—drowning people and their animals, displacing families, destroying crops. This is the bottom of the Ganges watershed; any water and sediment that has not been held back upstream comes to rest here or washes into the Bay of Bengal. On occasion the abundance is a curse, but usually it is a blessing. Maniruzzaman Miah told me that drought is a far greater threat here than floods, which are essential for growing rice and jute and for keeping the water table high. “Rain and the need for rain. That is what Bangladesh is all about. Floods are part of the ecosystem.” The oddly shaped country that is now Bangladesh was once part of a prosperous realm stretching from Bihar to the Bay of Bengal. Bengal, which was partitioned in 1948—half to India, half to Pakistan—was known as the best-educated, most literate, most cultured part of India. It was a grain basket, a seat of Buddhist learning in ancient times, and later had a well-developed textile industry until England’s East India Company strangled it to promote English-made textiles. Britain essentially launched control of the subcontinent from the east. Calcutta was the seat of British power until 1911, when the capital was moved to Delhi.

This paper presents the result of an evaluation program for the condition of the SEPTA Broad Street subway car shells and their capability to perform during an extended period of revenue service. SEPTA currently is evaluating various system upgrades to address equipment obsolescence and reliability, and wanted to verify that the current car shells are expected to be serviceable during this extended period. The evaluation focused on two aspects of the 1982-built car shells. First, what is the current and predicted condition of the shells and, second, how does the performance of the current car shell design compare to present day designs and requirements? Four sets of activities were done as part of this project. One-third of the fleet was randomly chosen for visual inspections. Service-induced cracks were identified at two locations: in ring welds below the doors, and on the side sill between the corner posts and the anti-climbers. The ring weld cracks have been identified on a small number of cars in the past, and SEPTA continues to monitor and reinforce these areas. The cracks between the corner posts and anticlimbers are also being monitored; to date, none of these cracks has progressed to the point that repair is required. In parallel with the visual inspections, the car shell camber and doorway dimensions were measured on approximately 10% of the fleet. All the measured vehicles had positive camber; doorway dimensions were uniform, except for scattered individual measurements that were car-specific. This part of the evaluation concluded that the car shells are not undergoing significant degradation or cracking. One car was instrumented with strain gauges in potential high-stress areas, and then operated at simulated full passenger-load weight over the Broad Street route. Cyclic strains imposed by simulated revenue service were measured and converted to stresses. This testing confirmed high stresses at the joint between the side sill and the body bolster. The lifetime limiting location on the car shells is in the ring welds below the doors, consistent with the results of the visual inspections. Using conservative assumptions of continuous full passenger loading and minimum material properties, the predicted lifetime to the initiation of visible cracks in this area is 7–14 years of service. This independent evaluation is consistent with the actual experience, and provided confidence in the analysis protocol. SEPTA is monitoring this location and repairing cracks as required. Evaluation of the car shell design with regard to performance in a collision revealed that, unlike most other cars of its era, the Broad Street car shell contains provisions to manage energy absorption during a low-speed collision. Records obtained from a car repair shop showed that, when a Broad Street car had a significant non-revenue end collision, these provisions worked as intended to localize the deformation. In similar collisions, the Broad Street car shell will not perform significantly different from cars built to current industry practices. Results from this study indicate that with continued attention to car shell condition, including regular inspections and limited repairs, the Broad Street car shells will continue to be safe and serviceable for an extended period.

MotivePower Incorporated (MPI) a Wabtec company and CTLGroup have completed stress testing of a new two-axle passenger locomotive truck (bogie) frame for use in North America. Testing was performed in accordance with International Union of Railways (UIC) Code 615-4 – Bogie Frame Structural Strength Tests [1]. Static testing was performed to simulate exceptional, main in-service and particular in-service loads. A three-phase dynamic fatigue test of 10 million cycles was also performed. Factors for quasi-static, dynamic and track twist (warp) loads were increased from those recommended by the UIC Code for normal operating conditions on European railways to represent North American track conditions. Significant engineering thought was invested in fixture design, with each load application and reaction point receiving careful consideration. Static testing required ten different servo-controlled loading systems to simulate independent or superimposed vertical, lateral and/or longitudinal forces. The applied loads represented tractive effort, braking effort, curving, vehicle lateral dynamics, vehicle vertical dynamics and track twist. Fatigue testing required four different servo-controlled loading systems utilizing synchronized force functions to simulate alternating quasi-static and dynamic load sequences. The apparatus also included provisions for measuring vertical reactions at each primary spring pocket. Vertical reaction loads were measured by instrumented pedestals using a full Wheatstone bridge configuration to cancel out longitudinal and lateral load effects. Prior to testing, the prototype truck frame was instrumented with 133 strain gages installed at selected points of interest. Stress values discerned from the measured strains conformed to the allowable stress criteria and compared well with those predicted by finite element analysis. Measured force reactions also showed strong correlation with predicted values. No indications of cracks were discovered during periodic non-destructive inspections. In conclusion, the UIC Code 615-4 test protocol was utilized to successfully demonstrate the strength and durability of a new two-axle passenger locomotive truck frame.

In the last 7 significant accidents on the railways in GB there have been 60 passenger fatalities. 14 of these have been caused by ejection (passengers being thrown from the train during the course of the collision). One additional fatality was attributed to an object entering the carriage through the train window. In total there have been 26 ejections with over 50% resulting in fatality. The trend has been towards higher speed incidents involving vehicles overturning. The authority responsible for setting Safety Standards and, conducting research on behalf of the Train Operators and Stakeholders in GB’s railways is the Rail Safety and Standards Board (RSSB). They initiated a multi faceted stream of research to investigate the performance of glazed systems in train incidents. The aim of the research was to identify and establish measures which replicate the conditions to which glazed systems may be subject to in collision conditions and to formulate corresponding performance requirements designed to prevent passenger ejection. The research was phased and entailed the following: • Accident investigation and analysis, detailed vehicle examination. • Review of 600 passenger witness statements, obtained by British Transport Police. • Generation of computer models using the MADYMO code and Side Impact Dummy (SID) to model the overturning event in a variety of conditions. • Postulation of events and measures based on analysis. • Proposed test programme. • Construction of new test apparatus. • Construction of existing glazed units — benchmarking process. • Construction of glazed units of improved design utilising different glass specifications and laminations but capable of being fitted into existing frames. • Testing, reporting, stakeholder reviews and the production of a new equipment standard for glass in railway vehicles. The research team was keen to include a glazing company capable of providing the highest level of technical support. Independent Glass, a Scottish company had been making significant strides in improving the penetration performance of glazed units (especially at the extremes of ambient temperature conditions) was chosen to produce glass samples for the project. A significant amount of testing was undertaken at their premises in Glasgow. Additionally the new tests were undertaken which demonstrate improved penetration resistance by heavy objects and improved passenger containment. This research has been embedded in the proposed new RSSB standard “GM/RT 2100” [1] which has developed a new scenario based sequential testing regime for glazed laminated systems in railway vehicles. This paper will inform the audience of these new requirements and the research which led to its introduction. It will show the testing that has been undertaken from the perspective of the glazing manufacturer and will detail the equipment that is required to be able to perform these new tests. It will comment on the cost and mass implications of fitting these new glazing units to vehicles in GB and the safety benefit of doing so. Toughened windows are still being used by some train operators for emergency egress; however most operators are now converting their vehicles to having entirely laminated units in vehicles. This is not the subject of this paper.

For mass transit rail systems employing a 3rd rail to provide the electric traction power, the 3rd rail support bracket must have the capability to withstand the dynamically applied service loads while also providing the necessary electric arc resistance. To meet the arc resistance requirement, fiberglass brackets have been steadily replacing metallic type brackets in fire retardation critical locations; therefore it was necessary to validate their structural performance when used in general service. To this end, a general stress analysis was performed on a representative support bracket to investigate potential stress profiles experienced under various static loading conditions. Historically, metallic brackets have not been susceptible to fatigue failures in service. In order to determine fatigue life characteristics of fiberglass brackets, service strains were collected and analyzed to compare the behavior of the fiberglass and metallic brackets and evaluate whether the service life of the new material is sufficient. Furthermore, the fatigue life of a support bracket is highly dependent on the operational conditions. Thus, a service fatigue life analysis was performed to determine the bracket’s response to the variation of operating environment parameters such as the 3rd rail material and track location. From the analyses performed, it was concluded that the current design was not sufficient in replacing the metallic brackets. A possible redesign was then analyzed and it can be shown that a fiberglass material is suitable for the service application if the proper bracket design is incorporated.

<p>This paper presented an evaluation of mechanical properties of ballastless track system using finite element model developed in ABAQUS. CRTS III ballastless track model composed of steel rails, fasteners, perfabricated concrete slabs, intermediate and base layers, was chosen. The track model has a length of 16.8 m in longitudinal direction and the computation was limited to static analysis and linear-elastic material stress- strain relation. In this numerical analysis, steel rails were modeled as beam elements, fasteners were modeled as spring connectors, and prefabricated slabs, intermediate layer as well as base layer were modeled as 3D solid elements. Soil support was represented as elastic foundation throughout the length of the track model. Contact condition between track components was facilitated through surface contact elements having frictionless type. Load model LM-71 suggested by EN 1991-2 was applied to the track model through a load factor (k₁) and soil elastic foundation coefficient (k_s) varied from 0.01 N/mm³ to 0.06 N/mm³. Initially, patch test analysis to ensure convergence of the numerical solution were conducted, as well as performing simple analysis using one point load acting on the track model to compare the numerical results with the calculation given by Zimmermann and Westergaard methods provided by EN 16432-2 (2017). The numerical results indicated that the axial fastener force and flexural stress steel rail has a linear function with respect to kl, while the deflection of steel rail, flexural stress of frefabricated concrete slab, intermediate layer and base layer is best described by α(k_s)^βk₁ where α and β are constants. As minimum subgrade modulus stiffness required by EN 16432-1 (2017) equal to 60 N/mm², which is equivalent to subgrade modulus reaction k_s of 0.0153 N/mm³, load factor k₁ equals to 1.28 will yield steel rail deflection of 6 mm, the allowable value suggested by American Railway Engineering and Maintenance-of-way Association.</p>

The ballast layer serves as a major structural component in typical ballasted railroad track systems. When subjected to an external load, ballast particles present a complex mechanical response which is strongly dependent on particle to particle interactions within this discrete medium. One common test used to study the shear strength characteristics of railroad ballast is the Direct Shear Test (DST). However, it is often not feasible in standard geotechnical engineering laboratories to conduct direct shear tests on ballast particles due to significantly large specimen and test setup requirements. Even for the limited number of laboratories equipped to accommodate the testing of such large specimens, conducting repeated tests for parametric analysis of different test and specimen parameters on shear strength properties is often not feasible. Numerical modeling efforts are therefore commonly used for such parametric analyses. An ongoing research study at Boise State University is using the Discrete Element Method (DEM) to evaluate the effects of varying particle size and shape characteristics (i.e., flakiness, elongation, roundness, angularity) on direct shear strength behavior of railroad ballast. A commercially available three-dimensional DEM package (PFC3D®) is being used for this purpose. In numerical modeling, railroad ballasts can be simulated using spheres (simple approach) and non-breakable clumps (complex approach). This paper utilizes both approaches to compare the ballast stress-strain response as obtained from DST. Laboratory test results available in published literature are being used to calibrate the developed numerical models. This paper presents findings from this numerical modeling effort, and draws inferences concerning the implications of these findings on the design and construction of railroad ballast layers.

Arc flash hazards can result from accidents or equipment deterioration such as dropping tools, accidental contact with electrical equipment, build up of conductive dust, corrosion, condensation, over-voltage stress, or insulation failure. An arc is produced when electric current passes through ionized air after an initial flash over or short circuit, resulting in a flash that could produce significant heat, with temperature in excess of 35,000°F. The extremely high temperature of an electric arc can cause major burns within ten feet and fatal burns within five feet of an arc flash. Recently enacted guidelines and regulations by OSHA and NFPA 70E regarding arc flash hazards have compelled many rail transit agencies to require that an arc flash hazard analysis be performed. The purpose of this analysis is to determine the potential risk of arc faults at every switchgear and electrical panel board to which a worker may be exposed. To comply with OSHA and NFPA, appropriate work practices and personal protective equipment (PPE) must be utilized to reduce the risks associated with arc flashes. Several methods for calculating the arc-flash hazard have been developed. This paper will examine and discuss the following three methods: a) the Ralph H. Lee’s theoretical model, b) the NFPA 70E equations and tables, and c) the IEEE Std 1584 methods. None of the above methods addresses arcing faults in DC switchgear. To date, there is no written standard for DC arc flash hazard analysis. DC arcing faults and calculation methods are discussed. Sample arc flash hazard analysis from a recent rail transit project is included.

For a given material and set of test conditions, fatigue crack propagation behavior can be described by the relationship between cyclic crack-growth rate, da/dN and the fluctuation of stress intensity factor, △K. Such test data are usually displayed in a log-log plot. At intermediate values of △K, fatigue crack-growth data fall along a straight line such that a power-law equation may be used as a curve-fit to the data. Various numerical techniques are applied in order to (1) derive the crack-growth rate and (2) determine the parameters for the power-law equation. Using data from laboratory tests conducted on rail steels, this paper explores the various numerical methods used to characterize fatigue crack-growth behavior. Tests were conducted using two different fracture-mechanics specimens (a standard compact tension specimen and a non-standard single edge notch specimen). Three different numerical techniques were applied to determine the fatigue crack-growth rate, da/dN from test data measuring crack length, a versus number of fatigue cycles, N: (1) secant method, (2) modified secant method, and (3) incremental polynomial method. Four different least squares regression analyses were then applied to determine the parameters for the power law. Moreover, the outcome of these analyses is to determine the combination of numerical techniques which yields the least amount of error when the crack-growth rate equation is integrated and compared to the original a versus N data. Fatigue life calculations performed by integrating the crack-growth rate equation demonstrate the sensitivity of predicted growth rates to the power-law parameters derived from the different regression analyses. This paper explores the various numerical methods and techniques employed to analyze fatigue crack growth data using test data on rail steels.

This article is focused on problems related to parking in the Slovak Republic (SK) and abroad. The examples of individual solutions are mostly from spa cities or towns. Spa cities are attractive from the transport view and they attract traffic more. The most used means of transport is an automobile and in relation to this, there is a greater demand for parking in these cities. The number of visitors in spa cities has been increasing every year and therefore, the number of vehicles has been increasing too. The cities often do not have enough space to build new parking spots. Improper parking on the streets, public space and green areas is not unusual and it presents a negative impact on the city dwellers (e.g. restricted traffic). In our article, we analyse and compare individual solutions for parking in the Slovak Republic and abroad.

Bearing degradation and defects can result in a premature failure. Water ingress into the bearing is a factor for premature degradation, as water may corrupt internal parts and degrade the bearing grease. This paper presents the investigation of the properties of grease degradation from bearings with water-related degradations. This research provides insight into the internal state of bearings that have been replaced due to grease degradation as a result of water ingress. Separately, the railroad industry has observed bearing roller “bluing” or “lube staining.” This discoloration may be a harmless surface effect, or it may be similar to heat bluing. Determining true metallurgical effects may lead to the understanding between these two different types of “bluing”. To study bearings with water-related lubrication degradation, grease samples were collected from two populations of bearing lubrication at bearing service locations. One population contains bearings identified with water-related damage, and a second population is a control set of bearings. Primary grease analysis was done per ASTM 7918, providing metrics of wear, contamination, consistency, and oxidative properties. Additional testing was performed where results indicated utility; including measurements of anti-oxidant remaining in grease and microscopic analysis of wear particles in the grease. “Bluing” or “lube stain” bearing components were examined through analysis of lubrication and metallurgical metrics. Collections of samples from bearing shops included representative small amounts of grease and “blued” steel parts from bearings exhibiting surface discoloration. A second sample set included steel parts and grease samples from a control set of bearings. A third set of rollers were heat blued in the lab. Lube stained rollers and control set rollers were tested for metallurgical changes. Analysis of the bearing steel consisted of hardness and micro-hardness testing of polished samples, examination to compare microstructural features, and residual stress tests. The tests conducted in the investigation of water-related bearing grease degradation indicate a difference between bearings with “Water-Etch” and “Non-Verified” degradation modes based on ferrous debris levels in the grease. This difference is due to wear of the bearing material deposited in the grease. The tests conducted in the investigation of lube stain in bearings show lube stain does not affect any tested metallurgical material properties, other than surface discoloration.

The rapid growth in population and related demand for travel during the past few decades has had a catalytic effect on traffic congestion, air quality, and safety in many urban areas. Transportation managers and planners have planned for new facilities to cater to the needs of users of alternative modes of transportation (e.g., public transportation, walking, and bicycling) over the next decade. However, there are no widely accepted methods, nor there is enough evidence to justify whether such plans are instrumental in improving mobility of the transportation system. Therefore, this project researches the operational performance of urban roads with heterogeneous traffic conditions to improve the mobility and reliability of people and goods. A 4-mile stretch of the Blue Line light rail transit (LRT) extension, which connects Old Concord Rd and the University of North Carolina at Charlotte’s main campus on N Tryon St in Charlotte, North Carolina, was considered for travel time reliability analysis. The influence of crosswalks, sidewalks, trails, greenways, on-street bicycle lanes, bus/LRT routes and stops/stations, and street network characteristics on travel time reliability were comprehensively considered from a multimodal perspective. Likewise, a 2.5-mile-long section of the Blue Line LRT extension, which connects University City Blvd and Mallard Creek Church Rd on N Tryon St in Charlotte, North Carolina, was considered for simulation-based operational analysis. Vissim traffic simulation software was used to compute and compare delay, queue length, and maximum queue length at nine intersections to evaluate the influence of vehicles, LRT, pedestrians, and bicyclists, individually and/or combined. The statistical significance of variations in travel time reliability were particularly less in the case of links on N Tryon St with the Blue Line LRT extension. However, a decrease in travel time reliability on some links was observed on the parallel route (I-85) and cross-streets. While a decrease in vehicle delay on northbound and southbound approaches of N Tryon St was observed in most cases after the LRT is in operation, the cross-streets of N Tryon St incurred a relatively higher increase in delay after the LRT is in operation. The current pedestrian and bicycling activity levels seemed insignificant to have an influence on vehicle delay at intersections. The methodological approaches from this research can be used to assess the performance of a transportation facility and identify remedial solutions from a multimodal perspective.