Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „South African Apartheid”
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Barbosa Filho, Evandro Alves, i Ana Cristina de Souza Vieira. "ANALISANDO A TRANSIÇÃO DA ÁFRICA DO SUL À DEMOCRACIA: neoliberalismo, transformismo e restauração capitalista". Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, nr 1 (24.06.2020): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n1p328-346.
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Desde 1994 a África do Sul pôs fim à sua estrutura oficial de segregação, baseada na ultra exploração da força de trabalho negra e na total segregação racial: o Apartheid. Embora esse sistema tenha acabado e o país seja governado pelo antigo movimento de libertação nacional, o African National Congress (ANC), as desigualdades sociais se aprofundaram. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar os processos políticos que condicionaram a transição Sul-africana do Apartheid à democracia. A pesquisa tem natureza qualitativa e foi realizada por meio de revisão bibliográfica da sociologia crítica sulafricana, da análise de documentos oficiais e na análise crítica de discurso. O estudo identificou que a transição à democracia foi tutelada pela mais rica fração da burguesia sul-africana e viabilizada pelo ANC, que aderiu às ideologias neoliberais.Palavras-chave: Apartheid. África do Sul. Transição. Neoliberalismo.ANALYZING SOUTH AFRICA'S TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY: neoliberalism, transformism and capitalist restorationAbstractSince 1994 South Africa has put an end to its official segregation structure, based on the overexploitation of the black workforce and total racial segregation: The Apartheid. Although this system is over and the country is ruled by the former national liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC), social inequalities have deepened. This paper aims to analyze the political processes that conditioned the South African transition from Apartheid to democracy. The research has a qualitative approach and It was conducted through a bibliographical review of South African critical sociology, analysis ofofficial documents and critical discourse analysis. The study found that the transition to democracy was led by the wealthiest fraction of the South African bourgeoisie and made possible by the ANC, which adopted the neoliberal ideologies.Keywords: Apartheid. South Africa. Transition. Neoliberalism.
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Park, Yoon Jung. "State, Myth, and Agency in the Construction of Chinese South African Identities, 1948–1994". Journal of Chinese Overseas 4, nr 1 (2008): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325408788691390.
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AbstractBased on the author's PhD research, this article focuses on the fluid and contested nature of the identities — racial, ethnic, and national — of people of Chinese descent in South Africa in the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. The research focuses on the approximately 12,000-strong community of second-, third-, and fourth-generation South African-born Chinese South Africans. It reveals that Chinese South Africans played an active role in identity construction using Chinese history, myths and culture, albeit within the constraints established by apartheid. During the latter part of apartheid, movement up the socio-economic ladder and gradual social acceptance by white South Africa propelled them into nebulous, interstitial spaces; officially they remained “non-white” but increasingly they were viewed as “honorary whites.” During the late 1970s and 1980s, the South African state attempted to redefine Chinese as “white” but these attempts failed because Chinese South Africans were unwilling to sacrifice their unique ethnic identity, which helped them to survive the more dehumanizing aspects of life under apartheid.
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Worsfold, Brian. "Eurocentrism in hybridity : a critique of Charles Van Onselen's "The Seed is Mine: the life of Kas Maine, a South African Sharecropper 1894-1985"". Journal of English Studies 2 (29.05.2000): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.59.
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For decades, contributors to the literary discourses of South Africa, writers, critics and commentators alike, worked to end apartheid. Now that apartheid is over, new discourses must evolve. For this reason, at this critical time of transition, all literary works coming out of South Africa are crucial to the continuity of South African literatures. Charles van Onselen's work would be a remarkable social history at any time but, coming as it does in the immediate post-apartheid period, it takes on a special relevance. This fictionalised social history which records the survival of a MaSotho peasant farmer in the western Transvaal during the pre-apartheid and apartheid periods gives a unique insight into an area of human existence that remains virtually unrecorded and only touched on in Sol T. Plaatje's Native Life in South Africa, written in 1910. This minutely-documented account of Kas Maine's story reflects the human condition of the Black population in rural South Africa as the screws of proxy European colonisation are tightened by South Africa's neo-colonialists. More significantly, van Onselen reconstructs the rural Black South African man whom apartheid not only degraded but also concealed from view. To what extent, however, is this reconstruction that of a White South African and what are his reasons for producing a model at this moment in South Africa's history?
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Worsfold, Brian. "Eurocentrism in hybridity : a critique of Charles Van Onselen's "The Seed is Mine: the life of Kas Maine, a South African Sharecropper 1894-1985"". Journal of English Studies 2 (29.05.2000): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.65.
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For decades, contributors to the literary discourses of South Africa, writers, critics and commentators alike, worked to end apartheid. Now that apartheid is over, new discourses must evolve. For this reason, at this critical time of transition, all literary works coming out of South Africa are crucial to the continuity of South African literatures. Charles van Onselen's work would be a remarkable social history at any time but, coming as it does in the immediate post-apartheid period, it takes on a special relevance. This fictionalised social history which records the survival of a MaSotho peasant farmer in the western Transvaal during the pre-apartheid and apartheid periods gives a unique insight into an area of human existence that remains virtually unrecorded and only touched on in Sol T. Plaatje's Native Life in South Africa, written in 1910. This minutely-documented account of Kas Maine's story reflects the human condition of the Black population in rural South Africa as the screws of proxy European colonisation are tightened by South Africa's neo-colonialists. More significantly, van Onselen reconstructs the rural Black South African man whom apartheid not only degraded but also concealed from view. To what extent, however, is this reconstruction that of a White South African and what are his reasons for producing a model at this moment in South Africa's history?
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Turner, Carla. "The Eugenic Underpinnings of Apartheid South Africa, and its Influence on the South African School System". Theoria 71, nr 178 (1.03.2024): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2024.7117804.
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Abstract In Apartheid South Africa, eugenic notions formed an underlying justification for the superiority of the white race over Africans, through the works of international eugenicists like Galton and Pearson, and locally through prominent South African eugenicist H. B. Fantham. These ideas are expressed and elaborated upon in Emevwo Biakalo's essay ‘Categories of Cross-Cultural Cognition and the African Condition’. His work serves particularly to highlight that the mind and cognitive processes of Africans were considered very different from their white counterparts, and thus they would require different approaches to education. I demonstrate here how these views served as part of the underlying justification for Apartheid in South Africa, particularly in Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd's insistence on creating separate and distinct educational systems for different races. This eugenic legacy is still visible in South Africa's radically unequal education system to this day.
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Bouillon, Antoine. "Les migrations africaines vers l’Afrique du Sud de l’apartheid à Mandela : la pompe aspirante toujours discriminante". Politique africaine 67, nr 1 (1997): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1997.6065.
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Immigration : from apartheid to Mandela. South-Africa, the great attractor. Hundreds of thousands of African immigrants from surrounding countries have been transformed by the South African political transition into “ illegal aliens”. South Africa has neverthelss become a privileged destination for thousands of refugees and migrants. Pre-apartheid and apartheid South Africa set up a system of control meant to promote “white” immigration and prohibit “black” immigration, while allowing categories of workers to enter and stay on temporary contracts, as part of the migrant labour system. The 1990 democratic transition saw an increased repression of “illegals” complement the implementation of a liberal asylum policy, but recently a regularization scheme has made room for Southern African (SADC) immigrants, while ignoring people from the “other Africas”.
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Edward Montle, Malesela. "Unmasking the enduring legacies of apartheid in South Africa through Phaswane Mpe’s Welcome to Our Hillbrow". International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 10, nr 5 (30.09.2021): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.10n.5p.80.
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Prior to the dispensation of democracy in South Africa, the country was presided by a system of apartheid that perpetuated colonial policies that discriminated against non-white (South) Africans. Nevertheless, the democratic jurisdiction dethroned and succeeded the apartheid regime in 1994. This galvanised South Africa to undergo a political transition from segregation (autocracy) to peace, equality and unity (democracy). The political emancipation engineered a shift of identity and also made a clarion call for South Africans to subscribe to a democratic identity branded by oneness and harmony. However, as South Africa sought to redress herself, it unearthed appalling remnants of the apartheid past. Twenty-seven years since democracy took reigns in South Africa, the country is still haunted by the horrors of the past. It is the apartheid government that has bred hegemonic delinquencies that encumber the South African society from extricating herself from discriminatory identities such as racial tension, division, inequality and socio-economic crises. This qualitative study sought to scrutinise the vestiges of apartheid in South Africa. It has hinged on the literary appreciation of Phaswane Mpe’s Welcome to Our Hillbrow, which reflects on the menace that the enduring legacies of apartheid pose to livelihoods in the democratic period. Mpe’s post-apartheid novel is chosen for this study by virtue of its exposure and protest against apartheid influence in the newly reconstructed democratic South African society. Scholarly attention has been satisfactorily paid to the implementation of socio-economic transformation in the country, however, there seems to be an inadequate scholarship to explore the pretexts or the genesis of socio-economic transformation setbacks, which this study aims to unmask.
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McKendrick, B. W., i M. Leketi. "Politics and Human Welfare: Retinitis Pigmentosa Patients in South Africa". Journal of Visual Impairment & Blindness 84, nr 6 (czerwiec 1990): 249–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0145482x9008400603.
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Many welfare organizations serving visually disabled people limit their role to restorative and therapeutic services. In changing apartheid South Africa, the well-being of visually disabled people is still affected by racial division in society. By examining the impact of apartheid on the well-being of African and white South Africans with retinitis pigmentosa, evidence is presented to justify the involvement of South African welfare organizations in the wider political and social change process.
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Tamarkin, Noah. "Religion as Race, Recognition as Democracy". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 637, nr 1 (25.07.2011): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211407702.
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Apartheid South Africa enacted physical, structural, and symbolic forms of violence on racially marked South Africans, and postapartheid South Africa has enacted ambitious—though also limited—laws, policies, and processes to address past injustices. In this article, the author traces the South African political histories of one self-defined group, the Lemba, to understand how the violence they collectively experienced when the apartheid state did not acknowledge their ethnic existence continues to shape their ideas of the promise of democracy to address all past injustices, including the injustice of nonrecognition. The Lemba are known internationally for their participation in DNA tests that indicated their Jewish ancestry. In media discourses, their racialization as black Jews has obscured their racialization as black South Africans: they are presented as seeking solely to become recognized as Jews. The author demonstrates that they have in fact sought recognition as a distinct African ethnic group from the South African state consistently since the 1950s. Lemba recognition efforts show that the violence of nonrecognition is a feature of South African multicultural democracy in addition to being part of the apartheid past. The author argues that the racialization of religion that positions the Lemba as genetic Jews simplifies and distorts their histories and politics of race in South Africa.
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Ntuli, Miracle, i Tendai Gwatidzo. "A Comparative Analysis Of Immigrants And Natives Occupational Attainment In Post-Apartheid South Africa". International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 12, nr 9 (5.09.2013): 1061. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v12i9.8073.
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This study investigates the occupational status of South African natives and immigrants, considering the intersection between race and nativity. Using census data for 2001, the study finds that whites dominate the top end of the occupational distribution, while the reverse is the case for Africans, irrespective of nativity. Thus, in post-Apartheid South Africa, race explains more of an individuals occupational status than country of origin the legacy of apartheid still lingers on. The study also finds that South African-born Africans are more likely to compete for the same occupations with African immigrants from non-SADC countries than those from SADC countries. To some extent, this violates the claim that African immigrants from SADC countries steal natives jobs.
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Matthews, Sally. "SHIFTING WHITE IDENTITIES IN SOUTH AFRICA: WHITE AFRICANNESS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE". Phronimon 16, nr 2 (29.01.2018): 112–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2413-3086/3821.
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The end of apartheid predictably caused something of an identity crisis for white South Africans. The sense of uncertainty about what it means to be white has led to much public debate about whiteness in South Africa, as well as a growing body of literature on whites in post-apartheid South Africa. One of the many responses to this need to rethink white identity has been the claim by some that white South Africans can be considered to be African or ought to begin to think of themselves as being African. This paper argues that whites’ assertion of an African identity does not necessarily assist in the achievement of racial justice, but that some kind of shift in white identity is required in order for whites to be able to contribute to the achievement of a racially just South Africa. In making this argument, the paper brings contemporary discussions on race and whiteness, and in particular discussions about racial eliminativism, to bear on the question of whether or not white South Africans may rightly claim an African identity.
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Otavio, Anselmo. "Por uma nova inserção regional: o legado de Mandela na política externa da África do Sul/For a new regional integration: the legacy of Mandela in South Africa’s Foreign Policy". Brazilian Journal of International Relations 4, nr 3 (21.12.2015): 645–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2015.v4n3.10.p645.
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O artigo em referência tem como objetivo compreender a interação entre a África do Sul e o continente africano durante a administração Mandela (1994-1999). Através de revisão bibliográfica de caráter variado, como discursos presidenciais, documentos, livros e artigos encontrados em Centros de Estudos Africanos e em Revistas acadêmicas especializadas na área, e por meio da análise da atuação de Pretória em determinados eventos ocorridos no continente africano, busca-se concluir que embora pautada em uma política externa diametralmente oposta a realizada durante o regime do apartheid, a África do Sul foi incapaz de romper com as desconfianças por parte dos países africanos acerca de seus interesses, fator este que afetou na intensificação do processo de integração sul-africana no continente.Palavras-chave: África do Sul. Apartheid. Mandela. Política Externa. Integração Regional. Abstract: The paper in reference aims to understand the interaction between South Africa and the African continent during the Mandela administration (1994-1999). From the action of Pretoria in certain events on the African continent, this paper seeks to demonstrate that even based on other principles, the Mandela administration didn’t realize the desired transformations, because the country was not able to break the distrust by African countries, a factor that affected the intensification of the south African process of integration into the African continent. The methodology was worked through a revision of a variety of bibliography, such as reports, official documents from South African government, books and articles from Center of Africa Studies and specialized publishers in this mentioned topic.Keywords: Apartheid. Foreign Policy. Mandela. South Africa. Regional Integration. DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p645-669
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Nord, Catharina. "Healthcare and Warfare. Medical Space, Mission and Apartheid in Twentieth Century Northern Namibia". Medical History 58, nr 3 (19.06.2014): 422–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.31.
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AbstractIn the year 1966, the first government hospital, Oshakati hospital, was inaugurated in northern South-West Africa. It was constructed by the apartheid regime of South Africa which was occupying the territory. Prior to this inauguration, Finnish missionaries had, for 65 years, provided healthcare to the indigenous people in a number of healthcare facilities of which Onandjokwe hospital was the most important. This article discusses these two agents’ ideological standpoints. The same year, the war between the South-West African guerrillas and the South African state started, and continued up to 1988. The two hospitals became involved in the war; Oshakati hospital as a part of the South African war machinery, and Onandjokwe hospital as a ‘terrorist hospital’ in the eyes of the South Africans. The missionary Onandjokwe hospital was linked to the Lutheran church in South-West Africa, which became one of the main critics of the apartheid system early in the liberation war. Warfare and healthcare became intertwined with apartheid policies and aggression, materialised by healthcare provision based on strategic rationales rather than the people’s healthcare needs. When the Namibian state took over a ruined healthcare system in 1990, the two hospitals were hubs in a healthcare landscape shaped by missionary ambitions, war and apartheid logic.
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Johnson, Malcolm, i Helen Q. Kivnick. "FORUM: Adulthood and Old Age under apartheid: A Psychosocial Consideration". Ageing and Society 8, nr 4 (grudzień 1988): 423–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x00007182.
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ABSTRACTBased on Erik H. Erikson's life-cycle model as clarified by Erikson, Erikson, and Kivnick, this theoretical paper considers psychosocial development in the adulthood and old age of South Africa's black majority population, under the oppressive laws of apartheid. The author draws on empirical observations made during three months of fieldwork in South Africa. The paper rests on the propositions that apartheid may be expected to interfere with healthy psychosocial development in South African blacks throughout the life cycle, and that cultural strengths – exemplified by traditional singing – function as counterbalancing resources that promote psychosocial health, nonetheless. Adulthood and old age are discussed to illustrate the way black South Africans must negotiate every stage of life under the powerful, opposing influences of apartheid and indigenous culture.
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Mohamed, Ghada Gomaa A., i Manuchehr Irandoust. "A Dynamic Analysis of Financial Interruption on a Small Open Economy: A Case Study on South Africa". Asian Economic and Financial Review 12, nr 5 (19.05.2022): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55493/5002.v12i5.4487.
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The paper examines the effectiveness of the financial embargo on South Africa, which was imposed in 1985 and lifted in 1993. The theoretical framework is a simple, small, open economy version of Ramsey’s growth model calibrated to South African conditions. The South African embargo limited the country’s ability to borrow through imposing a proportional tax on foreign borrowings to capture the disinvestment during the embargo period. By assuming apartheid as a constant tax on foreign borrowings to South Africa, the effect of the embargo on South African apartheid was incorporated. Using quarterly data from 1960 to 2008, our empirical findings, based on the logit and intervention methods, indicate that (i) there is a negative relationship between financial isolation and foreign investment, and (ii) there is a negative link between the embargo and the degree of apartheid. The policy implication of our results is that the financial embargo was effective in dismantling South African apartheid.
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Pillay, Anthony L. "Apartheid and Post-Apartheid Intern Clinical Psychology Training in South Africa". Psychological Reports 105, nr 3 (grudzień 2009): 697–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.105.3.697-700.
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An analysis of race and sex of clinical psychology interns was undertaken at a major training hospital complex during the Apartheid and Postapartheid periods. 7 of 87 (8.1%) interns trained in the apartheid period were Black African. Significantly more Black Africans and women were trained during the Post-apartheid period. The results were discussed within the context of South Africa's social and political transition, as well as international trends relating to sex and professional psychology.
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Lelo, Okuma. "Apartheid Politics in South Africa". International Journal of Science and Society 2, nr 3 (4.08.2020): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v2i3.171.
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Racial discrimination is a very big problem and is found in several countries such as the United States, Britain and the most dominant in South Africa with Apartheid politics. Therefore, South Africa is the focus of the fight against racism towards the realization of justice. The word Apartheid means "separation" in African language and it describes the racial rigidity that governs the division between the white minority population and the majority white population. The struggle of the majority of black Africans against the dominance of white minorities is the main and final racial conflict. The international community actively encourages it. However, the white group was quite a lot and was too strong while the black power was so weak and divided, that in the end a person named Nelson Mandela would appear who was active in fighting for the elimination of Apartheid politics in South Africa, on the grounds that racial crises and conflicts would arise. what happened there was soon over and South Africa became a conducive country.
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Azi Ayubi. "Apartheid policy in South Africa". International Journal of Science and Society 5, nr 1 (2.02.2023): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v5i1.634.
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Racial discrimination is a very big problem and is found in several countries such as the United States, Great Britain and the most dominant in South Africa with the policy of apartheid. Therefore, South Africa is at the center of the fight against racism towards achieving justice. The word apartheid means "separation" in the African language and it describes the racial rigidity that governs the division between the minority white population and the majority white population. The struggle of the majority of black Africans against the domination of white minorities is the main and last racial conflict. The international community actively encourages it. However, the white group was large enough and too strong while the black power was so weak and divided, that in the end a person named Nelson Mandela appeared, who was active in the struggle for the elimination of the politics of apartheid in South Africa on the grounds that racial crises and conflicts would arise. what happened there was soon over and South Africa became an auspicious country.
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LANGMIA, FORTI ETIENNE. "From apartheid to Post-Apartheid: The Representational Trajectory to a Multiracial Nation in Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me, Andre Brink’s The Rights of Desire and Zakes Mda’s The Madonna of Excelsior". Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, nr 5 (8.06.2021): 707–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.85.10277.
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This article, which draws inspiration from the literary works of three South African writers, focuses on the two (amongst many) major historic periods in the life of the present-day nation described as post-apartheid South Africa. The two periods, evident in the works of Andre Brink, Zakes Mda and Nadine Gordimer under review, are the reign of apartheid and the transition to a democratic multiracial society built on the principles of equality and the respect of the rights and freedoms of South Africans. From both historical and literary standpoints, the transition to multiracialism is the outcome of the struggle of the oppressed black population of South Africa against the oppressive monolithic racist regime which ruled the country on an official governance policy which it called ‘Apartheid’. In order to enforce this inhumane worldview, the said racist regime used means of brutality and savagery with the intention of transforming the country into a ‘white nation’ that would belong to a minority-turned majority known as the Afrikaners. The often callous and gruesome acts of inhumanity perpetrated by the different racist apartheid regimes (that ruled South Africa from 1948-1994) became a major concern to the world at large and South African anti-apartheid writers in particular. Thus this category of the country’s writers tended to use literature as an instrument of protest against racial discrimination, which brought untold hardship to the black population. Andre Brink, Zakes Mda, and Nadine Gordimer are among the writers whose works vividly trace the South African experience from apartheid to post-apartheid eras. Brink, Mda and Gordimer in their respective works attempt to portray the endeavours and challenges of reconstructing the new nation from the debris of close to four decades of the brutal regime. The main issues discussed in this article are analyzed from New Historicist and Postcolonial perspectives due to the peculiar postcolonial nature of South Africa.
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Pirie, Gordon H. "Southern African Air Transport After Apartheid". Journal of Modern African Studies 30, nr 2 (czerwiec 1992): 341–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010752.
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Aviation in Southern Africa was subject throughout the 1980s to increasingly intense political pressures. As ever, the cause was protests about apartheid. The severe blow that black African countries dealt to South African Airways (S.A.A.), the Republic's state-owned national airline, in the 1960s by withdrawing overflying rights was magnified by similar action from a wider spectrum of non-African governments. In the mid-1980s, Australia and the United States of America, for example, revoked S.A.A.'s landing rights, and forbad airlines registered in their countries from flying to South Africa. Other carriers, such as Air Canada, closed their offices and then terminated representation in South Africa.
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Cabrita, Joel. "Writing Apartheid: Ethnographic Collaborators and the Politics of Knowledge Production in Twentieth-Century South Africa". American Historical Review 125, nr 5 (grudzień 2020): 1668–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa512.
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Abstract Knowledge production in apartheid-era South Africa was a profoundly collaborative process. In particular, throughout the 1930s–1950s, the joint intellectual labor of both Africans and Europeans created a body of knowledge that codified and celebrated the notion of a distinct realm of Zulu religion. The intertwined careers of Swedish missionary to South Africa Bengt Sundkler and isiZulu-speaking Lutheran pastor-turned-ethnographer Titus Mthembu highlight the limitations of overly clear demarcations between “professional” versus “lay” anthropologists as well as between “colonial European” versus “indigenous African” knowledge. Mthembu and Sundkler’s decades-long collaboration resulted in a book called Bantu Prophets in South Africa ([1948] 1961). The work is best understood as the joint output of both men, although Sundkler scarcely acknowledged Mthembu’s role in the conceptualization, research, and writing of the book. In an era of racial segregation, the idea that African religion occupied a discrete, innately different sphere that the book advanced had significant political purchase. As one of a number of African ideologues supportive of the apartheid state, Mthembu mobilized his ethnographic findings to argue for innate racial difference and the virtues of “separate development” for South Africa’s Zulu community. His mysterious death in 1960 points to the high stakes of ethnographic research in the politically fraught climate of apartheid South Africa.
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Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, i Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization". Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, nr 2 (10.05.2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.
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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.
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Webb, Mattie C. "People Before Profit?" Ethnic Studies Review 44, nr 3 (2021): 64–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2021.44.3.64.
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Focusing on the automobile industry in Port Elizabeth, South Africa, this article demonstrates how Ford Motor Company and General Motors challenged apartheid through adherence to the Sullivan Principles, while maintaining cordial relations with the capitalist South African government in the late-apartheid period. Designed to promote desegregation of the workplace and equal pay for equal work, the Sullivan Principles were a controversial code of conduct for US subsidiaries operating in apartheid South Africa. Leon Sullivan, an African American civil rights leader, unveiled the Principles in March 1977 with the support of US multinationals, including both Ford and GM. Drawing on archival sources from both the United States and South Africa, the author traces how these American multinational corporations did not sufficiently allay their workers' most pressing concerns, nor did they firmly challenge the South African government. The Principles’ shortcomings underscore the disconnect between the anti-apartheid movement’s calls for revolutionary transformation and the American business community’s focus on evolutionary change, thus highlighting the tensions between international capital and South Africa’s racialized labor relations.
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Brauns, Melody, i Anne Stanton. "Governance of the public health sector during Apartheid: The case of South Africa". Journal of Governance and Regulation 5, nr 1 (2016): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v5_i1_p3.
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The healthcare system that the African National Congress (ANC) government inherited in 1994 can hardly be described as functional. Indeed the new government had inherited a combination of deliberate official policy, discriminatory legislation and at times blatant neglect. This paper presents an overview of the evolution of the healthcare system in South Africa. The structures set up under apartheid had implications for provision of public healthcare to South Africans and reveals how governance structures, systems and processes set up during apartheid had implications for the provision of public healthcare to South Africans.
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Satgar, Vishwas. "Beyond Marikana: The Post-Apartheid South African State". Africa Spectrum 47, nr 2-3 (sierpień 2012): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971204702-303.
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This article situates the Marikana massacre, in which 34 mine workers were gunned down by police in South Africa, in the context of what the South African state has become, and questions the characterisation of the post-Apartheid state as a “developmental state”. This contribution first highlights what is at stake when the post-Apartheid state is portrayed as a “developmental state” and how this misrecognition of the state is ideologically constituted. Second, it argues for an approach to understanding the post-Apartheid state by locating it within the context of the rise of transnational neoliberalism and the process of indigenising neoliberalism on the African continent. Third, it examines the actual economic practices of the state that constitute it as an Afro-neoliberal state. Such economic practices are historicised to show the convergence between the post-Apartheid state and the ideal type neoliberal state coming to the fore in the context of global neoliberal restructuring and crisis management. The article concludes by recognising that South Africa's deep globalisation and globalised state affirm a form of state practice beyond utilising market mechanisms that includes perpetrating violence to secure its existence. Marikana makes this point.
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Haron, Muhammed. "The Cape Malays: An Imagined Community in South Africa – A Bibliographical Essay". African Research & Documentation 88 (2002): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00017209.
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1994 was indeed an eventful year for South Africans in general and for the South African Muslims in particular. During the early part of April 1994 the Muslims celebrated the tercentenary of Islam in South Africa, and towards the end of that month they went to the polls along with other South African citizens to participate in South Africa's first democratic elections. It was thus a memorable experience for the Muslim community who joyfully expressed their national and religious identity respectively.The South African Muslim community, particularly those who hailed from the province of the Western Cape, has always raised the question of identity. During the years of apartheid and before, the vast majority of them never identified themselves as South Africans since they rejected the legislated racial policies of the White minority regime. The Population Registration Act of 1950 divided the South Africans into four distinct categories, namely Whites, Indians, Africans, and Coloureds.
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Graham, Matthew. "Finding Foreign Policy: Researching in Five South African Archives". History in Africa 37 (2010): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0026.
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The turbulent modern history of South Africa, which includes notable events such as the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the banning and exile of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), and the dramatic transition from apartheid to democracy in the early 1990s, has drawn academics from a number of fields to studying the nation from a variety of angles. Two such topics which have attracted scholarly attention are the foreign policy of South Africa both during apartheid, and subsequently after its demise in 1994, and the multi faceted activities of the liberation movements fighting against it. When looking at the international relations of South Africa from the end of the Second World War, through until the present day, it is almost impossible to analyse this dimension of South Africa's past without examining the lasting effects that the political mindset of apartheid had upon foreign policy decision making, and the international community. Likewise, the history of the liberation movements such as the ANC and the PAC were shaped by their attempts to defeat apartheid and the eventual end to the struggle. The histories of the ANC and South African foreign policy are inextricably linked, demonstrating the importance of what has, and is occurring in the country, creating a complex, but truly intriguing area of research for academics.Conducting archival research on these two areas of interest is relatively easy in South Africa, with on the whole, well stocked, largely deserted, and easy to use archives located across the country.
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Yesufu, Shaka. "Human rights and the policing of disorder in South Africa: challenges and future directions". EUREKA: Social and Humanities, nr 3 (31.05.2021): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2021.001861.
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Unarguably, the South African Police during the apartheid era was characterised by brutality and state repression, including the political executions of several South African citizens who dared oppose the apartheid regime. The post-apartheid era has also witnessed deaths of citizens at the hands of the police during demonstrations, demanding better service delivery, higher wages, improved working conditions, and an end to marginalisation and poverty. The author presents some cases of police human rights violations concerning policing citizen’s protests. This is a qualitative study, relying on extensive literature review by previous researchers. The findings of this study are: The South Africa Police Service continues to violate citizen's right to protest, which is enshrined in the Republic of South Africa’s constitution under chapter 2 “Bill of Rights” and other international legal jurisprudence. The South African police have failed to perform their duties professionally and effectively when it comes to policing protests. Crown management remains an elusive issue both during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. The author recommends a demilitarization of the police consistent with the South African government policy recommendation, found in the National Development Plan 2030.
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Haupt, Adam. "South Africa (Mzansi)". Global Hip Hop Studies 3, nr 1 (1.12.2022): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ghhs_00055_1.
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This article offers a snapshot of South African hip hop by focusing largely on the uptake of ‘conscious’ hip hop in the 1980s and 1990s. It argues that especially Cape Town activists made meaningful contributions to advancing Black multilingual expression and, thereby, validating negated Black identities as the country was beginning to make the transition from apartheid to a democratic, post-apartheid South Africa. Ultimately, it questions whether the binary opposition between ‘conscious’ and commercial hip hop or Cape Town vs. Joburg hip hop is helpful in understanding the nuances of South African hip hop by pointing to examples that complicate such binaries.
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Krotee, March L. "Apartheid and Sport: South Africa Revisited". Sociology of Sport Journal 5, nr 2 (czerwiec 1988): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.5.2.125.
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The South African government’s socially based policy of segregation and discrimination, or “apartheid,” has caused tremendous external, as well as internal, pressures to reverse the government’s inhumane treatment of its repressed populace. Until recently none of the pressures have been more forceful than those evoked by the sporting world and the United Nations. Since 1960, these forces have served to isolate South Africa from most international sports competitions, including the Olympic Games. At one juncture, various leanings in apartheid policy seemed to point toward a tilt in attitudinal posture not only in regard to sport but to various related apartheid conduct. Recent events, however, have elucidated a continued dominant posture concerning South Africa’s all-encompassing socially repressive apartheid practice. It appears that, unless the South African government initiates swift and salient apartheid expiration, the perilous game they are playing may get out of hand.
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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, i Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa's Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective". Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, nr 1(J) (15.03.2018): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2090.
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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.
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Møller, Valerie. "The South African pension system". Ageing and Society 18, nr 6 (listopad 1998): 713–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x98227152.
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A. Sagner. 1998. The 1944 Pension Laws Amendment Bill: old-age security policy in South Africa in historical perspective, ca. 1920–1960. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 10–14.S. van der Berg. 1998. Ageing, public finance and social security in South Africa. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 3–9.The latest issue of Southern African Journal of Gerontology traces the origins of the South African social pensions system and addresses contemporary issues. In her editorial, Monica Ferreira (1998) notes that South Africa is one of only two countries in Africa that operates a social old-age system. Although the value of the South African social pension system is low in terms of real income (R490 in July 1998 – approximately US$100), the pension is generous in comparison with other developing countries. The take-up rate of the pension is virtually 90 per cent in the case of Africans, who historically were the most disadvantaged group under apartheid.
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Duin, Pieter Van, i Alfred Tokollo Moleah. "South Africa: Colonialism, Apartheid and African Dispossession". International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, nr 1 (1995): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221341.
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BARBER, JAMES. "South Africa: Colonialism, apartheid and African dispossession". African Affairs 94, nr 374 (styczeń 1995): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098777.
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Olanrewaju, John S., i Agaptus Nwozor. "Hegemonic Rivalry in a Peripheral Region: An Assessment of Nigeria–South Africa’s Role in African Politics". Insight on Africa 14, nr 1 (17.10.2021): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09750878211042618.
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Nigeria’s claim as the giant of Africa is evident in her foreign policy articulation of African Centre Piece. From 1960, Nigeria has championed the project of Africa through different diplomatic engagements across the continent of Africa most especially under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s civilian administration. Nigeria’s unwavering support against the apartheid regime in South Africa led to the termination of apartheid government in 1994. However, the post- apartheid politics in Africa as well as the post-Cold War politics changed the dynamics of African politics. Nigeria’s claim as the giant of Africa became more contested and hypothetical with the emergence of notable countries such as Ethiopia and South Africa posing serious challenges to Nigeria’s hegemony in the continent. The most viable and notable threats came from South Africa following the end of apartheid regime in South Africa and coupled with its good governance rating, which had heightened the status of the country as a notable continental leader. This article attempts to explain the leadership roles of Nigeria and South Africa in a peripheral region of Africa with the view of analysing who has the sway to lead the affairs of Africa to the path of prosperity. Through the secondary method of data collection and qualitative method of data analysis (discourse analysis), the study concludes that Nigeria and South Africa roles in Africa were motivated by realist considerations. The study, however, recommends concerted efforts between Nigeria and South Africa in addressing socio-economic challenges in the African continent.
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Louw, Eric, i Gary Mersham. "Packing for Perth: The Growth of a Southern African Diaspora". Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 10, nr 2 (czerwiec 2001): 303–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719680101000204.
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Southern African decolonization, the civil war and post-apartheid turmoil are creating a Southern African diaspora across the Anglo world. Australia has become a popular destination within this diaspora that South Africans now refer to emigration in general as “packing for Perth.” Thus far, little work has been done on this migratory phenomenon. This article seeks to develop an overview of the birth and developments of this diaspora, with a focus on the growth of the South African Australian community. As an overview, the article provides insights on how this emergent diaspora relates to earlier migrations, the factors behind post-apartheid emigration, the patterns and characteristics of post-apartheid migration, and the significance of Australia as a destination for South African migrants.
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Sewdass, Nisha, i Eric O. Udjo. "Is Transition from Secondary to Tertiary Education Less Likely among Black South Africans than their Non-Black Counterparts in the Democratic Dispensation?" International Journal of African Higher Education 8, nr 3 (8.12.2021): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ijahe.v8i3.14169.
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Education provides the building blocks for skills development for acountry’s labour market. Investment in education is hence an importantdeterminant of economic growth and has been associated with various economicbenefits. However, non-transition to tertiary education is a common phenomenon.This study examined the probability of a specified age cohort transiting to tertiaryeducation in South Africa and compared Black South Africans with otherpopulation groups considering environmental and individual factors. Usingcross-sectional data from the 2016 South African Community Survey, the studyrevealed that the difference in the probability of transition to tertiary educationbetween Whites and Blacks was not statistically significant. The findings will beuseful to policymakers in formulating strategies to improve the quality of thelabour market, and thus South Africa’s economic competitiveness.Key words: Transition to tertiary education, South African education system,apartheid education, post-apartheid education, economic development
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Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi. "3 - African Languages Policy in the Education of South Africa: 20 Years of Freedom or Subjugation?" Journal of Higher Education in Africa 12, nr 2 (11.04.2014): 53–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.57054/jhea.v12i2.1530.
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This paper focuses on the indigenous African languages policy in educa- tion debates in post-apartheid South Africa, and provides a policy review of language in education in the past 20 years of liberation in the South Africa. The research problem is that the post-1994 governments of South Africa stated in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996) that indigenous official African languages must be in the curricula of the education system. But the findings reflect that this constitutional mandate has not been accomplished in the twenty years of South Africa’s liberation. Conclusions drawn are that the former two official languages used in the education policies of the apartheid South Africa, i.e. English and Afrikaans, have continued to be used in pretended implementation of indigenous of- ficial African languages in the curricula of education of a free South Africa.
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VINSON, ROBERT TRENT. "Up from Slavery and Down with Apartheid! African Americans and Black South Africans against the Global Color Line". Journal of American Studies 52, nr 2 (maj 2018): 297–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875817001943.
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Across the twentieth century, black South Africans often drew inspiration from African American progress. This transatlantic history informed the global antiapartheid struggle, animated by international human rights norms, of Martin Luther King Jr., his fellow Nobel Peace Prize winner the South African leader Albert Luthuli, and the African American tennis star Arthur Ashe. While tracing the travels of African Americans and Africans “going South,” this article centers Africa and Africans, thereby redressing gaps in black Atlantic and African diaspora scholarship.
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Sonn, Tamara. "Middle East and Islamic Studies in South Africa". Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 28, nr 1 (lipiec 1994): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400028443.
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Although muslims make up less than two percent of South Africa’s total population, they are a well-established community with high visibility. In 1994 South Africans will celebrate 300 years of Islam in South Africa. The introduction of Islam to South Africa is usually attributed to Sheikh Yusuf, a Macasser prince exiled to South Africa for leading resistance against Dutch colonization in Malaysia. But the first Muslims in South Africa were actually slaves, imported by the Dutch colonists to the Cape mainly from India, the Indonesian archipelago, Malaya and Sri Lanka beginning in 1667. The Cape Muslim community, popularly but inaccurately known as “Malays” and known under the apartheid system as “Coloureds,” therefore, is the oldest Muslim community in South Africa. The other significant Muslim community in South Africa was established over 100 years later by northern Indian indentured laborers and tradespeople, a minority of whom were Muslims. The majority of South African Indian Muslims now live in Natal and Transvaal. Indians were classified as “Asians” or “Asiatics” by the apartheid system. The third ethnically identifiable group of Muslims in South Africa were classified as “African” or “Black” by the South African government. The majority of Black Muslims are converts or descendants of converts. Of the entire Muslim population of South Africa, some 49% are “Coloureds,” nearly 47% are “Asians,” and although statistics regarding “Africans” are generally unreliable, it is estimated that they comprise less than four percent of the Muslim population. Less than one percent of the Muslim population is “White.”
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Lima, Gabrielle, i Izabella Colino. "Uma África do Sul pós independência analisada sob a perspectiva pós-colonial: da emancipação ao Apartheid". Revista Discente Ofícios de Clio 5, nr 9 (8.01.2021): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/clio.v5i9.19780.
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O presente trabalho tem como objetivo utilizar-se dos estudos pós-coloniais para analisar o contexto da África do Sul, desde sua independência até a instituição e desenvolvimento do Apartheid. Baseando-se principalmente nos escritos de Albert Memmi e Immanuel Wallerstein, discorrer-se-ão perspectivas políticas, econômicas e sociais para comentar o processo de descolonização do país. Em conclusão, nota-se que, apesar da emancipação sul-africana da sua antiga metrópole, ideais de opressão e desigualdade continuaram a ser perpetuados.Palavras-chave: África do Sul; Pós-colonialismo; Apartheid. AbstractThe present research aims to make use of the postcolonial studies to analyze the South African context, from its independence until the establishment and development of the Apartheid. The theoretical basis of this study are the works of Albert Memmi and Immanuel Wallerstein. Based on these authors, this paper will illustrate the political, economical, and social perspectives of the decolonization process in South Africa. In conclusion, it is identified that, even though South Africa was emancipated from its old metropolis, ideals of oppression and inequality were still being sustained.Keywords: South Africa; Postcolonialism; Apartheid.
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Kruger, Alet. "Translation, self-translation and apartheid-imposed conflict". Translation and the Genealogy of Conflict 11, nr 2 (8.06.2012): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.2.06kru.
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Translation has played a major role alongside original literature in each of the South African languages in aiding the construction of their cultural and literary identities. Because of apartheid (literally, ‘apartness’), Afrikaans carried a political burden and literary authors in this language were considered the protectors of Afrikaner cultural and national identity. After outlining the historical origins and the consolidation of apartheid, this paper charts the emergence of a versetliteratuur (‘protest literature’) movement among disillusioned Afrikaans authors during the apartheid era. Growing censorship and the first banning of an Afrikaans novel under the 1974 Publications and Entertainment Act led to translation and self-translation (into English) being used as a tool of resistance by Afrikaans writers against the ideology of apartheid. The paper moves on to explore the effects of apartheid-imposed conflict on other authors such as South African authors writing in English. It then focuses on the ideological agenda informing the language policy-makers’ and Africanists’ selection of books to be translated into African languages, as part of the government’s attempts to promote mother tongue education in African schools and thus perpetuate the segregation of black South Africans. The concluding section discusses how changes in political life since 1990 have influenced the use of translation in South African literature.
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Dessì, Ugo. "Soka Gakkai International in Post-Apartheid South Africa". Religions 11, nr 11 (11.11.2020): 598. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11110598.
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This paper analyzes the activities of Soka Gakkai International (SGI) in South Africa, a largely Christian country with the presence of very strong African Independent and Pentecostal churches, where Buddhism has mostly attracted the attention of a small minority of white middle-class people interested in meditational practices. By focusing on SGI South Africa, which has been able to reach out to a significant number of black, and, to a lesser extent, Coloured and Indian/Asian members, this ethnographic study aims to contribute to the understanding of Buddhism’s interplay with a broader cross-section of post-apartheid South African society, and, secondarily, to add to the existing literature on this Japanese new religious movement overseas. After a brief overview of the historical development of SGI in South Africa, my analysis focuses on SGI South Africa’s main ritual, social, and missionary activities; its interplay with local religions; its attempts to establish a meaningful link with South African culture; and, finally, on the religious experiences and narratives of SGI’s South African members.
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Martin, Denis. "Le triolet multicolore. Dans la musique sud-africaine, une blanche n'égale pas nécessairement deux noires..." Politique africaine 25, nr 1 (1987): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1987.3850.
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South African music : a fuzzy triplet... South African music can be perceived as the aesthetical embodiment of a broader dream of cultural unity expressed in different representations and ideologies. History shows that it grew out of many contacts between South Africa’s different communities ; today’s musical forms blend characters borrowed from their cultural traditions. But, because of segregation and apartheid, South African popular music, in spite of its mixity, has acquired a «black» identity that leads supporters of the «white» powers to categorize its practitioners and fans alike as «pro-African» or «anti-apartheid». What is the most complete expression of the common history of South African peoples has therefore been put into the hands of the African majority which is, now, the only group liable to give it back to South Africa as a whole. In this particular respect, as in some others, music participates in the struggle for the liberation of South Africa.
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Cornelissen, Scarlett, i Steffen Horstmeier. "The social and political construction of identities in the new South Africa: an analysis of the Western Cape Province". Journal of Modern African Studies 40, nr 1 (marzec 2002): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003810.
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In apartheid South African society, racial and ethnic identities were institutionally imposed. The end of apartheid has brought about the need for new identities to be created among South Africans, and for South Africans to forge a new relationship with their society and country. With this objective in mind, the national government is engaged in a process of nation-building. But in post-apartheid South African society, sub-national identities are also strongly coming to the fore. This is an empirical study of established and emerging identities in the Western Cape province, and the processes whereby these are constructed. The investigation shows two parallel flows of identity construction in the Western Cape: on the one hand, political leaders in the province attempt to foster an autonomous provincial identity; on the other, residents of the province show little evidence of strong political identities linked to the Western Cape. Instead, social identities are being constructed around residents’ local neighbourhoods and long-existing ethnic, class and racial identities. Rather than the social cohesion sought by the post-apartheid South African government, these identities point to persistent social polarisation.
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Mlambo, Victor H., i Mfundo Mandla Masuku. "Tribalism and Ethnophobia Among Black South Africans". Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 10, nr 1 (2.02.2023): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/1292.
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The paper examines the consolidation and implications of tribalism and ethnophobia among black South Africans. South Africa is considered a xenophobic country. With the demise of apartheid and the subsequent increase in undocumented migration, tensions began to develop, not only against black foreign nationals but also among black South Africans themselves. This paper focuses on how tribalism and ethnophobia have divided black South Africans and removed the need for unity and social cohesion in a post-apartheid era. This paper employed a qualitative research approach where a literature review was undertaken. The othering theory was used as a theoretical lens. Findings reflect that although South Africa is recognized as a rainbow nation because of its many different cultures and customs, it is hidden beneath ethnic and tribal emotions that have stifled the idea of unity and social cohesion. South Africa is still far from eradicating tribalistic and ethnophobic sentiments amongst its black population. Apart from ethnicity and tribalism, race continues to divide South Africa. The political transition of 1994 lacked effective frameworks to unite the various ethnic groups that were for decades segregated by apartheid; instead, the focus was on building a new South Africa. However, this approach missed the mark by not focusing on the importance of ethnic unity and tolerance among black South Africans. Unless these tribalistic and ethnophobic sentiments are addressed, unity and social cohesion in the South African black community is unlikely.
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Horáková, Hana. "Challenges to Political Cosmopolitanism: The Impact of Racialised Discourses in Post-Apartheid South Africa". Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, nr 2 (11.12.2018): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.248.
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One of the key challenges of post-apartheid South Africa has been the need to create a South African “nation.” The efforts of the leading African National Congress started with Nelson Mandela’s reconciliatory discourse of a “rainbow nation,” via Thabo Mbeki’s concept of the African Renaissance, to the current stream of racial nationalism articulated as “Africanisation.” The present article attempts to examine the dilemma which the ANC as the major custodian of nation-building has been facing since the 1990s: how to reach a balance between a civic nationalism based on cosmopolitan values and the need to redress the legacy of apartheid and persisting racial inequalities. It is argued that the current culturalist discourse of Africanisation is not only contentious but also dangerous for the cohesion of the fragile democratic society of post-apartheid South Africa.
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Gibbs, Timothy. "Apartheid South Africa's segregated legal field: black lawyers and the Bantustans". Africa 90, nr 2 (luty 2020): 293–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019001050.
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AbstractThe history of South Africa's urban-based ‘struggle lawyers’ – a trajectory epitomized by Nelson Mandela – is much discussed by historians and biographers, reflecting a broader vein of historiography that celebrates anti-colonial legal activism. However, it was South Africa's ‘Native Reserves’ and Bantustans that produced the majority of African lawyers for much of the twentieth century. Indeed, two-thirds of the African justices who have sat on the post-apartheid Constitutional Court either practised or trained in the Bantustans during the apartheid era. The purpose of this article is thus to reappraise South Africa's ‘legal field’ – the complex relationship between professional formation, elite reproduction and the exercise of political power – by tracing the ambiguous role played by the Native Reserves/Bantustans in shaping the African legal profession across the twentieth century. How did African lawyers, persistently marginalized by century-long patterns of exclusion, nevertheless construct an elite profession within the confines of segregation and apartheid? How might we link the histories of the Bantustans with the better-known ‘struggle historiography’ that emphasizes the role of political and legal activism in the cities? And what are the implications of South Africa's segregated history for debates about the ‘decolonization’ of the legal profession in the post-apartheid era?
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Feinberg, H. M. "South Africa and Land Ownership: What's in a Deed?" History in Africa 22 (styczeń 1995): 439–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171925.
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The subject of African land ownership is and will continue to be a highly emotional issue of great importance in the new South Africa. Africans and Afrikaners alike have strong historical ties to the land. Thousands of Africans owned land outside the Reserves before 1948. These landowners included large numbers of Africans who purchased over 3,000 farms and lots between 1913 and 1936 in the Transvaal, Natal, and even the Orange Free State (plus uncounted African buyers in the Cape Province). Individuals, tribal groups, or people organized into partnerships owned land. In the 1990s Africans complain bitterly about land losses, especially after 1948 as a result of the apartheid policy of forced removals which aimed to eliminate the so-called “black spots” from white areas. In addition, some Africans point to the problem of land losses between 1913 and 1948, and others resent the severe restrictions resulting from the Natives Land Act, Act No. 27 of 1913, which prevented Africans from freely buying land in three of the four provinces of South Africa after 1913.On 8 November 1994 the South African Parliament passed the Restitution of Land Rights Act, a law which is intended to allow Africans to reclaim their lost land. Claims by former owners or their descendants will be buttressed by legal documents of one type or another. Some of these legal documents have an interesting and unintended use, however: historians can take advantage of them to build an understanding of African land ownership before and after apartheid began in 1948.
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Mamdani, Mahmood. "The South African Moment". Journal of Palestine Studies 45, nr 1 (2015): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.45.1.63.
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This essay draws parallels between the movement for justice in Palestine and the South African experience during the anti-apartheid struggle, engaging critically with supporters and practitioners of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel. Notwithstanding their very different contexts, the author argues that in the South African case, the decision to broaden the struggle to all opponents of apartheid, thereby transcending the racialism normalized by the very structure of the state, enabled the movement to gain the momentum necessary to bring down the apartheid regime. Neither armed resistance nor boycott alone was sufficient to win the battle without the added component of mass-based direct action. The essay challenges the activists of the contemporary Palestinian movement to redefine their strategy and create their own South African moment. The text is based on the author's remarks as discussant at a talk by BDS cofounder Omar Barghouti, held at Columbia University on 2 December 2014.