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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Spain. Embajada (Holy See)"
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Tereshchuk, Andrei A. "Problems of the foreign policy of the Holy See during the Pontificate of Gregory XVI (1831–1846)". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, nr 1 (2023): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2023-28-1-217-228.
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The analysis of the main directions of the foreign policy of the Holy See under Pope Gregory XVI (1831–1846) is carried out. A review of the scientific literature on the life and work of the pontiff is made. Attention is paid to the works of historians devoted to the international relations of the Roman court with individual states. Five main problems in the foreign policy of the Roman court in 1831–1846 are highlighted: 1) France and interaction with the July Monarchy; 2) the Polish problem; 3) the situation of Catholics in non-Catholic countries (primarily in Prussia and Great Britain); 4) the crisis on the Iberian Peninsula (the Miguelist War in Portugal and the First Carlist War in Spain); 5) the problem of relations with the former Spanish colonies in the New World. A brief analysis of the work of the Foreign Ministry of the Holy See in each of the identified areas is proposed. The different reactions of the Roman court to the liberalization of political regimes in a number of European countries are shown. Another range of problems of the Holy See in the era under study is related to the situation of the Catholic minority in non-Catholic countries. In this case, it is also possible to note different models of interaction between the Holy See and the authorities of these states: from direct confrontation (Prussia) to condemnation of the Polish uprising of 1830–1831, directed against the authorities of the Russian Empire. It is shown that the break with liberal Spain under Gregory XVI facilitated the simplification of the procedure for recognizing the independence of the former Spanish colonies in the New World.
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Tereshchuk, A. A. "Apostolic Nunciature in Madrid and Relations between the Holy See and Spain in 1833–1835". Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 18, nr 1 (2019): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-1-21-28.
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Perri, Michael. "Ambiguous Authority: Juan de Frías and the Audiencia of Santo Domingo Confront the Conquistador Antonio Sedeño (1537)". Americas 74, nr 4 (31.08.2017): 427–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2017.87.
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On May 19, 1537, in a region of the Pearl Coast, two armed factions of Spaniards challenged one another on the banks of the Unare River in what would become eastern Venezuela (see Figure 1). Licenciado Juan de Frías and his smaller force of about 80 men confronted a large party under the command of the conquistador Antonio Sedeño. Frías professed to represent the crown by charge of the Real Audiencia of Santo Domingo, which had bestowed on him a vara del rey (staff of the king, symbolizing royal authority) and sent him off to arrest Sedeño. Sedeño likewise maintained that he had royal authority, citing his capitulación (contract of conquest) for the nearby island of Trinidad and letters from Empress Isabel, wife of Holy Roman Emperor Charles V (King Charles I of Spain) and regent of Spain from 1529–32 and 1535–39. In their confrontation, both Frías and Sedeño claimed to represent the will of the king.
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Giménez Armentia, Pilar. "La IV Conferencia Mundial sobre las mujeres y sus protagonistas." Comunicación y Hombre, nr 6 (15.11.2010): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32466/eufv-cyh.2010.6.120.217-233.
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The Conference of Beijing had a media cover without precedents, not only at worldwide level, but also in the Spanish scope. It was inquired more on this event than on the other three world analogous conferences altogether. But, how did the Spanish press inform about this event? , Who were the protagonists? It cannot be forgotten that although the topics to debate in the conference were mainly the lack of rights and the difficulties which women suffer in the world, the Spanish media focused on the disputes between the European Union – actually Spain, that exerted as spokesman of the European Union- and the Holy See, and the presence of Hillary Clinton in Beijing. Newspapers chose a “political approach” and they didn’t report about the subjects of interest for the women. In this article it will be determined the importance the media settled in their agendas to the main characters in the conference and how they were shown and valued by the media. By this way, through an analysis of the approach that the newspapers gave the protagonists of the information we will reach conclusions on the informative treatment of the Conference.
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Łopatecki, Karol. "PROBLEMY Z OBSADZENIEM NUNCJATURY W POLSCE (XI 1935 – V 1937)". Zeszyty Prawnicze 13, nr 1 (14.12.2016): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2013.13.1.05.
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PROBLEMS WITH THE APPOINTMENT OF THE PAPAL NUNCIO TO POLAND, NOVEMBER 1935 – APRIL 1937SummaryThe article describes the appointment of Filippo Cortesi to the office of papal nuncio to the Republic of Poland, and reviews the role of the Polish diplomats accredited to the Holy See in this process. The appointment of a nuncio following the departure of Francesco Marmaggi was extremely complicated. The list of candidates was the resultant of a number of factors. The individuals whose names were on it had used influence with the pope, the Vatican’s secretary of state, or former nuncios to Warsaw. Both the Polish government and the bishops of Poland had a say in the final outcome. In addition there was also the volatile political situation in Europe at the time, especially in Spain and Yugoslavia, which exerted an effect on the process. In June 1936 Carlo Chiarlo received the nomination for the office. However, the unanimously negative position of the Conference of the Bishops of Poland, especially Cardinals Kakowski and Hlond, stopped the appointment at the last moment. The Polish Government did not want Ermenegildo Pellegrinetti to be appointed and tried to prevent it, considering Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli the ideal candidate. Eventually Pius XI appointed Filippo Cortesi, formerly nuncio to Argentina.
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Soetaert, Alexander. "Catholic refuge and the printing press: Catholic exiles from England, France and the Low Countries in the ecclesiastical province of Cambrai". British Catholic History 34, nr 04 (październik 2019): 532–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2019.24.
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The Ecclesiastical Province of Cambrai may sound unfamiliar to modern readers. The bishopric of Cambrai dates to the sixth century but only became an archdiocese and, consequently, the centre of a church province in the sixteenth century. The elevation of the see resulted from the heavily contested reorganization of the diocesan map of the Low Countries by King Philip II in 1559. The new province included the medieval sees of Arras, Cambrai and Tournai, as well as the newly created bishoprics of Saint-Omer and Namur. Its borders were established to encompass the French-speaking Walloon provinces in the south of the Low Countries, territories that are now divided between France and Belgium.1 In the early modern period, this area was already a border and transit zone between France, the Low Countries, the Holy Roman Empire and the British Isles. The province’s history in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was deeply marked by recurrent and devastating warfare between the kings of Spain and France, eventually resulting in the transfer of significant territory to France.2 However, the Province of Cambrai was also the scene of frequent cross-border mobility, and a safe haven for Catholic exiles originating from the British Isles, France and other parts of the Low Countries.
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Schanda, Balázs. "Church and State In the New Member Countries of the European Union". Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, nr 37 (lipiec 2005): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00006244.
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In May 2004 eight former communist Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union. Written constitutions in the region now contain guarantees on freedom of religion together with fundamental statements on Church-State relations. Since the fall of communism a net of bilateral agreements has been negotiated with the Holy See. Of the established members of the EU only Austria, Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain had concordats whilst France and Luxembourg were partly bound by such treaties. Amongst the new member states only the predominantly Orthodox Cyorus has no contractual relationship with the Vatican. A pragmatic reason for this may be that the new members went through a very rapid leagal transition marked by considerable uncertainties after the fall of communism. The Catholic Church did not seek privileges with the agrements, but rather legal certainty. The stadards of religious with the agreements, but rather legal certainty. The standards of religious freedom in the new member states are generally good compared with the resrt of Europe. None of the new member states adopted a state church model, and none of them followed a rigid separation model either. Most new member states to be particularly valued by those who experienced forced secularism during communist rule.
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Guillén Armendáriz, Fernando. "Archivo del antiguo convento franciscano de la ciudad de Valladolid, de la extinta Provincia Franciscana observante de La Concepción (1245 – 1835)". Archivo Ibero-Americano 82, nr 295 (grudzień 2022): 533–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.48030/aia.v82i295.260.
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This article presents to the public the archive of the important Franciscan convent located in the city of Valladolid, next to the Plaza Mayor, which was the provincial curia of the now defunct observant Franciscan province of La Concepción. This convent is an expression of the reformed Franciscan life in a purely urban environment such as a big city. The work begins with some materials of provincial concern since they were distributed to all the convents of the province and later passed to the archives of the convents of San Bernardino de Herrera de Pisuerga (province of Palencia) and San Francisco de Cuéllar (province of Segovia). Finally, the convent of Valladolid is addressed with the following epigraphs: general instruments, privileges of the Holy See, royal privileges, heritage and administration, the various lawsuits that the convent sustained with various religious and civil personalities, nuns, and finishes with a miscellaneous set of materials that were in the said archive, but that have little or nothing to do with the life of the convent. The archive confirms the variety in the development of the observant reform in Spain since it does not adhere to a single model (small convents with a hermit character, of great austerity, far from urban centers and great preaching) but rather to those developed in purely urban contexts. Collection no. 5, dedicated to the foundations of masses, will be published in a later issue of this journal due to its length.
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Anisimov, Oleg V. "The House of Bourbon and Сonstitutional Revolutions in Southern Europe". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 68, nr 1 (2023): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2023.111.
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The article examines the transfer of ideas and practices of constitutionalism from Spain to the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in 1812–1820. On the basis of dispatches of the Russian envoy in Naples Gustav Stackelberg, the author analyses the features of the revolutionary events of the summer — autumn of 1820. The immediate objects of Count Stackelberg’s observation in Naples were the situation of the Bourbon monarchy and the new constitutional government; their relations with the Carbonari society; relations within the diplomatic corps and among representatives of the great powers. The article also examines texts of constitutional acts that formed the main milestones of the development of constitutionalism in Southern Europe: the Bayonne Statute of 1808, the Cadiz Constitution of 1812, the Sicilian Constitution of 1812, the French Charter of 1814, and the “constitution of Murat” of 1815. An attempt is made to compare the constitutional revolutions in Spain and Italy in 1820–1823: contradictions of domestic politics, the struggle of the Liberal Party and the opposition, support for the army, parliamentary activity, the fight against separatist movements, complications in foreign policy and opposition to the Holy Alliance, the role of Kings Ferdinand VII of Spain and Ferdinand I of Naples in the development of constitutional practice. This approach corresponds to modern trends in the history of the Restoration era, in which the concept of the “liberal international” is tested against Russian diplomatic sources. G. Stackelberg did not just observe the Neapolitan Revolution; he noted obvious parallels with the Spanish Revolution and reported on any attempts of covert contacts of revolutionaries from all over Europe. His political ideal was the French Charter of 1814, the application of which to the Neapolitan political situation he wanted to see in order to avoid the worst consequences of the intervention of the Austrian Empire. The author concludes that the borrowing of the Spanish constitution by the Neapolitans took place within the prepared framework, becoming a logical stage in the development of constitutionalism in countries close to each other not only in spirit, but being for a long time in the orbit of the French revolutionary and Napoleonic despotic influence. The article also shows that Stackelberg modernized the pattern of the era about the “pan-European conspiracy” and created its more moderate version based on his observations of the development of the constitutional revolution in Naples.
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Rogowska, Barbara. "Attitude of the Vatican towards the Authoritarian and Totalitarian State as Seen in the Church Social Teaching". Polish Political Science Review 8, nr 1 (1.06.2020): 116–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2020-0008.
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AbstractThe attitude of the Church towards the authoritarian and totalitarian state was originally determined by the fact of existence of the Ecclesiastical State. Its downfall contributed to the change in the optics of the papist policy. Leo XIII initiated open realistic policy. He declared the Church’s readiness to co-exist (co-operate) with any form of government or social system which would not disturb the essential ecclesiastical tasks. The opinion which won was that the objectives to be attained by the Church were beyond systems and politics. This approach allowed to develop a concept, that evangelization activity should be pursued in any socio-political reality, with adapted methods. Acceptance was granted to those state systems which declared that they would defend of the Church’s position, as evidenced by establishment of political relationships between the Holy See and III Reich, fascist Italy, Spain of gen. Franco. On the other hand, the communist (totalitarian) countries were accused of rejecting “the moral norms of co-existence defined by the Church”. One can state that the Vatican offered support to those governments or totalitarian and authoritarian states whose internal and foreign policy agreed with the interests of the Church.During the pontificate of John XXIII, the Church started to express not only willingness to co-operate with each form of government, but also the need to have respect for other philosophies of life, including the leftist ones. As regards economic and political questions, the communist doctrine was not deprecated, unless in its extreme version. However, the doctrinal principles of materialism and programmatic atheism were consistently condemned and negated. Also, the Vatican decided to enter into dialogue with the extreme Left. Certainly, the papacy realised that the communist doctrine and totalitarian state in their very essence were enemies of the Church and religion. True evolution in the attitude towards different forms of governments and states was triggered by the II Vatican Oecumenical Council. While political struggle and discussion were avoided, disputes pertaining to philosophical views on life were undertaken. Agreement of any form was refused when atheism was “administratively succoured”.During the pontificate of Paul VI specific guidelines, principles and rules of procedure were introduced to regulate co-operation with totalitarian communist states. In order to ensure functioning of the Church in totalitarian systems, the Vatican resigned from any polemics as related to capitalism and communism. In turn, the Church demanded from totalitarian regimes to cease imposing the totalitarian world-view on the society. And thus, the Church’s fight for the Christian outlook on life was not given up.Depending on internal and external socio-political situation, and also on the form of the State and government concerned, the Church defined different conditions indispensable to be satisfied for its successful functioning. The evangelization mission was given superiority.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Spain. Embajada (Holy See)"
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Palmieri, Pietro Giovanni. "Spain and the Holy See in the reign of Isabella II (1833-68)". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306818.
Pełny tekst źródłaKsiążki na temat "Spain. Embajada (Holy See)"
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Ruiz, Victoria Ramírez. Los tapices de la Embajada de España ante la Santa Sede, Roma: Colección Galliera. Madrid]: Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y de Cooperación, AECID, 2016.
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Bailiff fra Joaquin de Portocarrero (1681 -1760): Knight and ambassador of Malta; general and lieutenant fieldmarshal; austrian viceroy of Sicily; priest, patriarch, cardinal, bishop; ambassador of Spain at the Holy See; co-founder of the Library of Malta; a biography. San Gwann: Publishers Enterprises Group, 2003.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Spain. Embajada (Holy See)"
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"No. 32186. Spain and Holy See". W United Nations Treaty Series, 129–51. UN, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/1fae3833-en-fr.
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Davis, Paul K. "Lepanto 7 October 1571". W 100 Decisive Battles, 194–98. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195143669.003.0046.
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Abstract From the late fifteenth century, Spain was the dominant power in Europe. The wealth garnered from the Spanish colonies in the Americas was the foundation of its military might, and the fact that Charles I of Spain was also ruler of the Holy Roman Empire meant that Spain controlled much of western Europe. This included the Netherlands and Austria, along with claims to lands on the Italian peninsula. Charles saw the Roman Catholic faith as the glue to hold all this together, but he had his share of rivals. Catholic France had no desire to see Charles further empowered as the champion of the Catholic Church, and Pope Clement VII feared anyone with sufficient political power to challenge his authority. Further, France also had claims to Italian possessions that contradicted Spain’s. Thus, Pope Clement sought to challenge Charles by organizing his rivals into the Holy League of Cognac, but this was defeated in May 1527 when Charles’s forces captured and sacked Rome. After bribing his main naval competitor, Genoa, Charles gained control of the western Mediterranean as well. In 1530, Charles forced Pope Clement to recognize him both as Holy Roman Emperor and king of Italy.
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Diefendorf, Barbara B. "Mademoiselle Acarie’s Circle". W From Penitence to Charity, 77–100. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195095821.003.0005.
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Abstract Sometime late in 1601, Barbe Acarie reported a vision in which Saint Teresa of Avila called on her to bring to France the order of Discalced Carmelites that the saint had recently founded in Spain. A group of distinguished clerics close to Acarie met in the chapel of Paris’s Carthusian monastery of Vauvert soon thereafter to discuss whether the vision might be made a reality. With regret, they decided it could not. However much they wanted to see austere convents on the model of Teresa’s reforms founded in France, the time was not yet ripe for such ventures. Spain, which had intervened in France’s religious wars on behalf of the ultra-Catholic Holy League, was in the public mind still the enemy. A diplomatic incident in the summer of 1601 had threatened the peace made at Vervins in 1598, and mutual animosities remained strong. Henri IV and the French people would be no more willing to countenance the establishment of a Spanish religious order in France than Philip III and the Carmelite superiors would countenance establishing daughter houses in a hostile land.