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Galy, Ariane Madeleine Melodie. "Creating the Stalinist other : Anglo-American historiography of Stalin and Stalinism, 1925-2013". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9866.
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The Western historiography of Stalin and Stalinism produced in the period 1925 to the present day is a strikingly varied body of work in which the nature of Stalin, his regime and his role within his regime have been and continue to be the subject of debate. This characteristic is all the more striking when we consider that from the earliest years of the period under study there has been a general understanding of the nature of the Stalinist regime, and of the policies and leader which have come to define it. This thesis analyses the principal influences on research which have led to this body of work acquiring such a varied nature, and which have led to an at times profoundly divided Western, and more specifically Anglo-American, scholarship. It argues that the combined impact of three key formative influences on research in the West over the period of study, and their interaction with each other, reveal recurring themes across the whole historiography, while also accounting for the variety of interpretations in evidence. The first impact identified is the lack of accessibility to sources during the Soviet period, which posed a constant and real obstacle to those in the West writing on Stalin and Stalinism, and the impact of the removal of this obstacle in the post-Soviet era. The second is the influence of wider historiographical trends on this body of work, such as the emergence of social history. Finally the thesis argues that evolving Western attitudes to Stalin and Stalinism over this period have played a key role in constructions of Stalin and his regime, demonstrating an on-going historical process of the othering of Russia by the West. The extent and nature of this othering in turn provide a central line of enquiry of the thesis. Tightly intertwined with all three impacts has been the changing global political context over the period in question which provides the evolving and influential contextual backdrop to this study, and which has given this body of work a deeply political and personal character.
2
Guedes, De Oliveira Marcos Aurelio. "Stalinism and the Brazilian Communist Party". Thesis, University of Essex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306072.
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Lewis, David. "Stalinism and empire : Soviet policy in Tuva, 1921-1953". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252394.
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This thesis provides an investigation of the nature of Soviet rule in the early Soviet and Stalinist periods among non-Russian peoples. The research begins with a' . theoretical overview of the idea of the USSR as an empire, and provides a broad comparison of other European empires and the Soviet regime to provide a context for the historical analysis which follows. The main part of the thesis consists of an examination of the history of Tuva, a remote region in southern Siberia, inhabited by the Tuvan people, who were nomadic pastoralists closely related to the Mongols. Based on primary sources from the region and from Moscow, the research argues that the expansion of Soviet rule into Tuva bears close comparison with the nature of imperial expansion as practiced by other empires. In the 1920s - when Tuva was formally an independent state - Soviet influence relied on the presence of Russian settlers in the region, and was characteristic of colon-style colonies in other empires. The Soviet ideological urge for national equality ensured that this system was unsustainable in the long term, and a new local elite was formed from young Tuvans, which was used to overthrow more traditional leaders, and to attempt to transform much of the way of life ofTuvans. This new pro-Soviet elite and more nationalist counter-elites struggled for power in the 1930s, but more nationalist groups were dismissed from power and often executed or imprisoned in purges in the late 1930s. Despite the triumph of pro-Soviet groups in the leadership, the full implementation of Soviet policies was only achieved in the 1950s, after Tuva had been incorporated into the USSR and a mass influx of ethnic Russians had taken place. The thesis provides the first detailed, primary-source account of Tuva' s history in western literature, and is an addition to a growing body of work on non-Russian peoples of the USSR and the nature of the Soviet multiethnic policy.
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Bruley, Sue. "Leninism, Stalinism, and the women's movement in Britain, 1920-1939". New York : Garland Pub, 1986. http://books.google.com/books?id=Pa7aAAAAMAAJ.
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Ekeltchik, Serguei. "History, culture, and nationhood under high Stalinism, Soviet Ukraine, 1939-1954". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ59954.pdf.
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Wait, Michael. "Interpretations of Stalinism : the totalitarian model, revisionism and the impact of 'Glasnost' /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw1439.pdf.
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Prado, Anderson. "O jornal ucraniano-brasileiro Prácia: Prudentópolis e a repercussão do Holodomor (1932-1933)". Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2017. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/6378.
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Este trabalho tem a intenção de trazer à analise um evento ocorrido na Ucrânia Soviética no inicio da década de 1930. O Holodomor, que na tradução literal significa “morte pela fome”, resultou na morte de milhões de pessoas na Ucrânia sob a égide do governo stalinista entre 1932 e 1933. Para tal estudo, utilizaremos aportes teóricos da história e imprensa, história e memória e da história oral, tendo como fonte o Jornal Prácia, um periódico fundado em 1912, na comunidade ucraniana da região centro sul do estado do Paraná, Prudentópolis. Esta tese também tem a intenção de compreender como essas informações trazidas pelo jornal eram percebidas e assimiladas pelos imigrantes ucranianos que viviam no Brasil e de que forma a tragédia ocorrida em sua terra de origem foi reelaborada na memória desses imigrantes.
This work has the pretension of bringing to the analysis an event occurred in Soviet Ukraine in the early 1930s. The Holodomor, which in the literal translation means "death by hunger”, resulted in the death of millions of people in Ukraine under the aegis of the Stalinist government between 1932 and 1933. For this study, we will use theoretical contributions from history and the press, history and memory and oral history, from the newspaper Prácia, a newspaper founded in 1912 in the Ukrainian community of the south central region of the state of Paraná, Prudentópolis. This thesis also intends to understand how this information brought by the newspaper was perceived and assimilated by the Ukrainian immigrants who lived in Brazil and how the tragedy occurred in their homeland was reworked in the memory of these immigrants.
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Bubis, Mordecai Donald. "The Soviet Union and Stalinism in the ideological debates of American Trotskyism (1937-51)". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364755.
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Spencer, Malcolm Lyndon Gareth. "Stalinism and the Soviet-Finnish war of 1939-40 : crisis management, censorship and control". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74e74093-9ac5-40fe-92e2-9f0d6e5c833d.
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In both western and Russian historiography the Soviet-Finnish War of 1939-40 enjoys, at best, only a passing reference in any narrative of the period and is poorly integrated into existing scholarly analyses of the Soviet regime under Stalin. It is my contention that this conflict offers an invaluable opportunity to test for continuity and change in the form and function of the Stalinist system. Between the disastrous efforts of its forces and the condemnation of the international community, the Kremlin was confronted with the serious challenge of how to portray the events of the war in the media, while managing domestic and international opinion over the course of the fighting. This thesis examines the extent to which the Soviet regime under Stalin had the institutions and agents in place at the close of the 1930s to cope with the crisis of war in Finland; to be in command of the military campaign, while simultaneously controlling the direction of the official narrative about the fighting; and to censor conflicting interpretations, experiences and information channels, which might expose the Red Army's woeful performance on Finnish territory. This mobilisation of press, propaganda and censorship organs in the face of widespread international condemnation and domestic disquiet constituted a significant challenge for a regime still dealing with the sudden reorientation of the Communist International, required after the Soviet Union's conclusion of a non-aggression treat with Nazi Germany in August 1939. An international perspective is central to this thesis, with a view towards assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the public face and private practice of Soviet information controls.
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Ekblom, Jakob. "Vet skolelever mer om Stalins skräckvälde idag än tidigare? : En kvalitativ läromedelsanalys om hur beskrivningar av Stalins terror förändrats i svenska läroböcker i historia från 1950-talet till idag". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-40773.
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The purpose of this essay is to examine whether the descriptions of Stalin's terror in history textbooks for high school changed from the 1950s until the 2010s. Since previous research shows that textbook content is influenced from different directions and that it dominates in teaching, therefore I want to find out what similarities and differences that exist in the textbooks. The survey is based on a qualitative approach because I want to have a profound picture of the descriptions of Stalin's terror. The results of the survey show that the number of casualties and the descriptions on the famine has changed over time. Furthermore, textbooks also found it difficult to distinguish between terror, politics and ideology. The analysis of the results linked to the theoretical bases, historical consciousness model and history didactic model. The analysis shows that the result always ends up in historical consciousness as the basis for reproducing change and continuity, but in some cases the result has also been connected with historical consciousness of identity formation. In the history didactic model, the result has fallen into the material history teaching subcategories, objective, purpose and classically purpose.
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Kokosalakis, Yiannis. "The Communist Party in Soviet society : communist rank-and-file activism in Leningrad, 1926-1941". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22993.
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This thesis examines a little studied aspect of the Soviet Union’s history, namely the activities of the mass membership of the Communist Party during the interwar period, specifically 1926-1941. Based on extensive research in central and regional party archives, it revisits a number of specialised scholarly debates by offering an account of key processes and events of the period, including rapid industrialisation and mass repression, from the viewpoint of rank-and-file communists, the group of people who had chosen to profess active support for the regime without however acquiring positions of political power. The account provided is in the form of an in-depth case study of the party organisation of the Red Putilov – later Kirov – machine-building plant in the city of Leningrad, followed by a shorter study of communist activism in another major Leningrad institution, the Red-Banner Baltic Fleet. It is shown that all major political initiatives of the leadership generated intense political activity at the bottom levels of the party hierarchy, as the thousands of rank-and-file members interpreted and acted on central directives in ways that were consistently in line with their and their colleagues’ interests. As these interests were hardly ever in harmony with those of the corresponding level of the administrative state apparatus, the result was a nearly permanent state of tension between the executive and political branches of the Soviet party-state at the grassroots level. The main argument offered is that ultimately, the rank-and-file organisations of the communist party were an extremely important but contradictory element of the Soviet Union’s political system, being a reliable constituency of grassroots support for the regime while at the same time placing significant limits on the ability of state organs to actually implement policy. This thesis therefore challenges interpretations of Soviet state-society relations based on binary narratives of repression from above and resistance from below. It identifies instead an element of the Soviet system where the line between society and the state became blurred, and grassroots agency became possible on the basis of a minimum level of active support for the regime. It is further argued that the ability of the mass membership to influence the outcome of leadership initiatives was predicated on the Marxist-Leninist ideological underpinnings of most major policies. In this way, this thesis also contributes to the recent literature on the role of ideology in the Soviet system. The concluding chapter considers the value of the overall findings of this thesis for the comparative study of 20th century socialist states.
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Sparrow, Jeffrey William, i jeffspa@alphalink com au. "Engineering your own soul: theory and practice in communist biography and autobiography & Communism: a love story". RMIT University. Creative Media, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080102.123850.
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The creative project Communism: a love story is a piece of literary non-fiction: a biography of the communist intellectual Guido Carlo Luigi Baracchi (1887-1975). It investigates Baracchi's privileged childhood as the son of the government astronomer and a wealthy heiress, his career as a university activist, his immersion in Melbourne's radical and artistic milieu during the First World War, his role in the formation of the Communist Party of Australia, his changing attitudes to communism during the 1920s and 1930s while in Australia and overseas and his eventual identification with the Trotskyist movement. The project explores the different strands of thought within Australian communism, the impact of Stalinisation on the movement both in Australia and overseas, and the personal and political difficulties confronting facing anti-Stalinist radicals. It examines the tensions between Baracchi's political commitments and his upbringing, and situates Baracchi's tumu ltuous romantic relationships (with Katharine Susannah Prichard, Lesbia Harford, Betty Roland and others) in the context of his times and political beliefs. The exegesis Engineering your own soul: theory and practice in communist biography and autobiography examines the political and artistic tensions within the biographical and autobiographical writings of Betty Roland and Katharine Susannah Prichard in the context of the development of the world communist movement.
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Frieß, Nina A. "Nichts ist vergessen, niemand ist vergessen? : Erinnerungskultur und kollektives Gedächtnis im heutigen Russland". Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4595/.
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Gleich dem Individuum benötigen Gesellschaften Vergangenheit in erster Linie zur Selbstdefinition. Eine feste Struktur gesellschaftlich geteilter Vergangenheitsreferenzen erzeugt ein überindividuelles kollektives Gedächtnis, das soziale Rollen und Identitäten determiniert. Was aber geschieht, wenn eine Gemeinschaft ihre Vergangenheit oder wesentliche Teile dieser nicht erinnert? Am Beispiel Russlands wird dargestellt, warum tragische Ereignisse – in diesem Fall die stalinistischen Repressionen – nicht kommemoriert werden und in welcher Weise sich diese weitgehend verdrängten Erinnerungen und die defizitär ausgebildete Erinnerungskultur auf die heutige russländische Gesellschaft auswirken.Just as the individual person societies need their past first and foremost to define themselves. A fixed structure of socially divided references of the past generates a supra-individual collective memory which determines social roles and identities. However one has to ask oneself what happens if a society does not remember its past or crucial parts of it? By looking at the example of Russia this book illustrates why tragic events – such as in this particular case the Stalinist repression – are not commemorated and how the suppressed memories and the deficiently developed memorial culture is affecting present-day Russian society.
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Jones, Polly. "Strategies of de-mythologisation in post-Stalinism and post-Communism : a comparison of de-Stalinisation and de-Leninisation". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273238.
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Figueiredo, Clara de Freitas. "Fotografia: Entre Fato e Farsa (URSS - Itália, 1928-1934)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27160/tde-13092018-145951/.
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A presente investigação surgiu da constatação de entrecruzamentos entre os discursos visuais da Mostra da Revolução Fascista (Roma, 1932-34) e do pavilhão soviético na Exposição Internacional de Imprensa de Colônia (Alemanha, 1928). Tais entrecruzamentos - reforçados e consubstanciados por contatos concretos entre hierarcas do fascismo e do stalinismo - levaram, a partir dos materiais visuais selecionados, à investigação de problemáticas comuns aos dois regimes, como a industrialização acelerada tardia, a expansão produtiva e o culto do chefe. Nesse sentido, as reflexões de A. Gramsci e W. Benjamin acerca da \"revolução passiva\" e da \"estetização da política\", respectivamente, constituíram constructos crítico-teóricos cruciais no desenvolvimento reflexivo da investigação. O objetivo da pesquisa de doutorado, em síntese, foi examinar e refletir sobre o protagonismo da fotografia como instrumento de reprodução simbólica e dominação, tanto na Itália fascista e quanto na URSS stalinista.The present research emerged from the perception of intersections in the language field between the Exhibition of Fascist Revolution (Rome, 1932-1934) and the Soviet Pavilion at the International Press Exhibition (Cologne, 1928). These intersections - strengthened and substantiated by concrete interactions between Fascist and Stalinist hierarchs - lead also to a research, based in selected visual material, about common problems for both regimes such as a catch-up industrialization, production expansion and the cult of the leader´s personality. In this sense, Antonio Gramsci\'s reflections on the notion of \"passive revolution\" and Walter Benjamin\'s on the \"aestheticization of politics\" emerged as fundamental critical-theoretical contributions. In short, the aim of this doctoral research was to analyse and reflect about the protagonism of photography as an instrument for symbolic reproduction and domination, both in the Fascist Italy and in the Stalinist URSS.
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Benjaminson, Eric. "The Soviet Critique of a Liberator's Art and a Poet's Outcry: Zinovii Tolkachev, Pavel Antokol'skii and the Anti-Cosmopolitan Persecutions of the Late Stalinist Period". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23907.
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This thesis investigates Stalin’s post-WW2 anti-cosmopolitan campaign by comparing the lives of two Soviet-Jewish artists. Zinovii Tolkachev was a Ukrainian artist and Pavel Antokol’skii a Moscow poetry professor. Tolkachev drew both Jewish and Socialist themes, while Antokol’skii created no Jewish motifs until his son was killed in combat and he encountered Nazi concentration camps; Tolkachev was at the liberation of Majdanek and Auschwitz. Both men were excoriated during the “anti-cosmopolitan” campaign. Using primary sources, I examine their art and the balance between Judaic and Soviet references, the accusations made and the connections between the attacks, the Holocaust, and Soviet paranoias of that era. While anti-Semitism played a role, I highlight the authorities’ reaction to their style and content. This moment in cultural policy was part of a continuum of reactions to World War II and included themes that went beyond the native anti-Semitism of the period.
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Hartzok, Justus Grant. "Children of Chapaev: the Russian Civil War cult and the creation of Soviet identity, 1918-1941". Diss., University of Iowa, 2009. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1227.
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This dissertation examines the formation and ramifications of the Russian Civil War cult, a system of signs, codes, and meanings that instructed Soviet citizens how properly to be socialist and how to thrive under the regime. By analyzing public rituals of the 1920s and 1930s designed to commemorate the Civil War and its heroes, this project demonstrates the numerous ways in which the state attempted to inculcate Soviet values and a willingness to sacrifice one's life for the state. However, Soviet citizens often responded to war imagery in ways that the regime did not expect, co-opting cult values to suit their own everyday circumstances or to lobby the state for changes in their local regions. Examining the story of the cult of the Civil War through the traumatic years of industrialization, collectivization, and terror recasts how the Soviet state and society came to terms with these dramatic transformations.
A central focus of the dissertation concerns the construction of Civil War heroes in literature and film, the most prominent of them being the famed commander Chapaev. The 1934 film Chapaev represented a critical mode of contact between the state and everyday citizens, in which people acted not only as spectators, but as active participants, allowing them to "play out" the Civil War in their own lives through celebratory fanfare, artistic expression like theater and poetry, and a shared cinematic experience. In this way, the state successfully transmitted images of unity and heroism to the population. The film became a cultural phenomenon, providing people with an outlet for feelings of powerlessness. Watching Chapaev was a method of coping with the dilemmas of everyday life. Built on a varied source base, using published literature and archival documents, including letters from citizens, official memoranda, stenograms, newspapers, and journals, this dissertation explores various public forms of Civil War pageantry, such as monument building, exhibitions in Moscow's Red Army Museum, Maxim Gorky's collected war history, and the twentieth anniversary celebrations of the Red Army in 1938. Finally, the dissertation addresses the cult's disintegration in the late 1930s during the chaos and uncertainty of the Great Terror.
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Kragh, Martin. "Exit and voice dynamics : an empirical study of the Soviet labour market, 1940-1960s". Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Samhällsekonomi (S), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-1483.
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Waterlow, Jonathan. "Popular humour in Stalin's 1930s : a study of popular opinion and adaptation". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6128a48b-517c-41dc-9241-27ac95249e63.
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This thesis contributes primarily to answering two broad questions within the current scholarship on ‘everyday life’ in the Soviet Union: (1) How did Soviet citizens perceive, understand, and adapt to the 1930s? And (2) What were the principal associational structures of Soviet society in these years? These issues are not easily separated, with the second constituting a vital element of the first. They are therefore explored simultaneously in the first three chapters, which examine, respectively, the nature and possibilities of joke-telling in the 1930s; the principal targets of that humour; and, thirdly, its implicit assumptions, values and thematic proclivities. The fourth chapter concentrates on the structure and nature of sociability in the 1930s, and the final chapter incorporates those conclusions in order to address the larger question of how Soviet citizens came to understand and adapt to life in these years – for they did so together, rather than alone as old totalitarian theories of ‘atomisation’ proposed. The thesis makes two principal arguments. Firstly, all unofficial associational ties in this decade were necessarily underlaid by (and hence reliant upon) trust; therefore, the fundamental social unit in the 1930s was the trust group (small groups of citizens bound together by trust). Secondly, citizens adapted to the 1930s via an intricate blend of acceptance and criticism or, rather, of acceptance through the process of criticism. By criticising that which could not be changed, ‘ordinary’ Soviet citizens could retain some agency of their own and shared these interpretive acts with those whom they trusted. Rather than forming a critical ‘resistance’ or ‘dissent’, these processes created a pathway to adaptation without becoming simply crushed or brainwashed by ideology, and simultaneously shaped a complex, mutually affective interaction between popular values and official ideology.
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Brewin, Jennifer Ellen. "Navigating 'national form' and 'socialist content' in the Great Leader's homeland : Georgian painting and national politics under Stalin, 1921-39". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290266.
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This thesis examines the interaction of Georgian painting and national politics in the first two decades of Soviet power in Georgia, 1921-1939, focussing in particular on the period following the consolidation of Stalin's power at the helm of the Communist Party in 1926-7. In the Stalin era, Georgians enjoyed special status among Soviet nations thanks to Georgia's prestige as the place of Stalin's birth. However, Georgians' advanced sense of their national sovereignty and initial hostility towards Bolshevik control following Georgia's Sovietisation in 1921 also resulted in Georgia's uniquely fraught relationship with Soviet power in Moscow in the decades that followed. In light of these circumstances, this thesis explores how and why the experience and activities of Georgian painters between 1926 and 1939 differed from those of other Soviet artists. One of its central arguments is that the experiences of Georgian artists and critics in this period not only differed significantly from those of artists and critics of other republics, but that the uniqueness of their experience was precipitated by a complex network of factors resulting from the interaction of various political imperatives and practical circumstances, including those relating to Soviet national politics. Chapter one of this thesis introduces the key institutions and individuals involved in producing, evaluating and setting the direction of Georgian painting in the 1920s and early 1930s. Chapters two and three show that artists and critics in Georgia as well as commentators in Moscow in the 1920s and 30s were actively engaged in efforts to interpret the Party's demand for 'national form' in Soviet culture and to suggest what that form might entail as regards Georgian painting. However, contradictions inherent in Soviet nationalities policy, which both demanded the active cultivation of cultural difference between Soviet nationalities and eagerly anticipated a time when national distinctions in all spheres would naturally disappear, made it impossible for an appropriate interpretation of 'national form' to be identified. Chapter three, moreover, demonstrates how frequent shifts in Soviet cultural and nationalities policies presented Moscow institutions with a range of practical challenges which ultimately prevented them from reflecting in their exhibitions and publications the contemporary artistic activity taking place in the republics of the Caucasus and Central Asia. A key finding of chapters four and five concerns the uniquely significant role that Lavrenty Beria, Stalin's ruthless deputy and the head of the Georgian and Transcaucasian Party organisations, played in differentiating Georgian painters' experiences from those of Soviet artists of other nationalities. Beginning in 1934, Beria employed Georgian painters to produce an exhibition of monumental paintings, opening at the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow in 1937, depicting episodes from his own falsified history of Stalin's role in the revolutionary movement in Transcaucasia. As this thesis shows, the production of the exhibition introduced an unprecedented degree of direct Party supervision over Georgian painting as Beria personally critiqued works by Georgian painters produced on prescribed narrative subjects in a centralised collective studio. As well as representing a major contribution to Stalin's personality cult, the exhibition, which conferred on Georgian painters special responsibility for representing Stalin and his activities, was also a public statement of the special status that the Georgians were now to enjoy, second only to that of the Russians. However, this special status involved both special privileges and special responsibilities. Georgians would enjoy special access to opportunities in Moscow and a special degree of autonomy in local governance, but in return they were required to lead the way in declaring allegiance to the Stalin regime. Chapter six returns to the debate about 'national form' in Georgian painting by examining how the pre-Revolutionary self-taught Georgian painter, Niko Pirosmani, was discussed by cultural commentators in Georgia and Moscow in the 1920s and 30s as a source informing a Soviet or Soviet Georgian canon of painting. It shows that, in addition to presenting views on the suitability of Pirosmani's painting either in terms of its formal or class content, commentators perpetuated and developed a cult of Pirosmani steeped in stereotypes of a Georgian 'national character.' Further, the establishment of this cult during the late 1920s and early 1930s seems to have been a primary reason for the painter's subsequent canonisation in the second half of the 1930s as a 'Great Tradition' of Soviet Georgian culture. It helped to articulate a version of Georgian national identity that was at once familiar and gratifying for Georgians and useful for the Soviet regime. The combined impression of cultural sovereignty embodied in this and other 'Great Traditions' of Soviet Georgian culture and the special status articulated through the 1937 exhibition allowed Georgian nationalism to be aligned, for a time, with support for Stalin and the Soviet regime.
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Zhang, Liao. "Maximizing Soviet Interests in Xinjiang: The USSR’s Penetration in Xinjiang from the Mid-1930s to the Early 1940s". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338326445.
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Bigot, Guillaume. "Hystérèse et sciences politiques dans l’histoire politique de la France contemporaine". Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020044.
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Aucune collectivité humaine ne saurait s’organiser et durer sans être dominée par un pouvoir politique, fondée sur une autorité reconnue comme légitime à l’intérieur d’un territoire circonscrit et sur une population donnée.Un pouvoir de nature politique, c’est-à-dire, disposant du monopole de la violence légitime à l’intérieur de ses frontières au nom d’un bien commun, partagé entre dirigeants et dirigés. Ce bien commun qui légitime les règles de dévolution du pouvoir (la morphologie politique) et place nécessairement la sauvegarde du groupe au-dessus de la préservation de l’individu.Depuis 1991, en France ainsi que dans les pays européens les plus engagés dans la construction européenne, le pouvoir politique s’est engagé dans un processus d’auto-affaiblissement au profit de pouvoirs économiques et juridiques aboutissant à relativiser la notion d’intérêt général et à délégitimer l’exercice du monopole de la violence légitime.Ce paradigme peut s’analyser comme l’utopie d’une autorité sans pouvoir et d’un dépassement juridique de l’Etat-nation mais aussi comme le dépassement historique de la nécessité absolue du pouvoir politique.Le caractère traumatique des totalitarismes du XXᵉ siècle a donné naissance à de nombreux courants de pensée plaidant tous en faveur de la déligitimation de l’autorité et de la mitigation du pouvoir.En Europe occidentale, un phénomène d’hystérèse des totalitarismes du XXᵉ siècle explique le succès de ces théories mais aussi la facilité avec laquelle l’utopie de la bonne gouvernance mondiale s’est répandueNo human collectivity can last and be organized without being dominated by a political power, based on an authority recognized as legitimate within a circumscribed territory and on a given population.A power of a political nature, that is to say, with a monopoly of legitimate violence within its borders in the name of a common good, shared between leaders and leaders.This common good that legitimizes the rules of devolution of power (political morphology) and necessarily places the group's safeguard over the preservation of the individual.Since 1991, in France as well as in the European countries most committed to the construction of Europe, nation states have participated in a process of self-weakening in favor of economic and legal powers resulting in relativizing the notion of general interest. and to delegitimize the exercise of the monopoly of legitimate violence.This paradigm can be analyzed as the utopia of an authority without power and a legal overtaking of the nation-state but also as the historic overcoming of the absolute necessity of political power.The traumatic character of totalitarianism in the 20th century has given rise to many currents of thought all advocating the legitimization of authority and the mitigation of power.In Western Europe, a phenomenon of hysteresis of totalitarianism in the twentieth century explains the success of these theories but also the ease with which the utopia of good global governance has spread
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Dreeze, Jonathon Randall. "On the Creation of Gods: Lenin’s Image in Stalin’s Cult of Personality". The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366129547.
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Talman, Kim. "Arbetarpartiet Kommunisterna och deras politik". Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-984.
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This essay is about the Workers Communist Party. My method for the analyzing part in this essay is qualitative methods such as text and idea analysis. I have chosen the words of Claudin to describe which ideological standpoints Workers Communist Party have. First I write about the background to why Workers Communist Party was formed in 1977. The background is the big split of extreme left wingers from the left party, which formed several organisations such as The Communist Marxist-Leninist Revolutionary Party and The Communist Organization for Marxist-Leninists. The first was neo-stalinistic, the second was maoistic. The ideology of Workers Communist Party is at most stalinistic. But the question of worldwide peace takes the party a bit off from the Stalinist ideology. Somehow, the politics of Workers Communist Party is at most similar to radical social-democratic or ordinary left-wing politics. The most important questions for the party are equality, democracy in state and economy and, at last, work and safety for all people. In Swedish elections, Workers Communist Party has failed. At 1979 they had 15 mandates in eleven counties in the northeast part of Sweden. At 2006, Workers Communist Party only has two mandates in the county of Gällivare in the northeast of Lapland.
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Fišer, František. "Rozvrat tradiční vesnice v období stalinismu". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77873.
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The thesis is focused on description of the situation of peasants in the founding stage of the communist regime and on describing of the facts which led to the collectivization of agriculture. The main objectives are to define the term "kulak" and its development at the end of the forties and early fifties of the last century and to find the answer to the question, whether the main reason for the farmers persecution was the disposal of private property.
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Lindhe, Axel. "Stalins ögon". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för film och litteratur (IFL), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-44517.
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Little, Jackson D. "In the Shadow of the Horseman: The Petrine Era and the Search for Russian Nationhood, 1811-1941". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1365609931.
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Bruce, Amanda P. "Constructed and Manifest Truths in Music for Andrzej Wajda's Man of... Film Trilogy". Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu15280135787607.
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Erdal, Sule. "The Emancipation Of Women In Stalinist Central Asia". Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613097/index.pdf.
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This thesis mainly deals with the issue that if the policies of women's emancipation implemented in Stalinist Central Asia were constructed on the basis of Marxist ideology. For this purpose, after how the issue of women
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Plewak, Victoria Teresa. "Katyn 60 years on, uncovering a Stalinist massacre". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ59737.pdf.
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Chmelnizki, Dmitrij Flierl Bruno. "Die Architektur Stalins /". Stuttgart : Ibidem, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41350921m.
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Yilmaz, S. Harun. "Construction of national identities in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine in Soviet historiography (1936-1953)". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5694552d-67e7-4d03-8011-cb01b1c8caa8.
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This dissertation aims to explain how Soviet national historiographies were constructed in Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan, in 1936-1953 and what the political and ideological reasons were behind the way they were written. The dissertation aims to contribute to current scholarship on Soviet nationality policies; on Stalinist nation-building projects; and to the debate on whether the Soviet period was a project of developmentalist modernization or not. This dissertation aims to examine the process of national history writing in three republics from the local point of view, by using the local archival sources. For this research, archival materials that have been overlooked by scholars up to this point from the archives of the communist parties, academy of sciences, and central state archives in Kiev, Ukraine, Baku, Azerbaijan, and Almaty, Kazakhstan have been collected. The timeline starts with Zhdanov’s commission in 1936, which summoned historians and ideologues of the Communist Party in Moscow to write an all-Union history because a parallel campaign of writing national histories had been initialized by the local communist parties. The first two chapters cover the pre-war (1936-1941) period, when national histories were written after the demise of Pokrovskiian historiography. Although there was one ideology, there were different preferences in solving the problem of ethnogenesis, defining national heroes, and also different preferences among the sections of the past that national histories emphasized. The third chapter explains the construction of national histories during the war period (1941-1945). The chapter also presents how national histories were used for wartime propaganda. Finally, the last chapter is about the post-war discussions and the shift of emphasis from ‘national’ to ‘class’ that occurred in the non-Russian national narratives in the Zhdanovshchina period. While there was an ‘imperial design’ for the necessities of managing a multi-national state, the Soviet Union also appears as a modernization project for all three cases by constructing national narratives. Though non-Russian Soviet historiographies produced contradictory narratives in different decades, they also homogenized, codified and nationalized the narrative of the past. Regional, dynastic, religious, tribal figures and events incorporated into grandiose national narratives. Nations were primordialized and their national identities armed with spatial and temporal indigenousness within the borders of their national republics. Modern national identities of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine gained from this homogenization and codification by the Soviet regime. Although modernism is not only about construction of national narratives, the latter points out the developmental and modernizing character of the Soviet period.
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Moine, Nathalie. "Le pouvoir bolchevique face au petit peuple urbain : clivages sociaux, assignation des identités et acculturation à Moscou dans les années 1930". Lyon 2, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000LYO20019.
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Comment le pouvoir bolchevique, a l'epoque de la revolution stalinienne, se represente-t-il les milieux urbains populaires dans leur diversite et agit-il sur eux pour les transformer en << proletaires >> ? la notion de pouvoir a ete decomposee entre les representants du pouvoir central au niveau le plus eleve (sovnarkom, politburo) et les autorites locales, mais aussi entre differentes institutionset administrations (responsables de l'ordre public, de l'education, de l'urbanisme, de la sante publique, de la justice), tout en tenant compte des relais locaux du pouvoir politique (associations de volontaires contre l'analphabetisme ou l'enfance desoeuvree mouvement d'activistes recrutees parmi les epouses du personnel technique et de direction). Le faisceau de leurs interventions fait se juxtaposer, a une politique volontariste de differenciation sociale instituant une hierarchie d'ayants droit, et correlativement une politique d'exclusion empreinte de violences, une approche reformatrice, visant a l'acculturation des milieux populaires. On a pris pour terrain moscou et sa banlieue, caracteristiques d'une spectaculaire croissance urbaine, mais aussi vitrine et laboratoire du pouvoir. La volonte d'effacer les anciens quartiers populaires contraste avec les donnees socio-demographiques et sanitaires tenues secretes qui devoilent une ville divisee. Construire la ville socialiste, c'est aussi en exclure certains groupes sociaux. Avec le role demesure pris par l'etat dans la production et la distribution des biens, les processus d'exclusion, notamment la privation de droits civiques, se renforcent et un systeme efficace d'assignation et de controle des identites se met en place : le passeport interieur. Les politiques sociales a l'endroit de ceux qui ont droit de cite melent regles meritocratiques et une certaine reconnaissance de la notion de besoins. Les comportements familiaux confirment l'existence de clivages sociaux et l'incontournable poids de la famille.
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Jo, Junbae. "Soviet trade unions during the Stalinist industrialisation, 1928-1937". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.575152.
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Weeks, Andrew. "Depictions of women in stalinist sovet film, 1934-1953". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/638.
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Popular films in the Soviet Union were the products of the implementation of propagandistic messages into storylines that were both ideologically and aesthetically consistent with of the interests of the State and Party apparatuses. Beginning in the 1930s, following declaration of the doctrine on socialist realism as the official form of cultural production, Soviet authorities and filmmakers tailored films to the circumstances in the USSR at that given moment in order to influence and shape popular opinion; however, this often resulted in inconsistent and outright contradictory messages. Given the transformation that gender relations were undergoing in the early stages of development, one area that was particularly problematic in Soviet cinema was the portrayals of women. Focusing primarily on the Stalinist period of the Soviet History (1934-1953), I plan to look at the ways in which women were portrayed in popular Soviet cinema and specifically the ways in which these presentations shifted before, during, and after World War II.B.A.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History
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Petit, Dominique. "Briefing the Ambassador: Joseph Davies and the U.S. Press Corps in Moscow, 1936-1938". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38105.
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This thesis examines the writing of U.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union Joseph Davies, Norman Deuel of the United Press, and Joseph Barnes of the New York Herald Tribune over the course of their respective postings in Moscow between 1936-1938. The purpose of this thesis is to look past interpretations of perceived right and wrong reporting on the Soviet Union and instead identify precisely how and why Americans outside the diplomatic corps viewed and perhaps identified with aspects of Stalinist society. Residing in Moscow over an extended period of time, Davies, Barnes, and Deuel were not mere observers. Immersed in Soviet society, Davies and the press correspondents became themselves producers of socialist realist writing as their American affinity for ambitious modernization translated into an idealized view of Stalinist modernization projects, one which viewed present hardships through a socialist realist lens while echoing Soviet enthusiasm for medical and scientific advancements, material plenty, heroics, youth, and territorial exploration. Excluded from the close-knit circle of career diplomats, Davies and the newsmen also came to view the Moscow show trials through the same socialist realist lens, one which presented the desired utopian future through elaborate socialist realist theatre.
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Kinder, John Oliver. "Power in stalinist states: the personality cult of Nicolae Ceausescu". Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/91168.
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This study examines the Socialist Republic of Romania as a Stalinist state which employs a personality cult. The leader of a state is the focus of a personality cult, but he does not enjoy the status it gives without consent from elsewhere within the government. In order to determine where this power comes from, three possible sources are discussed. These are: Nicolae Ceausescu, president of Romania; the state bureaucracy; and the people. The Soviet Union, during the time of Stalin, is used as a comparative element. When Nicolae Ceausescu came to power he did so with the consent of the elite. As the Romanian elite are less inclined to support his policies, Ceausescu has had to continually take steps to stay ahead of the opposition. The Romanian people also lent their support to Ceausescu earlier, and have since become discontented with the regime. This study concludes that a leader with a personality cult must have some form of consent to come into power, but his personal characteristics will determine how he leads and whether or not he will be able to remain in power if that consent is withdrawn.M.A.
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Ferretti, Maria. "Le mouvement des correspondants ouvriers, 1917-1931 : revolution culturelle et organisation du consensus dans l'union sovietique des annees vingt". Paris, EHESS, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998EHES0070.
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Ce travail est consacre a l'histoire du mouvement des correspondants ouvriers, les rabkory, en union sovietique, depuis ses origines, au debut des annees 1920, jusqu'a sa transformation en un element des appareils de propagande staliniens en 1931. Heritiers d'une pratique apparue dans la presse socialiste russe avant la revolution, les rabkory sont des ouvriers qui publient dans la presse des correspondances sur les conditions de vie et de travail dont ils sont les temoins. Le but principal de cette etude est de montrer, sur l'exemple des rabkory, comment le nouveau pouvoir a cherche a diffuser ses valeurs et a y faire adherer la societe. On a donc analyse la politique du parti bolchevique, les conflits qui l'ont traverse (pravda contre departement de la presse), les reactions des rabkory et celles des ouvriers. On s'est particulierement arrete sur la "double nature" du rabkor, a la fois porte-parole de ses compagnons de travail et propagandiste des nouvelles valeurs (en premier lieu productivistes). Lorsque la politique d'industrialisation, avec sa pression sur les ouvriers, demarre en 1926, les rabkory sont dechires entre leurs deux fonctions et une crise endemique du mouvement s'installe. Leur resistance, meme timide, provoque une prise en main de plus en plus autoritaire de la part du pouvoir, ce qui s'achevera entre 1929 et 1931 par une "normalisation" complete. Ce travail a ete l'occasion de s'interroger, a partir d'un cas particulier, sur la revolution culturelle (interpretee comme l'ensemble des strategies du pouvoir visant a creer un consensus) et, plus generalement, sur la mise en place du systeme stalinien. On a cru pouvoir avancer l'hypothese qu'il s'agissait moins de la mise en oeuvre d'un projet preetabli que le resultat de decisions prises au coup par coup, en reponse a des resistances opposees par la realite aux utopies initiales. Une reponse, nourrie par la culture bolchevique et l'experience de la guerre civile, au defi la modernisationThis work deals with the history of the workers-correspondents' (rabkors') movement in soviet union, from its beginnings, in the early 1920's, till 1931, when it was ultimately incorporated into the stalinist propaganda system. The rabkors inherited an earlier practice of socialist press in russia : workers used to publish in newspapers accounts on their living and working conditions. The chief aim of the study is to show how, in the case of rabkors, the new masters tried to impress their values on russian society. The sometimes conflicting bolshevik policies (e. G. Pravda versus central committee press department) have been therefore analyzed, as well as the rabkors', and more generally, the workers' reaction to these policies. The "dual nature" of the rabkor, at the same time spokesman of his fellow-workers, and propagator of new, especially production-aimed, values from above, has been particularly stressed. By 1926, when industrialization starts putting pressure on the workers, rabkors are torn between their conflicting functions, and their movement enters a phase of endemic crisis. Their resistance, however timorous, induces in turn an increasingly authoritarian policy, which leads up to total party control on the rabkors, "normalized" between 1929 and 1931. The study thus raises questions about cultural revolution, understood as the various strategies used by the bolsheviks to achieve a consensus (of which the rabkors history is but a case study), and, more generally, about the setting up of the stalinist system. The author's hypotnesis is that the latter process was not the implementation of a preexistent plan, but the result of piecemeal decisions, a response to social reality, which showed an unexpected resistance to initial utopias. A response, inspired by bolshevik culture and the experience of civil war, to the challenge of modernization
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Bosch, Anton. "Stalins Bauernopfer am Schwarzen Meer /". Nürnberg : Histor. Forschungsverein der Deutschen aus Russland, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=018949181&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Hart, Alexandra. "The anti-cosmopolitan campaign : cultural policy in the late Stalinist period /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arh3249.pdf.
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Noblet, Jessica. "Creating Purpose: the Use of Stalinist and Post-Soviet Literary Trends". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/715.
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Pittaway, Mark David. "Industrial workers, socialist industrialisation and the State in Hungary, 1948-1958". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365898.
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Osipova, Zinaida. "Engineering a Soviet Life: Gustav Trinkler's Bourgeois Revolution". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1588365551985983.
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Kucher, Katharina. "Der Gorki-Park : Freizeitkultur im Stalinismus 1928 - 1941". Köln [u.a.] Böhlau, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2893354&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.
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Kobierska, Małgorzata. "Rituel stalinien en Pologne : essai de compréhension sociologique". Paris 5, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA05H035.
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L'objectif de cette thèse consiste à déchiffrer la signification sociologique des comportements sociaux ritualises animes en Pologne par le gouvernement communiste pendant la période stalinienne (1944-1956) déchiffrer la signification sociologique du phénomène social veut dire pour moi définir son rôle dans le processus général de la structuration sociale dont celui-ci est l'une des composantes. Par conséquent, mon travail est réalisé dans la perspective de sociologie formiste et compréhensive. Lors de la recherche je procédais de la manière suivantes 1) j'ai saisi la dynamique générale de formation des sociétés modernes 2) j'ai place dans son cadre le bolchevisme qui fut l'un de ses sous-processus. 3) j'ai défini le rôle du rituel dans la transformation sociale de type bolchevique. L'analyse de la dynamique de formation des sociétés modernes comprend trois dimensions: 1) l'analyse de la dynamique sociale du processus de transformation moderne 2) recherche des motivations symboliques et imaginaires des programmes de transformation sociale moderne. 3) la société polonaise et le processus de création des sociétés industrielles. La thèse est composée de trois parties: épistémologique, sociologique et anthropologique, historique. La recherche s'achève par la formulation des sept thèses qui définissent le rôle des comportements sociaux ritualises dans la transformation bolcheviqueThis thesis has one object in view: to decipher a sociological significance of rituals comportments animated in poliand by communist government during the Stalinist period (1944-1956). To decipher a significance of social phenomen hean forme to define his part in general process of social structuration. Consequetly, my research is realized from the point of view of comprehensive and "formist" sociology. My intellectual proceeding include three dimensions of sociological comprehension: 1) general dynamism of formation the modern's society 2) bolshevism as an "subprocess" of modernity. 3) the part of rituals comportements in Bolshevik social transformation. My analysis of dynamism in modern transformation include also three dimensions: 1) analysis of social dynamismin process of modern transformation. 2) Research of symbolic and imaginares motivations of modern vision of the worls. 3) polish society and a process of creation the modern's societys. This thesis include three parts: epistemological, sociologica - anthropologigal, historical. My research is finished by a formulation of seven thesis which define the part of rituals comportements in the Bolshevik social transformation
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Griot, Witold. "Pouvoir communiste, histoire et discours national : la question de l'appropriation des territoires recouvrés par la Pologne (1945-1961)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H064.
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La présente thèse de doctorat étudie la place du mouvement historiographique de la « pensée occidentale polonaise » dans le système de pouvoir de la Pologne communiste de 1945 à 1961. Elle resitue d’abord cette école historiographique dans le temps long, en remontant à la moitié du XIXe siècle. Elle cherche à comprendre ensuite les contextes de fabrication du discours occidental qui légitime le « retour » des territoires recouvrés à la Pologne après 1945 : sortie de guerre de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, Guerre froide, stalinisme et dégel de Gomułka après l’Octobre polonais de 1956. Elle met en avant les différentes générations de spécialistes et d’universitaires ainsi que le réseau scientifique occidental qui contribuent à forger l’argumentaire polonais. Ce dernier est d’une très grande diversité, de sorte que l’on peut en fait parler de trois discours occidentaux. Un discours occidental national entend montrer la polonité des territoires recouvrés en s’appuyant sur des arguments historiques ou géographiques, tandis qu’un discours occidental plus pragmatique s’attache surtout à démontrer les bénéfices de ce changement territorial pour la Pologne et l’Europe. Enfin, un discours occidental communiste insiste avant tout sur les bienfaits de la translation de la Pologne vers l’Ouest pour la construction du communisme en Pologne et pour le Bloc de l’Est. Dans un dernier temps cette thèse permet de préciser la nature des liens entre communisme et nationalisme dans le cadre de la République populaire de Pologne en examinant l’utilisation de ce discours par le pouvoir communiste et son influence sur les pratiques de pouvoir communistes. C’est aussi l’occasion d’étudier les modalités de diffusion de ce discours vers la société polonaise en se penchant sur les différents relais à disposition du pouvoir. Cette thèse se veut ainsi une contribution à l’histoire des historiographies centre européennes et des mécanismes de légitimation des autorités au sein des démocraties populairesThe present doctoral dissertation studies the place of the historiographical movement of the « Polish western thought » within the system of power of communist Poland between 1945 and 1961. It first looks at this historiographical school over a long period of time by tracing it back to the middle of the 19th century. It then intends to shed the light on the circumstances of the birth of the western discourse which legitimates the « return » of the recovered territories to Poland after 1945 : the ending of the Second World War, the Cold War, Stalinism and the thaw of Gomułka after the Polish October of 1956. It highlights the different generations of specialists and scholars as well as the western scientific network who contribute to forging the Polish rationale. The latter being very diverse, one may actually distinguish three western discourses. First, a western national discourse aims at proving the Polishness of the recovered territories by relying on historical or geographical arguments. Secondly, a more pragmatic western discourse focuses on demonstrating the advantages of this territorial change for Poland and Europe. Finally, a communist western discourse insists on the benefits of Poland’s translation toward the West for the building of communism in. Poland and for the Eastern Bloc. Lastly, this doctoral dissertation specifies the nature of the links between communism and nationalism in relation to the Polish People’s Republic by looking at how this discourse is used by communist power and how it influences on communist power practices. At the same time, this gives us the opportunity to study the ways in which this discourse spreads in Polish society by taking a closer look at the different relays available for the power. This doctoral dissertation is meant to contribute to the history of central-Europe historiographies and that of legitimation mechanisms used by authorities in popular democracies
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Kang-Bohr, Youngok. "Stalinismus in der ländlichen Provinz das Gebiet Voronež 1934 - 1941". Essen Klartext, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2759727&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Barbat, Victor. "Roman Karmen, la vulgate soviétique de l'histoire : stratégies et modes opératoires d'un documentariste au XXème siècle". Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H047.
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A travers l’étude de l’œuvre du cinéaste Roman Karmen, nous souhaitons reconstituer un patrimoine et tenter d’en définir les enjeux autour de questions historiographiques. En effet, les images de l’opérateur soviétique n’ont pas seulement marqué l’histoire du XXème, elles ont en partie contribué à la construire en un objet unique. Les propriétés métonymiques de l’image (photographies et prises de vues) ont bouleversé notre perception en même temps qu’elles ont participé à la construction d’un récit historique général d’un nouvel ordre. Il s’agit d’un récit visuel complexe où se mêlent prises de vues sur le vif et mises en scène, motifs et emblèmes, personnages principaux, personnages secondaires et masses anonymes. Disséminées, ces prises de vues constituent le principal réservoir d’images dites d’archives dont se servent régulièrement les documentaristes contemporains pour faire « témoigner l’Histoire ». Retracer le parcours de Karmen permet de revenir aux sources de ces images, de comprendre leurs enjeux, leurs contextes de production et leurs rapports au sein d’une œuvre dont le récit se confond avec l’Histoire. Nous faisons ici l’hypothèse que ce récit constitué de prises de vues, d’actualités et de films documentaires est à l’origine « d’une vulgate soviétique de l’Histoire »With the study of Roman Karmen’s cinematographic work, we want to retrace a heritage and to identify its implications through an historiographical approach. Not only did the Soviet filmmaker’s images go down in history but they also contributed to shape the twentieth century into a single object. Indeed, the metonymic properties of Karmen’s shootings (cinematographic photography and live action) upset our perception and contributed to build an historical account that sustains a new order. It is a complex visual narrative bringing together live action and staging, subjects and emblems, main characters, secondary characters and anonymous masses. Disseminated, Roman Karmen’s work is the main reservoir of “archival images” often used by contemporary documentary filmmakers as a mean to present “first-hand History”. Following Roman Karmen’s artistic itinerary allows us to gain a better understanding of these images: their initial purposes, their making process, and their relationships in a work within which story merges with History. We assume that this narrative consisting of pictures, cinematic newsreels, and documentary films shaped the “Soviet vulgate of history”
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Chmelnizki, Dmitrij. "Architektur Stalins Ideologie und Stil 1929-1960 /". [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=971298599.
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Calkin, Rachael. ""Cracking the Stalinist crust" : the impact of 1956 on the Australian Communist Party /". Saarbrücken : VDM-Verl, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017394864&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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