Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Society for the Reform of Colonial Government”

This thesis focuses on the period between 1895-1936 and examines how the British colonial administration (through the agency of the Church Missionary Society (CMS)) used formal education as a tool to subjugate and create what was considered as an obedient Kenyan-African workforce. It argues that a tenuous but mutually beneficial relationship developed between the colonial government and CMS. This relationship was driven by an evolving colonial mindset, geared towards notions of European supremacy, and which ultimately came at the great expense of the educational and civil rights of Kenyan-Africans. In the period prior to World War One, educational policies were endorsed by the colonial administration to maintain control over and segregate Kenyan-Africans from Europeans. By pressuring the CMS through controlled grants-in-aid, the colonial government was able to source a steady supply of vocationally trained workers for White settler farms. The theoretical framework of “knowledge transfer" is also used to examine these colonial interventions, allowing for a trace and comparison of educational and religious praxis across colonial borders, especially between India and Kenya. In the period following the Great War, the continued subjugation of Kenyan-Africans led to a growing resentment towards colonial rule and CMS pursuits, and inadvertently increased their desire for an advanced, English based, academic education. To suppress these educational and political desires, the colonial government consistently sought the support of the metropole through the use of favourable rhetoric. This support facilitated the introduction of more rigid educational policies, designed along racial, religious, and tribal lines. These early government and missionary contests eventually ignited what became the early struggles for Kenyan independence.

Two recent developments dominate the political economy of Sub Saharan Africa -- the adoption of economic structural adjustment reforms and the emergence of pressures for the democratization of the political process. Economic reform measures have spawned civil society, made up of anti-authoritarian, anti-statist, non-governmental organizations, that demand political liberalization. This study is an attempt to analyze, theoretically and quantitatively, the unanticipated association between these developments. Democratic institutions inherited by Sub Saharan Africa at independence were subverted either through military coups or by the abuse and misuse of the institutions by an inordinately ambitious political elite. Thus, about a decade into independence more than three quarters of the sub continent virtually came under authoritarian rule. Contemporaneously there was a decline in the economies of these countries, forcing them to borrow from international financial institutions, in order to offset their balance of payment difficulties. By the mid-1980s most of Sub Saharan Africa had also instituted structural adjustment programs. Using a pooled cross-sectional time series model of analysis, data gathered from Sub Saharan African countries are analysed to test the explanatory power of the three extant contending theories of development: classical, dependency, and neoliberal. Then, most importantly, the analysis examines the relationship between structural adjustment, the development of civil society, and democratization. Overall, the results indicate that the institutional structures generated by, and the political millieu created by structural adjustment are conducive for the evolution of civil society and for its activities for democracy. This political opportunity, however, is also found to be dependent on the level of restructuring involved. The more the political system is restructured, the more the freedom of political participation by civil society, and the higher the level of democratization. The study found a very weak relationship between structural adjustment and economic growth, thereby calling into question many current economic policies. It further demonstrated that no one single theory had the advantages over others in explaining the dynamics of both political and economic development in Sub Saharan Africa and, by extension, in other developing countries.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa's history led to an unequal distribution in land ownership, which is not conducive to democratic consolidation. Land refortn is the means to address this problem. However, land reform, part of the larger process of transformation, is a potentially dangerous process: it can have negative implications on the rule of law. The objective of this study is to provide an analysis of the dynamic relationship between land reform, the rule of law and transformation in South Africa, within the debate on democratic consolidation. One can distinguish two paradigms regarding democracy: the liberal paradigm and the liberationist paradigm. These two paradigms have divergent views on the way land reform and transformation should be implemented, and what the goal of these two processes is. The liberal paradigm would seem to be more favourable for democratic consolidation, while the liberationist paradigm is a breeding ground for populist transformation. Furthermore, the negotiated constitutional settlement has left land reform with an ambiguity. On the one hand the constitution forces the govemment to address land reform, but on the other hand it firmly entrenches the private property rights by enforcing the 'willing buyer, willing seller' principle, which makes the process more costly and time consuming. The main hypothesis of this study is: Demographic indicators (race, party affiliation and provincial setting) influence support or rejection of the land reform policies of the South African govemment. Tbe dependent variable is 'support or rejection of the government's land reform policies'. Support for the govemment's land reform policies is indicative of the liberal paradigm and rejection of the govemment's policies is indicative of the liberationist paradigm. It is found that the majority of South Africans reject the govemment's land reform policies. However, strong divisions are evident. Respondents differ along racial, party affiliation and provincial lines. Thus, the liberationist paradigm dominates, but the liberal paradigm has a strong presence, creating an ideologically divided society. This means that the legitimacy of South Africa's land reform project, as well as the legitimacy of the constitution, is under stress. This does not bode well for democratic consolidation, as the rule of law is under severe threat. Thus, one can conclude that land reform is not going to make a positive contribution to the consolidation of South Africa's democracy, if a substantial financial injection is not found to increase the efficiency of the process.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika se geskiedenis het aanleiding gegee tot 'n ongelyke verspreiding van grondeienaarskap. Dit is nie gunstig vir demokratiese konsolidasie nie. Grondhervorming IS die mamer waarmee die probleem aangespreek kan word. Grondhervorming, deel van die groter proses van transformasie, is egter 'n potensieel gevaarlike proses: dit kan negatiewe implikasies vir regsoewereiniteit hê. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om 'n analise van die dinamiese wisselwerking tussen grondhervorming, regsoewereiniteit en transformasie te verskaf, binne die debat oor demokratiese konsolidasie. Daar kan aangaande demokrasie tussen twee paradigmas onderskei word: die liberale paradigma en die bevrydings (liberationist) paradigma. Hierdie twee paradigmas het teenstrydige perspektiewe oor die manier waarop grondhervorming, sowel as transformasie, geïmplementeer behoort te word, sowel as wat die doel van hierdie twee prosesse is. Die liberale paradigma is meer geskik vir demokratiese konsolidasie, terwyl die bevrydings paradigma 'n teelaarde vir populistiese transformasie is. Verder het die onderhandelde grondwetlike skikking grondhervorming in 'n teenstrydigheid geplaas. Aan die een kant vereis die grondwet dat die regering grondhervorming moet aanspreek, maar aan die anderkant bied dit 'n ferm onderskraging van private eiedomsreg deur op die 'gewillige koper, gewillige verkoper' beginsel aan te dring. Dit maak die grondhervormings proses langer en duurder. Die hoof hipotese van die studie is: Demografiese indikatore (ras, partyaffiliasie en provinsie) beïnvloed ondersteuning of verwerpmg van die regering se grondhervormingsbeleid. Die afhanklike veranderlike IS 'ondersteuning of verwerping van die regering se grondhervormingsbeleid '. Ondersteuning van die regering se grondhervormingsbeleid dui op die liberale paradigma, en die verwerping daarvan dui op die bevrydings paradigma. Daar word bevind dat die meerderheid Suid-Afrikaners die regenng se Respondente verskil volgens ras, partyaffiliasie en provinsie. Dus, die bevrydings paradigma domineer, maar die liberale paradigma het ook 'n sterk teenwoordigheid. Dit sorg vir 'n ideologies verdeelde samelewing. Dit beteken dat die legitimiteit van Suid-Afrika se grondhervormings projek, sowel as die legitimiteit van die grondwet, in gedrang is. Dit is nie 'n goeie teken vir demokratiese konsolidasie nie, aangesien dit regsoewereiniteit in die gedrang bring. Daarom kan daar tot die gevolg gekom word dat grondhervorming nie 'n positiewe bydrae ten opsigte van die konsolidasie van Suid-Afrikaanse demokrasie sal maak nie, tensy daar 'n beduidende finansiële inspuiting gevind kan word.

This empirical work and base has been to analyze the new high school reform that the Swedish government introduced as a statement 2008/09:199 about: Higher demand and quality within the high school. This statement became legal through the government vote in spring 2010. But above all it is the investigation (SOU 2008:27) that is the central piece for these new examination changes for high school students that will come into effect 1 of July 2011. The purpose and questions asked in this analyze has been if the reform takes its base in a modernistic (traditional) way or a late modern scientific perspective. And also to find out how these new quality amendments in the investigation makes visible about the high school and what the purpose are about the changes.   When scientific theories in these analyze is placed against the reform, the result shows that the modernization process reflects more of a late modern aspect, which constantly reappraise in a changeable society. The ambition with the reform is to meet the reflexivity of the individual mind. The collaboration between the consumer and school principals, high demanding adaption to working life and explicit examination goals for the students emphasizes the demand on quality. The students can be signified as dynamic market products, more adaptable and linked to a thinking entrepreneur. This will be the primary mission for the high school. The result also shows that the adaption and individualism is two sides of the coin, and that is what this reform tries to capitalize on. In spite of a more regulated and explicit demand on education – it’s the individual reflexivity of an entrepreneur with more options that has to see and understand the dynamic possibilities that calls on the open market.

Ethnographic collections in western museums such as the Royal Albert Memorial Museum (RAMM) carry many meanings, but by definition, they represent an intercultural encounter. This history of this encounter is often lost, overlooked, or obscured, and yet it has bearing on how the objects in the collection have been interpreted and understood. This thesis uncovers the hidden history of one particular collection in the RAMM and examines the multiple meanings that have been attributed to the objects in the collection over time. The Richard Dennett Collection was made in Africa in the years when European powers began to colonise the Congo basin. Richard Edward Dennett (1857-1921) worked as a trader in the Lower Congo between 1879 and 1902. The collection was accessioned by the RAMM in 1889. The research contextualises the collection by making a close analysis of primary source material which was produced by the collector and by his contemporaries, and includes publications, correspondence, photographs and illustrations which have been studied in museums and archives in Europe and North America. Dennett was personally involved with key events in the colonial history of this part of Africa but he also studied the indigenous BaKongo community, recording his observations about their political and material culture. As a result he became involved in the institutions of anthropology and folklore in Britain which were attempting to explain, classify and interpret such cultures. Through examining Dennett’s history this research has been able to explore the Congo context, the indigenous society, and those European institutions which collected and interpreted BaKongo collections. The research has added considerably to the museum’s knowledge about this collection and its collector, and the study responds to the practical imperative implicit in a Collaborative Doctoral Project, by proposing a small temporary exhibition in the RAMM to explore these histories and meanings. In making this proposal the research considers the current curatorial debate concerning responsible approaches to colonial collections, and assesses some of the strategies that are being employed in museums today.

This dissertation examines the political origins of Loyalism in New York City between 1768 and 1778. Anchored by an analysis of political mobilization, this dissertation is structured into two parts. Part I has two chapters. Using a variety of private and public sources, the first chapter analyses how 9,338 mostly white male Loyalists in New York City and the counties of Kings, Queens, Suffolk and Westchester were mobilized. Chapter 1 argues that elites and British forces played a fundamental role in the broad-based mobilization of Loyalists in the province of New York. It also recognises that colonists signed Loyalist documents for many different reasons. The second chapter of Part I is a large-scale prosopographical analysis of the 9,338 identified Loyalists. This analysis was based on a diverse range of sources. This analysis shows that a majority of the province’s Loyalist population were artisans aged between 22 and 56 years of age. Part II of this dissertation examines political mobilization in New York City between 1768 and 1775. In three chapters, Part II illustrates how elite and non-elite white male New Yorkers coalesced into two distinct groups. Chapter 3 concentrates on the emergence of the DeLanceys as a political force in New York, Chapter 4 on their mobilization and coalescence into ‘the Friends to Liberty and Trade’, or ‘the Club’, and Chapter 5 examines the political origins of what became Loyalism by studying the social networks of three members of ‘the Club’. By incorporating an interdisciplinary methodology, Part II illustrates that members of ‘the Club’ developed ties with one another that transcended their political origins. It argues that the partisanship of New York City led members of ‘the Club’ to adopt inward-looking characteristics that affected who they interacted with on an everyday basis. A large proportion of ‘the Club’’s members became Loyalists in the American Revolution. This dissertation argues that it was the partisanship that they developed during the late 1760s and early 1770s that defined their allegiance.

Appréhender la foi des laïcs napolitains au XVIe siècle est une entreprise ardue tant en raison des difficultés matérielles d’accès aux sources, que de leur discontinuité temporelle, qui rendent difficile toute reconstruction historique systématique fondée sur la longue durée, ou l’étude de séries homogènes de sources. Malgré cette réalité, les difficultés matérielles ont été contournées par des dépouillements systématiques de fonds d’une grande diversité, tant des archives archidiocésaines ou d’État de Naples,que de la Curie généralice de la Compagnie de Jésus, et que celles du Saint-Siège, tout en recourant à une méthodologie qualitative.Les caractères singuliers d’une piété laïque et urbaine ont d’abord été privilégiés, puis l’analyse s’est attachée, dans la capitale du vice-royaume d’Espagne, aux relations entre laïcs et ecclésiastiques avant et après le concile de Trente. En effet, l’approche diachronique choisie se concentre sur le “siècle de transition” de l’histoire de l’Église catholique moderne, celui du XVIe siècle.Émergent de cette thèse la reconstruction de multiples identités religieuses de laïcs et d’ecclésiastiques napolitains, comme leur manière d’appréhender la religion et l’Église catholique, grâce aux précieux éléments fournis par l’examen des visites pastorales tridentines, ou de celui plus ou moins répressif des procès-verbaux des tribunaux archidiocésains et de “l’Inquisition napolitaine” du Saint Office. Les Napolitains sont ainsi peu enclins à l’application des normes tridentines, alimentant un contexte de tension sociale grandissant, et de criminalisation religieuse. En témoignent également des sources singulières pour l’histoire de la sensibilité religieuse, en l'occurence les procès-verbaux des veilles d’exécutions capitales de laïcs, dressés par les “greffiers” de la Compagnie des Bianchi della Giustizia.Face à cette situation, des stratégies sont mises en œuvre par la Curie généralice et les responsables du Collège jésuite napolitain, afin de réformer la vie religieuse, très contrastée au regard également des sources de la Curie de l’archidiocèse. Enfin, laïcs et clercs font bien souvent cause commune face aux tentatives de réformes romaines, ce qui ne diffère guère d’une grande partie des villes de l’Europe catholique.Le tableau présenté dans cette thèse fait apparaître une religion citadine encore “très médiévale”, -selon toute vraisemblance enracinée dans un héritage byzantin-, témoignant des fortes résistances locales laïques et ecclésiastiques, rendant très laborieuse l’introduction du nouveau modèle de vie chrétienne dans la capitale du royaume de Naples jusqu’à la réforme de 1598 du cardinal et archevêque Alfonso Gesualdo
Understanding Neapolitan lay people’s faith in the sixteenth century is an arduous undertaking, both because of the material difficulties of accessing sources and because of their temporal discontinuity, which makes it difficult to carry out any historical systematic reconstruction based on the long term, orto study homogeneous series of sources. In spite of this reality, material difficulties have been overcome by systematically examining a wide variety of collections, both from the archdiocesan and state archivesof Naples, the General Curia (Curia Generalice) of the Society of Jesus, and the Holy See, using aqualitative methodology.The particular characteristics of a lay and urban piety were first privileged, then the analysis focused on the relations between laymen and ecclesiastics in the capital of the vice-kingdom of Spain before and after the Council of Trent. In fact, the diachronic approach chosen focuses on the "transitional century"of the history of the modern Catholic Church, that of the 16th century.From this thesis emerges the reconstruction of multiple religious identities of Neapolitan laymen and clergymen, as well as their way of apprehending religion and the Catholic Church, thanks to the precious elements provided by the examination of the Tridentine pastoral visits, or of the more or less repressive one of the minutes of the archdiocesan tribunals and of the "Neapolitan Inquisition" of the Holy Office.Thus, Neapolitans were reluctant to apply the Tridentine norms, increasing a context of growing social tension and religious criminalisation. This is also demonstrated by the essential sources for the historyof religious sensitivity, in this case the minutes of the vigil of capital executions of laymen, drawn up by the "clerks" of the Company of the Bianchi della Giustizia. Faced with this situation, strategies were implemented by the General Curia and those in charge of the Neapolitan Jesuit College, in order toreform religious life, which was very contrasted according to the sources of the Curia of the archdiocesetoo. Finally, laymen and clerics often made common cause in the face of attempts at Roman reform,which was not that different from most Catholic European cities.This thesis shows a city religion that is still "very medieval", - in all likelihood rooted in a Byzantine heritage -, testifying to strong local lay and ecclesiastical resistance, making the introduction of the new model of Christian life very laborious in the capital of the Kingdom of Naples until the 1598’s reformof Cardinal and Archbishop Alfonso Gesualdo

The phrase a 'culture of silence' is attributed to Jerry Rawlings in the late 1980s, at a time when he was military head of state in Ghana. The irony is that he appeared to be complaining about the 'culture of silence' created by his own military regime. In a 'culture of silence' the masses are mute, that is, they are prohibited from taking part in the transformation of their society. In a neo-colonial state, a 'culture of silence' is imposed on the masses and peace and order are guaranteed by ferocious repression. The basic premise that motivates this research is that the neo-colonial state, a byproduct of the colonial state was influential in imposing the 'culture of silence' and fear in the lives of ordinary people. As such, a defining feature of the neo-colonial state, it is argued, is a 'culture of silence'. Definitions and analysis of the neocolonial state follow lines of arguments put forward by African writers such as Claude Ake, Ngugi wa Thiong'o and Mahmood Mamdani. Within this broad paradigm of neo-colonialism, and analysis of Banda's Malawi is developed which pays particular attention to a 'culture of silence'. This in turn leads to an examination of the effect of liberalization on political and civic space in Malawi. The dissertation then, examines civil society activities, during the period of transition of the Malawian state from de jure one-party to de jure multiparty. Here the key research question are: to what extent has an expansion of political space been accompanied by an expansion of civic space, and how, if at all, do civil society organizations ensure that government pays attention to the diversity of voices of the Malawian people? Are traditionally marginalized voices now heard? The objective is to examine to what extent the 'culture of silence' has been dismantled in terms of the opening up of political and civic space in order to enable a 'clamour of voices' to be heard.
Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.

Text in English
South Africa is currently in the process health care reform as the Government has undertaken the task of providing universal health care to all South Africans through the implementation of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHI). This study took an in-depth look at the history and progression of the post-1994 South African health care policy, and applied the Power Resources Theory to the political economy of the current health care reform process in South Africa. Through a comparative study of the pivotal elements in the phases of health reform in Canada and Sweden this study drew lessons for the design and implementation of universal public health care provision in South Africa. This study found that a strong culture of care, strong political will, active civil society participation and a focus on equality as opposed to poverty in the creation of policy is essential to a successful implementation of universal health care.
Sociology
M.A. (Sociology)

Text in English
South Africa is currently in the process health care reform as the Government has undertaken the task of providing universal health care to all South Africans through the implementation of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHI). This study took an in-depth look at the history and progression of the post-1994 South African health care policy, and applied the Power Resources Theory to the political economy of the current health care reform process in South Africa. Through a comparative study of the pivotal elements in the phases of health reform in Canada and Sweden this study drew lessons for the design and implementation of universal public health care provision in South Africa. This study found that a strong culture of care, strong political will, active civil society participation and a focus on equality as opposed to poverty in the creation of policy is essential to a successful implementation of universal health care.
Sociology
M.A. (Sociology)

A presente dissertação procura identificar os debates, as propostas e as medidas que tratam da contratação pública por via eletrónica no âmbito da modernização administrativa e dos modelos de gestão pública, também presente nas metas formuladas no Memorando de Entendimento, traduzidas na afirmação da melhoria das práticas de contratação, de forma a privilegiar um ambiente mais transparente e competitivo e melhorar a eficiência da despesa pública. A reflexão é realizada no âmbito dos movimentos de reforma do Estado e da modernização da Administração Pública nas dimensões política, jurídica, informacional e de gestão. A necessidade das reformas na Administração Pública e da assimilação das respetivas características e estratégias de implementação é refletida na organização administrativa. Essas dimensões são tratadas nas inter-relações das esferas constitutivas da sociedade e explora-se a questão de saber se a contratação pública por via eletrónica obteve os impactos esperados, designadamente em termos da transparência, do e-Government e da accountability para melhorar a relação entre o Estado e a Sociedade.
This work seeks to identify debates, proposals and measures that deal with electronic public procurement in the context of administrative modernization and public management models, theme also present in the Memorandum of Understanding goals, translated on the affirmation of improved procurement practices, to ensure a more transparent and competitive business environment and improve the efficiency of public spending. Reflection is carried out under the modernization movement of the State and Public Administration alongside of changes in public administration in political, legal, informational and management dimensions. The need of reforms in public administration and the assimilation of the respective characteristics and implementation strategies is reflected in the administrative organization. Those dimensions are addressed as interrelationships of the constituent spheres of society and explores the question of whether the electronic public procurement obtained the expected impacts, particularly in terms of transparency, e-Government and accountability to improve the relationship between State and Society.

My thesis is an analysis of my own translation of a chapter from Dominik Nagl's legal history 'Grenzfälle,' which addresses questions of citizenship and nationality in the context of the German colonies in Africa and the South Pacific. My analysis focuses primarily on strategies that I used in an effort to preserve the strangeness of a linguistic context that is, in many ways, "foreign" to twenty first-century North Americans while also striving to avoid reproducing the violence embedded in language that is historically laden with extreme power disparities.