Artykuły w czasopismach: „Sociology of the colonial legacy”

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Gerhart, Gail M., i James F. Barnes. "Gabon: Beyond the Colonial Legacy". Foreign Affairs 71, nr 5 (1992): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045485.

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Kane, Danielle, i Ksenia Gorbenko. "Colonial legacy and gender inequality in Uzbekistan". Current Sociology 64, nr 5 (9.07.2016): 718–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392115599583.

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CHAN, MING K. "Hong Kong: Colonial Legacy, Transformation, and Challenge". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 547, nr 1 (wrzesień 1996): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716296547001002.

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Shin, Hwaji. "Colonial legacy of ethno-racial inequality in Japan". Theory and Society 39, nr 3-4 (5.03.2010): 327–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-010-9107-3.

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Melber, Henning. "Colonialism, Land, Ethnicity, and Class: Namibia after the Second National Land Conference". Africa Spectrum 54, nr 1 (kwiecień 2019): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039719848506.

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Since independence in March 1990, the unequal distribution and ownership of land as a leftover of colonial-era dispossession and appropriation has been a major issue of sociopolitical contestation in Namibia. This article summarises the structural colonial legacy and the efforts made towards land reform. Reference points are the country’s first national land reform conference in 1991 and the second national land reform conference in October 2018. The analysis points to the contradictory factors at play, seeking to contextualise land reform in between the colonial legacy of racial discrepancies and ethnicity as well as class, as more contemporary influencing factors.

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Crook, Richard C. "Legitimacy, Authority and the Transfer of Power in Ghana". Political Studies 35, nr 4 (grudzień 1987): 552–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb00205.x.

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The problems of authority and legitimacy experienced by post-colonial states are often explained in terms of a ‘colonial legacy’. The validity of this hypothesis is examined, in the case of Ghana, by analysing changes in the kinds of legitimacy claimed by the state from the colonial period through decolonization to independence. It is concluded that, whilst the most enduring legacy of colonialism was the attempt to found legitimacy in particularistic, indigenous systems of law, the decolonization process failed to transfer any one of the new, competing claims to legitimacy which emerged. Nationalism, of its very nature, was precluded from claiming authority on the basis of expertise in being European, and was also led to deny the validity of indigenous cultures. Representative democracy too was contradictory in so far as its results often challenged the nationalists' conception of a nonethnic national identity. Ultimately neither democracy nor ‘being African’ was a sufficient basis for the legitimacy of the new state.

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Njororai, Wycliffe W. Simiyu. "Colonial legacy, minorities and association football in Kenya". Soccer & Society 10, nr 6 (15.10.2009): 866–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970903240022.

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Prianti, Desi Dwi. "The Identity Politics of Masculinity as a Colonial Legacy". Journal of Intercultural Studies 40, nr 6 (2.11.2019): 700–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2019.1675612.

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Lambeth, Evelyn. "Settler Colonial Classifications of Edibility". Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture 24, nr 2 (2024): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2024.24.2.43.

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The pastoral economies introduced during the colonial invasion have radically transformed Australian diets, cultures, and ecosystems. Stolen land was tenured to settlers and emancipated convicts to develop profitable and productive enterprises for the British Empire. Land rights and animal care are intrinsically linked to modern food systems, yet there is a gap in Australian literature regarding the legacy of colonial pastoralism and its connection to current food systems. This essay questions how introduced species evolved to command the Australian diet. Wallabies and kangaroos were legally relegated to national emblems, and thus inedible. Their conditions of being, whether edible, iconic, or wild, were dictated by the Commonwealth Government. The taboo nature of these native marsupials leaves them largely unconsumed, and therefore, unprotected. Modern conditions of edibility are less concerned with physical metabolic matters, instead driven by historic cultural attitudes and political and economic motives. Nourishment was commodified. My research uses Tasmanian legal archives in conjunction with cookbooks and popular iconography to trace the historical legacies of foodways since the invasion. Scholarship around waste, sociology, ecology, and food justice and sovereignty are incorporated to consider how modern agricultural practices perpetuate violence against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and ecosystems. Modern agriculture affects every being on the planet, both human and more-than-human. My research goal is to encourage people to question their metabolic practices to ascertain how everyday acts of consumption implicate them within unjust systems. Though consumptive wallaby culling is legal, the industry remains privatized, and Indigenous Australians have little agency to influence how their native species are used, and who profits from their utility. By sharing these concerns with researchers from a broad range of disciplines, I hope to connect with individuals who can help to make future metabolic matters more inclusive, more ethical, and more sustainable.

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Grünewald, Aline. "From Benefits and Beneficiaries: The Historical Origins of Old-Age Pensions From a Political Regime Perspective". Comparative Political Studies 54, nr 8 (31.01.2021): 1424–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414021989763.

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Global studies on the historical origins of old-age pensions from a political regime perspective are quite rare. Based on the novel PENLEG dataset this article shows that democratic and nondemocratic regimes had different policy priorities when designing old-age pensions for the first time. Whereas democracies had significantly higher legal pension coverage rates than nondemocratic regimes, the reverse pattern can be found for pension replacement rates. The study also shows that temporal effects and colonial legacy mattered. Longstanding democracies introduced much higher legal pension coverage rates than countries that had recently democratized. Additionally, the French colonial legacy spurred high legal pension coverage rates in African autocracies. These findings underline the importance of taking the multidimensionality of welfare programs into account when analyzing political regime differences. Moreover, due attention must be paid to the historical context when theorizing about welfare policies from a political regime perspective.

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Lee, Alexander. "Redistributive Colonialism: The Long Term Legacy of International Conflict in India". Politics & Society 45, nr 2 (15.05.2017): 173–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329217705358.

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The growth of European colonial empires occurred during a period of intense international conflict. This article examines how the international position of colonial states altered the distribution of wealth within indigenous societies. Colonial administrators favored precolonial elites only if they were militarily and financially secure, a pattern that stems from balancing the advantages of working with these groups against their higher probability of revolt. This theory is tested using data on the wealth of Indian caste groups. In areas annexed at times of European war, precolonial elites are poorer than other groups, whereas they remain richer in areas annexed at other times and in indirectly ruled areas. These results appear not to stem from preexisting differences between regions. The results highlight the variable impact of colonialism within societies, and the importance of the international system in shaping colonial and postcolonial outcomes.

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Simanullang, Pernandus. "The Impact of Colonial Thinking Legacy on the Production of Knowledge about the Fine Arts in Southeast Asia". Indonesian Journal of History Education 8, nr 1 (22.03.2023): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijhe.v8i1.59182.

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The experience of art history in Southeast Asia is an unforgettable part of society. Through art before and after thought or art has existed. The arrival of foreigners to Southeast Asia enriched new philosophies for every place that had been influenced by colonial thought. Through the new philosophy, from a perspective, thinking, and doing something, especially in art, has undergone a significant change. This change is a fundamental part but the tradition is still maintained. The impact of change through the influence of colonial thought produces new knowledge in maintaining and preserving the arts, culture, and customs that exist in every country in Southeast Asia. It can be seen that to this day it is the main place for tourists who come to Southeast Asia. Postcolonialism questions and rediscovers modes of cultural perception, and ways of seeing and being seen. In anthropology, postcolonialism studies human relations in colonial countries and subaltern societies exploited by colonial rule. Postcolonialism describes, explains, and illustrates the ideology of neocolonialism by taking the humanities, history, and political science, philosophy and sociology, anthropology, and. So post-colonialism adds or brings a new identity to each country in Southeast Asia but still maintains and preserves traditional arts and culture.

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Lee, Yong Leng. "The Colonial Legacy in Southeast Asia: Maritime Boundary Problems". Contemporary Southeast Asia 8, nr 2 (wrzesień 1986): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs8-2b.

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Moberg, Mark. "Crown Colony as Banana Republic: The United Fruit Company in British Honduras, 1900–1920". Journal of Latin American Studies 28, nr 2 (maj 1996): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00013043.

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AbstractIn much historiography of the colonial Caribbean, British administrators are portrayed as mediators between domestic elites, foreign capital, and the working class. Such scholarship converges with popular belief in Belize, whose institutions are seen as a legacy of ‘impartial’ British rule. This article examines the relationship between the United Fruit Company and the colonial government of British Honduras. Contrary to claims of administrative impartiality, colonial officials facilitated the company's monopoly over the banana industry and acted as company advocates before the Colonial Office, actions that ultimately undermined the colony's independent banana producers.

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Kea, Pamela, i Katrin Maier. "Challenging Global Geographies of Power: Sending Children back to Nigeria from the United Kingdom for Education". Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, nr 4 (29.09.2017): 818–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000299.

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AbstractWest Africans have a long history of investing in their children's education by sending them to Britain. Yet, some young British-Nigerians are being sent to Nigeria for secondary education, going against a long historical grain. The movement of children from London to Nigeria is about the making of good subjects who possess particular cultural dispositions and behave in such a manner as to ensure educational success and the reproduction of middle-class subjectivities within neoliberal globalization. We maintain that this movement highlights the way in which global geographies of power—rooted in a colony-metropole divide—are being challenged and reconfigured, serving to provincialize the UK, through the educational choices that Nigerian parents make for their children. Such small acts disrupt imagined geographies and particular spatial and temporal configurations of progress and modernity, in which former colonial subjects have traveled to the metropole for education, while generating counter-narratives about Nigerian education, society, and economy. Yet, the methods used to instill new dispositions and habits in the contemporary Nigerian educational context are informed by the British educational colonial legacy of discipline through corporal punishment—physical punishment was central to the civilizing mission of British colonial educational policy. Consequently, the choice to send children to school in Nigeria and other African countries both challenges global geographies of power and illuminates the continued relevance of the colonial educational legacy and its disciplinary strategies, which are, in turn, part of the broader project of modernity itself.

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Montgomery, Max. "Colonial Legacy of Gender Inequality: Christian Missionaries in German East Africa". Politics & Society 45, nr 2 (15.05.2017): 225–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329217704432.

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Why does sub-Saharan Africa exhibit the highest rates of gender inequality in the world? This article evaluates the contributions of Christian missionary societies in German East Africa to current socioeconomic gender inequalities in Tanzania. Previous studies ascribe a comparatively benign long-term effect of missionary societies, in particular of the Protestant denomination, on economic, developmental, and political outcomes. This article contrasts that perception by focusing on the wider cultural impact of the civilizing mission in colonial Africa. The analysis rests on a novel georeferenced dataset on German East Africa—based on digitized colonial maps and extensive historical records available in the German colonial archives—and the most recently available DHS-surveys. The results highlight the formative role of Catholic missionary societies in German East Africa in shaping gender inequalities currently witnessed in Tanzania.

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Liburd, Liam J. "Beyond the Pale: Whiteness, Masculinity and Empire in the British Union of Fascists, 1932–1940". Fascism 7, nr 2 (17.10.2018): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702006.

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This article seeks to intervene in the debate over the legacy of the British Empire, using the British Union of Fascists (BUF) as a case-study. It will argue that, during the interwar period, the BUF drew heavily on earlier constructions of racialized imperial masculinity in building their ‘new fascist man’. The BUF stand out in the period following the First World War, where hegemonic constructions of British masculinity were altogether more domesticated. At the same time, colonial policymakers were increasingly relying on concessions, rather than force, to outmanoeuvre nationalists out in the Empire. For the BUF, this all smacked of effeminacy and they responded with a ‘new man’ based on the masculine values of the idealized imperial frontier. By transplanting these values from colony to metropole, they hoped to achieve their fascist rebirth of Britain and its Empire. This article charts the BUF’s construction of this imperial ‘new fascist man’ out the legacy of earlier imperialists, the canon of stories of imperial heroism, and the gendered hierarchies of colonial racism.

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Getachew, Adom. "Universalism After the Post-colonial Turn". Political Theory 44, nr 6 (20.08.2016): 821–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591716661018.

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This essay explores the possibilities and limits of decentering Europe by examining the Haitian Revolution and contemporary invocations of its legacy among political theorists and historians. Recent accounts of the Haitian Revolution have celebrated its universalism as a realization of French revolutionary ideals. As I argue in the essay, this interpretation undermines the Haitian Revolution’s specificity as the first and only successful revolution against colonial slavery. I offer an alternative interpretation that begins from the specificity of colonial slavery and explores how Haitian revolutionaries inaugurated another universalism linked to individual and collective autonomy. Haitian revolutionaries offered a radical account of black citizenship and envisioned a world order in which both slavery and colonial rule would be transcended. This reinterpretation of the Haitian Revolution offers an alternative approach to what it might mean to decenter Europe—one that begins from the specific political problems subaltern actors encountered and illustrates how ideals are remade in diverse contexts.

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Grafe, Regina, i Maria Alejandra Irigoin. "The Spanish Empire and its legacy: fiscal redistribution and political conflict in colonial and post-colonial Spanish America". Journal of Global History 1, nr 2 (lipiec 2006): 241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022806000155.

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The comparative history of the Americas has been used to identify factors determining longterm economic growth. One approach, new institutional economics (NIE), claims that the colonial origins of respective institutional structures explain North American success and Spanish American failure. Another argues that differences in resources encountered by Europeans fostered divergent levels of equality impacting on institutions and growth. This paper challenges the theoretical premises and historical evidence of both views offering a historicized, statistically and economically validated explanation for the institutional and economic development of Spanish America. First, it revises the structure of the fiscal system challenging the characterization of Spain as an absolutist ruler. Secondly, an analysis of fiscal data at regional levels assesses the performance of the Imperial state. It shows the existence of massive revenue redistribution within the colonies, disputing the notion of a predatory extractive empire based on endowments as the source of original inequality. Finally, we discuss how a contingent event, the imprisonment of the Spanish king in 1808, contributed to the disintegration of a 300-year-old empire. The crisis of legitimacy in the empire turned fiscal interdependence between regions into beggar-thy-neighbour strategies and internecine conflict. We conclude by arguing for a reversal of the causality from weak institutions causing economic failure to fiscal (and economic) failure leading to political instability.

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Sieg, Katrin. "Imagining European Diversity in an Age of Migration". German Politics and Society 35, nr 4 (1.12.2017): 22–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350402.

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How has European visual culture supported the welcoming of refugees in Europe? This article examines the tropes of romance and family in performances at the Eurovision Song Contest and in recent European films, to ask how they encourage or limit the inclusion of asylum seekers and undocumented immigrants in the European polity. Demonstrating the long history of these tropes in colonial fantasies that imagine community on unequal gendered and racialized terms, the article asks whether queer notions of kinship and egalitarian concepts of cosmopolitanism are able to rework this colonial legacy.

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Idris, Amir. "Historicizing Race, Ethnicity, and the Crisis of Citizenship in Sudan and South Sudan". Middle East Journal 73, nr 4 (1.12.2019): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/73.4.14.

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This article critically outlines the discursive construction of racial and ethnic identities in Sudan and South Sudan, arguing its legacy is essential to understand the entanglement of state-formation, nationalism, citizenship, and political violence in both countries. Race and ethnicity were central to the colonial, nationalist, and postcolonial projects of inventing the "North" and the "South" as self-contained entities, and the politicization of race and ethnicity after independence is largely a product of "Orientalizing" cultural differences through colonial administrative rules and postcolonial policies.

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Faulkner, Elizabeth A., i Conrad Nyamutata. "The Decolonisation of Children’s Rights and the Colonial Contours of the Convention on the Rights of the Child". International Journal of Children’s Rights 28, nr 1 (10.03.2020): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02801009.

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The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (uncrc) 1989 has been celebrated for its universal acceptance. However, questions still arise around its provenance and representation. In particular, the Convention is deemed to enshrine Western notions of childhood upon which its rights were constructed. However, the legacy of the colonial contours of the new world order are often excluded within the context of children’s rights. It has been suggested that the new imperialism brandished under the guise of “children’s rights” serves as an effective tool to “beat” the Global South, deflecting from the continued Western dominance within the field of children’s rights. This paper interrogates the power dynamics and colonial legacy upon which views of children are formed, centralising the multitude of issues in the arena of children’s rights in the wake of what can be identified as Hokusai’s wave. 1

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Górny, Krzysztof, i Ada Górna. "After Decolonization: Changes in the Urban Landscape of Platô in Praia, Cape Verde". Journal of Urban History 45, nr 6 (17.12.2018): 1103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144218816704.

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This article addresses colonial built heritage in the urban landscape of Platô, Praia’s historical center. It is based on field work conducted by the authors in 2017. The aim of this article is to define the extent and rate of change in the urban landscape of Platô, from Cape Verde’s independence in 1975 to 2017. The authors focus mainly on the following traces of material colonial built heritage: architecture, streets, symbolic elements and public spaces, while simultaneously describing their immaterial dimensions. The analysis is preceded by a historical overview, which includes the stages of Praia’s spatial development. The authors argue that the colonial legacy in the urban landscape of Platô is constantly changing in functionality and meaning, and is progressively disappearing due to rapid social, economic, and political changes combined with a lack of adequate measures on the part of the country’s authorities to preserve its colonial built heritage.

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HARIRI, JACOB GERNER. "The Autocratic Legacy of Early Statehood". American Political Science Review 106, nr 3 (sierpień 2012): 471–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000238.

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This article documents that precolonial state development was an impediment to the development of democracy outside Europe, because indigenous state institutions constrained the European colonial endeavor and limited the diffusion of European institutions and ideas. Some countries were strong enough to resist colonization; others had enough state infrastructure that the colonizers would rule through existing institutions. Neither group therefore experienced institutional transplantation or European settlement. Less developed states, in contrast, were easier to colonize and were often colonized with institutional transplantation and an influx of settlers carrying ideals of parliamentarism. Using OLS and IV estimation, I present statistical evidence of an autocratic legacy of early statehood and document the proposed causal channel for a large sample of non-European countries. The conclusion is robust to different samples, different democracy indices, an array of exogenous controls, and several alternative theories of the causes and correlates of democracy.

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Collignon, René. "Henri Collomb and the emergence of a psychiatry open to otherness through interdisciplinary dialogue in post-independence Dakar". History of Psychiatry 29, nr 3 (4.06.2018): 350–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x18777210.

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During decolonization, Henri Collomb was appointed to the first Chair of Psychiatry at the University of Dakar. Using a neuropsychiatric approach, he quickly made significant advances in the field, despite the colonial era’s poor legacy of assistance facilities for mentally ill people. Through alliances with professors and researchers from the university Departments of Psychology and Sociology, an original interdisciplinary dialogue was set up to build up a research team which would develop rich and varied activities in the fields of transcultural psychiatry, medical anthropology and psychoanalytic anthropology. The methodological and theoretical contributions of such an approach are well illustrated in the book Œdipe africain by M-C and E Ortigues and in the journal founded in 1965, Psychopathologie africaine.

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Chamberlin, William (Bo). "Silencing Genocide: The Jesuit Ministry in Colonial Cartagena de Indias and its Legacy". Journal of Black Studies 49, nr 7 (4.06.2018): 672–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718778718.

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Cartagena de Indias was one of the most important ports in the European trade in enslaved Africans in the 16th and 17th centuries. During this time, the Jesuits carried out a ministry to the enslaved Africans arriving at this port, which has lived on through its historical legacy. The Jesuit Peter Claver is now a saint in the Roman Catholic Church and Alonso de Sandoval’s De instauranda Aethiopum salute (“On the Salvation of the Africans”) is an essential resource for scholars of the early European trade in enslaved Africans in the Americas. This article examines this ministry in the context of the destruction of African life that occurred through colonization and enslavement, arguing that the ministry played an essential role in the destruction of African life. This article also examines the role that the historical legacy of the ministry has played and continues to play in the silencing of this destruction to the present day, leading to a fundamental misunderstanding of the Catholic and Jesuit relationship to the destructive processes of enslavement and colonization.

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Finnane, Mark. "‘Upholding the Cause of Civilization’: The Australian Death Penalty in War and Colonialism". International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, nr 3 (1.09.2022): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2473.

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The abolition of the death penalty in Queensland in 1922 was the first in Australian jurisdictions, and the first in the British Empire. However, the legacy of the Queensland death penalty lingered in Australian colonial territories. This article considers a variety of practices in which the death penalty was addressed by Australian decision-makers during the first half of the 20th century. These include the exemption of Australian soldiers from execution in World War I, use of the death penalty in colonial Papua and the Mandate Territory of New Guinea, hanging as a weapon of war in the colonial territories, and the retrieval of the death penalty for the punishment of war crimes. In these histories, we see not only that the Queensland death penalty lived on in other contexts but also that ideological and political preferences for abolition remained vulnerable to the sway of other historical forces of war and security.

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Killander, Magnus. "Criminalising homelessness and survival strategies through municipal by-laws: colonial legacy and constitutionality". South African Journal on Human Rights 35, nr 1 (2.01.2019): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02587203.2019.1586129.

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SULTAN, ATIYAB. "Malcolm Darling and Developmentalism in Colonial Punjab". Modern Asian Studies 51, nr 6 (listopad 2017): 1891–921. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000208.

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AbstractThis article studies the career and writings of Sir Malcolm Darling to make three main claims. First, an intellectual genealogy of development studies is presented through the examination of close parallels between colonial efforts at rural welfare and post-colonial prescriptions for the same. Darling was central in the British efforts in Punjab to formulate ideas of reform from below or thrift among the peasantry, both of which remain popular in contemporary theories of community development and microfinance respectively. The similarities between colonial and post-colonial reforms are striking because the colonial experience remains largely forgotten. This intellectual amnesia serves a political end by blaming the peasant for his poverty and redemption from the same. Simultaneously, any structural or revolutionary social change is avoided. Secondly, the article probes the exaggerated focus on indebtedness and the political interests this served. Indebtedness gave the Unionists in Punjab political legitimacy, and the colonial state formulated solutions for the problem that did not tax its resources, for example the cooperative movement was designed to be self-financing. Finally, the article speaks to the themes of this issue by challenging the assumption that ‘institutions’ alone are a legacy of colonial rule and developmentalist reform is a post-colonial preoccupation of independent states. By presenting a case study of attempted economic and institutional reform during colonial rule, it allows one to appreciate the close, contemporaneous connections between colonial modes of governance and current modes of development.

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Eck, Kristine. "The origins of policing institutions". Journal of Peace Research 55, nr 2 (6.02.2018): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317747955.

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This article examines the impact of colonial-era armed conflict on contemporary institutions. It argues that when British colonial administrators were faced with armed insurrection they responded with institutional reform of the police, and that the legacy of these reforms lives on today. Violent opposition prompted the British colonial administration to expand entrance opportunities for local inhabitants in order to collect intelligence needed to prosecute a counterinsurgency campaign. This investment in human capital and institutional reform remained when the colonial power departed; as a result, countries which experienced colonial-era conflict have more efficient policing structures today. I demonstrate how this worked in practice during the Malayan Emergency, 1948–60. Archival data from Malaysia show that local inhabitants were recruited into the police force in greater numbers and were provided with training which they would not have received had there been no insurgency. This process was consolidated and reproduced upon independence in path-dependent ways. To expand the empirical domain, I statistically explore new archival data collected from the UK National Archives on police financing across colonial territories. The results show that armed insurgency during the colonial era is associated with higher percentages of police expenditure during the colonial era and higher perceived levels of contemporary policing capacity.

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Katchanovski, Ivan, i Todd La Porte. "Democracy, Colonial Legacy, and the Openness of Cabinet-Level Websites in Developing Countries". Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 11, nr 2 (czerwiec 2009): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13876980902888095.

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Kobo, Ousman. "‘We are citizens too’: the politics of citizenship in independent Ghana". Journal of Modern African Studies 48, nr 1 (3.02.2010): 67–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0999022x.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines Ghana's struggle to create a pluralistic nationality that guarantees universal rights to all citizens, including people of foreign origin. A major recipient of colonial labour migrants who considered themselves citizens of Ghana at the time of independence, Ghana provides an excellent case study for exploring the ambiguities and malleability of post-colonial citizenship. Analysing the various ways in which Ghanaian politicians have struggled to redefine the nationality status of descendants of migrants from other parts of West Africa since independence, I argue that the politicisation of Ghana's post-colonial citizenship stems not only from the country's colonial legacy, but also from struggles over diminishing economic resources between the late 1960s and early 1980s that led some indigenous Ghanaians to declare the non-autochthonous population as ‘aliens’ who should be excluded from the benefits of citizenship. Constitutional provisions that recognised citizenship by birth were contested by popular perceptions that only the autochthonous are ‘true’ citizens and are thus the only legitimate beneficiaries of political and economic rights.

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Foks, Freddy. "Bronislaw Malinowski, “Indirect Rule,” and the Colonial Politics of Functionalist Anthropology, ca. 1925–1940". Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, nr 1 (styczeń 2018): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000408.

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AbstractFunctionalist anthropology has a contested legacy. Some scholars have praised functionalism as a contributor to the relativizing of civilizations and cultures while others have criticized it as a colonial science smoothing the interwar workings of indirect rule. This article argues that the colonial politics of functionalist anthropology can only be understood against the background of resurgent settler colonialism in British East Africa. Supporters of indirect rule increasingly relied on a language of scientific administration and welfarist policies associated with the League of Nations to bolster their position against the settlers in the 1920s and 1930s. Functionalism offered them some means of support on this count. The functionalists, meanwhile, co-opted the language of indirect rule to pursue their own intra-disciplinary ends. This combination of interests was pragmatic and flexible rather than ossified and ideological, marked more by what both opposed (settler colonialism) than a shared ideal towards which they aspired (indirect rule). Anthropologists and colonial administrators possessed very different ideas of indirect rule, with strikingly different implications for the future of Britain's African Empire.

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Cobbe, James, i Abdi Ismail Samatar. "An African Miracle: State and Class Leadership and Colonial Legacy in Botswana Development". International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, nr 1 (1999): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220812.

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Chan, Ming K., i Chi Kuen Lau. "Hong Kong's Colonial Legacy: A Hong Kong Chinese's View of the British Heritage." Pacific Affairs 71, nr 3 (1998): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761429.

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Joireman, Sandra Fullerton. "Inherited legal systems and effective rule of law: Africa and the colonial legacy". Journal of Modern African Studies 39, nr 4 (grudzień 2001): 571–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003755.

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The question of whether particular types of legal institutions influence the effectiveness of the rule of law has long been answered with conjecture. Common law lawyers and judges tend to believe that the common law system is superior. This opinion is based on the idea that the common law system inherited from the British is more able to protect the rights of the individual than civil law judicial systems. Quite the opposite point of view can be found in lawyers from civil law countries, who may view the common law system as capricious and disorganised. This paper compares the effectiveness of the rule of law in common law and civil law countries in Africa, through a cross-national statistical comparison using Freedom House and Political Risk Services data. The comparison reveals that common law countries in Africa are generally better at providing ‘rule of law’ than are civil law countries.

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Haikal, Husain, i Atiku Garba Yahaya. "Muslims in Singapore: the colonial legacy and the making of a minority". Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 17, nr 1 (kwiecień 1997): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602009708716359.

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Cairns, Kate. "Youth, Dirt, and the Spatialization of Subjectivity: An Intersectional Approach to White Rural Imaginaries". Canadian Journal of Sociology 38, nr 4 (31.12.2013): 623–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs21199.

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Abstract. Canada’s rural idyll is embedded within the colonial legacy of a white settler society; however, little research has examined how class and gender uphold this articulation of rurality and whiteness. This article draws on ethnographic research with white, working-class rural youth to develop an intersectional analysis of rural imaginaries. The analysis shows how youth construct their own rural identities through racialized representations of urban and global “others.” I argue that these racist place-narratives must be understood in the context of competing discourses of rurality in Canada: the romanticized pure white rural of colonial history, and the pathologized poor white rural of a cosmopolitan future. Even as youth locate their gendered performances within the rural idyll, they are marked as “dirts” by their classed, rural status. By inscribing racist discourses onto others, youth resist the classist imagery projected onto their community and thereby re- claim a pure white rural idyll.

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Müller, Markus-Michael. "Colonial policing and the transnational legacy. The global dynamics of policing across the Lusophone world". Policing and Society 29, nr 8 (6.08.2019): 1001–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2019.1651855.

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McLisky, Claire Louise. "The History and Legacy of Popular Narratives about Early Colonial Missions to Greenland and Australia". Journal of Social History 50, nr 3 (2017): 534–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shw043.

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Macagno, Lorenzo. "Missionaries and the Ethnographic Imagination. Reflections on the Legacy of Henri-Alexandre Junod (1863–1934)". Social Sciences and Missions 22, nr 1 (2009): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489409x434063.

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AbstractThis article consists of a reflection on the ethnographic and political legacy of the protestant missionary Henri-Alexandre Junod. A member of the Swiss Mission, Junod was one of the few missionaries to enjoy the recognition of “professional” anthropologists in his time (among them, Malinowski himself, who praised his pioneering ethnography on the Thonga of southern Africa). But beyond his important ethnographic legacy, his work as a missionary brought him into contact with many perplexities and paradoxes. Besides living and working in the Union of South Africa – present day South Africa – he lived for many years in Mozambique, where at certain times, his presence – and that of the protestant missionaries in general – was not well accepted by Portuguese Colonial Regime. Today, the policies on bilingual education, the process of reinvention of the Shangaan identity, the multicultural dilemmas of post-socialist Mozambique and the role of the Protestant churches in the formation of the civil society, cannot be understood without a systematic and renewed reflection on the legacy of Henri-Alexandre Junod. Cet article propose une réflexion sur l'héritage ethnographique et politique du missionnaire protestant Henri-Alexandre Junod. Membre de la Missions Suisse Romande, Junod fut un des rares missionnaires qui fut reconnu de son vivant par les anthropologues "professionnels" (entre autres Malinowski lui-même qui loua son travail ethnographique sur les Thonga d'Afrique australe). Au-delà son héritage ethnographique, le travail de Junod comme missionnaire l'exposa aussi à plusieurs perplexités et paradoxes. En plus de vivre et travailler dans l'Union d'Afrique du Sud – aujourd'hui Afrique du sud – il vécut durant de nombreuses années au Mozambique où, à certains moments, sa présence – et celle des missionnaires protestants en général – ne fut pas bien acceptée par le régime colonial portugais. Aujourd'hui les politiques d'éducation bilingues, le processus de la réinvention de l'identité Shangaan, les dilemmes multiculturels d'un Mozambique postsocialiste et le rôle des églises Protestantes dans la formation d'une société civile ne peuvent pas être compris sans une réflexion systématique et renouvelée de l'héritage d'Henri-Alexandre Junod.

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Reisz, Todd. "Landscapes of Production: Filming Dubai and the Trucial States". Journal of Urban History 44, nr 2 (24.01.2017): 298–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216687739.

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Between 1957 and 1958, the British government wrote, financed, and produced a propaganda film about the city of Dubai and a shore of Arab sheikhdoms that would eventually be assembled into the United Arab Emirates. An analysis of government archives and the finished film reveals conscious manipulation of cultural symbols for creating political narratives that continue to influence the nation’s urbanization. Although eventually shelved, the film represents an attempt at encapsulating the motivations for the continuing British political and military presence in the region. Produced at a time when the British government was searching for a new means of engagement in the broader region, the resulting product recalls the historical legacy of wartime propaganda films and, more specifically, colonial films, which sought to maintain British colonial control in the postwar period. After consideration of the filmmakers’ intentions, the article concludes with postulation of why the film was permanently shelved.

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Andall, Jacqueline, Charles Burdett i Derek Duncan. "Introduction". Modern Italy 8, nr 1 (maj 2003): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353294032000074043.

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The articles in this special issue were first presented at the 2001 ASMI conference on ‘Italian Colonialism and Post-Colonial Legacies’. This collection of papers is the first in a series of publications planned on different aspects of Italian colonialism. A second collection, offering new historical interpretations of Italian colonialism, will be published in the Journal of Modern Italian Studies later this year. A third group of essays on the legacy and memory of Italian colonialism will be published by Peter Lang in early 2004.

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Sen, Somdeep. "The colonial roots of counter-insurgencies in international politics". International Affairs 98, nr 1 (styczeń 2022): 209–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab201.

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Abstract There is a state-centrism in the way insurgencies are conceived in international politics. Herein, policy and practice targeting insurgencies draw on the long-established scholarly perception that war-making is the vocation of the state and that the violence of non-state insurgent factions is a source of insecurity. However, this state-centrism also has a colonial legacy and is an outgrowth of the colonial hostility towards anti-colonial factions. In this article, I establish the colonial roots of the current standing of insurgencies in international politics. Empirically, I focus on the European Union's (EU) peacebuilding efforts in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). These efforts are largely premised on the notion that state-building is synonymous with peacebuilding and are focused on furbishing the state-like institutions of the Palestinian Authority (PA). But, in doing so, this manner of peacebuilding also replicates the scholarly antagonism towards non-state armed factions and, with it, the logic of colonial counterinsurgencies, as it de-legitimizes the varied forms of insurgent politics that occur outside the institutional limits of the PA. In the end, it is not entirely surprising that this mode of engagement has not secured peace—especially since it is premised on a certain antagonism towards insurgent politics. Therefore, I conclude, a substantial understanding (and incorporation) of the political grievances that drive insurgent politics, and their appeal, is essential for effective peacebuilding.

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Fortin, Marc André. "Indigenous social justice movements and the anti-modern: Theresa Spence, the De Beers Victor Mine, and the Indigenous body". British Journal of Canadian Studies: Volume 34, Issue 1 34, nr 1 (1.03.2022): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bjcs.2022.3.

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This article looks at the events surrounding Theresa Spence’s hunger strike in 2012 in order to explore the ideological and epistemological impacts of Indigenous bodies as they are situated within both mediated and real colonial spaces. In considering the violent reactions to Indigenous social justice movements by settler Canadians, I argue that Indigenous peoples in Canada are at the forefront of radical change in Canadian politics, but that due to the legacy of colonial erasure, anthropological discourse, and media representations, Indigenous activists also risk great physical and psychological harm in placing their bodies at the forefront of environmental, social, and political movements to decolonise Turtle Island. Theresa Spence’s experience offers a window into the roots of both historical and contemporary practices of colonisation, and the ways in which the colonial narrative has shifted towards paternalistic, neoliberal, and capitalist discourses of care. Considering the connection between Spence and the Victor diamond mine, this article considers the implications of settler discourse on neocolonialism in Canada and the need to alter systemic racist structures in order to decolonise the nation.

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Allen, Richard B. "A Serious and alarming daily evil:Marronage1 and Its legacy in Mauritius and the colonial plantation world". Slavery & Abolition 25, nr 2 (sierpień 2004): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039042000293009.

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QUIROZ, ALFONSO W. "Implicit Costs of Empire: Bureaucratic Corruption in Nineteenth-Century Cuba". Journal of Latin American Studies 35, nr 3 (sierpień 2003): 473–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x03006862.

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Cycles of bureaucratic corruption in nineteenth-century Cuba evolved according to institutional conditions shaped by interest groups, financial needs, imperatives of colonial governance, and internal conflicts and war. Corrupt gain inimical to general public interest was not a consequence of cultural constants, but of unreconstructed institutional flaws and weaknesses. The risks of engaging in bureaucratic corruption diminished under the systematic condoning of administrative faults, collusive allowance of illegal slave trafficking, and a code of illegal rewards expected by loyalist officials opposing colonial reform. Despite some few anti-corruption initiatives, the prosecution and punishment of corrupt officials was lax. The implicit, yet significant, financial, institutional and political costs of corruption contributed to the demise of Spanish imperial dominion over Cuba and left a damaging burden and legacy for Cuban civil society.

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Macgregor, Paul. "Chinese Political Values in Colonial Victoria: Lowe Kong Meng and the Legacy of the July 1880 Election". Journal of Chinese Overseas 9, nr 2 (2013): 135–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341257.

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AbstractLowe Kong Meng (Liu Guangming 劉光眀, 1831-1888),1 pre-eminent merchant and community leader of gold-rush Melbourne, was active in Australian politics, self-regarded as a British subject yet engaged with the Qing dynasty and was likely the first overseas Chinese awarded rank in the Chinese imperial service. Victoria’s mid-1880 election was a watershed: the immediate aftermath was the re-introduction of regulations penalising Chinese, after over 15 years of free immigration and no official discrimination. After the election it was claimed that Lowe Kong Meng persuaded Victoria’s Chinese to vote for the government, but was it in his interests to do so? This article examines the nature of Lowe Kong Meng’s engagement in European and Chinese political activity in the colony, as well as the extent of his leadership in Chinese colonial and diasporic life and explores how much he could have used that leadership to influence electoral outcomes. The article also examines how Lowe Kong Meng and the wider Chinese population of the colony brought changing political agendas to Victoria and developed these agendas through their colonial experiences.

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Avcı, Cansu. "Alienation in Maryse Condé’s Le Cœur à Rire et à Pleurer". Cankaya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 18, nr 2 (31.12.2024): 463–70. https://doi.org/10.47777/cankujhss.1540125.

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Postcolonialism is a theoretical framework that problematizes the legacy of colonialism through the lenses of sociology, psychology, and literature. Postcolonial literature, exploring the enduring impact of colonialism on literary works addresses themes such as identity, exile, and alienation. Frantz Fanon was one of the most prominent thinkers of the 20th century with his anti-colonial works, which dealt with the problems created by colonialism on both an individual and a cultural level. Fanon, exploring the alienation of colonized peoples from their own origins, asserts that true freedom can be attained when individuals liberate themselves from this imposed sense of otherness. Maryse Condé, one of the leading figures of French postcolonial literature, delves into the search for identity among those who have endured the experiences of slavery, colonialism, and exile. The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of alienation in Maryse Condé's autobiographical storybook, Le Cœur à Rire et à Pleurer, within the framework of Frantz Fanon's postcolonial theory.

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Wesley-Smith, Terence. "Self-determination in Oceania". Race & Class 48, nr 3 (styczeń 2007): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396807073854.

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The interplay between national self-determination, the colonial legacy, the concept of sovereignty and the nature of state formation is what is at issue in any understanding of political development in the Pacific Islands. These complex territorial entities, scattered over thousands of square miles of ocean, embrace a vast range of cultural, geographical and linguistic diversity. Indigenous social and political organisation has been overlaid by arbitrary colonial divisions, and a model of western-style nation state formation promulgated by UN agencies. In the event, many of the fundamental economic and political problems of these societies have never been properly addressed-a situation exacerbated by the growing recourse to interventionism against ‘failed’ states by the most powerful. Any starting point for true self-determination in Oceania has to be found in indigenous practices of self-government.

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