Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Socialist”
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Visic, Maroje. "Onwards and upwards to the kingdom of beauty and love. Herbert Marcuse’s trajectory to socialism". Filozofija i drustvo 34, nr 1 (2023): 170–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2301170v.
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Socialists today can learn from Marcuse. Starting from this premise this paper discusses and elaborates on Herbert Marcuse?s trajectory to socialism. Marcuse successfully eluded the trap of ?economism?, and turned to subjectivity in search of a socialist solution. The transition to socialism is possible through the creation of new anthropology expressed through the concept of ?new sensibility?. The prototype of a new socialist human is an anti-superman. Peace and beauty are important characteristics of Marcuse?s socialism. ?Libertarian socialism?, ?feminist socialism?, ?integral socialism?, ?socialist humanism?, ?socialism as the work of art?, and ?utopian socialism? are all terms that testify to Marcuse?s open and many-faceted understanding of socialism in all of its complexity of meanings. Some of those meanings can inform debates on future prospects of socialism.
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Gerrard, Jessica. "“Little Soldiers” for Socialism: Childhood and Socialist Politics in the British Socialist Sunday School Movement". International Review of Social History 58, nr 1 (7.02.2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000806.
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AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which turn-of-the-century British socialists enacted socialism for children through the British Socialist Sunday School movement. It focuses in particular on the movement's emergence in the 1890s and the first three decades of operation. Situated amidst a growing international field of comparable socialist children's initiatives, socialist Sunday schools attempted to connect their local activity of children's education to the broader politics of international socialism. In this discussion I explore the attempt to make this connection, including the endeavour to transcend party differences in the creation of a non-partisan international children's socialist movement, the cooption of traditional Sunday school rituals, and the resolve to make socialist childhood cultures was the responsibility of both men and women. Defending their existence against criticism from conservative campaigners, the state, and sections of the left, socialist Sunday schools mobilized a complex and contested culture of socialist childhood.
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Mateos, Abdón. "La refundación de la Agrupación Socialista Universitaria (ASU) durante la transición, 1977-1986 = The Refoundation of the Universitary Socialist Association during transition, 1977-1986". CIAN-Revista de Historia de las Universidades 21, nr 2 (30.11.2018): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cian.2018.4474.
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Resumen: En 1977 fue refundada la Agrupación Socialista Universitaria (ASU), como sección de la Federación Socialista Madrileña del PSOE. A diferencia de la primera ASU (1956-1961), los nuevos universitarios socialistas madrileños, procedentes de las clases medias trabajadoras, tuvieron un perfil ideológico socialdemócrata más que de socialismo radical. A lo largo de la primera legislatura socialista y con la crisis de la OTAN, la ASU fue perdiendo el carácter de agrupación estudiantil para incrementarse su implantación entre el profesorado y convertirse en una sección de reclutamiento de cuadros socialistas.Palabras clave: PSOE, Socialdemocracia, Universidades de Madrid, reforma universitaria, movimiento estudiantil.Abstract: In 1977, the Socialist University Association (ASU) was refounded as a section of the Socialist Federation of Madrid of the PSOE. Unlike the first ASU (1956-1961), the new Madrid socialist university students, coming from the working middle classes, had a social-democratic ideological profile rather than radical socialism. Throughout the first socialist legislature and with the crisis of NATO, ASU was losing the character of student group to increase its implementation among professors and become a recruitment section of socialist cadres.Keywords: Spanish Socialist Workers Party, Madrid Universities, University reform, student movement
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Costaguta, Lorenzo. "“Geographies of Peoples”: Scientific Racialism and Labor Internationalism in Gilded Age American Socialism". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, nr 2 (8.03.2019): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000701.
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AbstractThis article investigates ideas of race in Gilded Age socialism by analyzing the intellectual production of the leaders of the Socialist Party of America (SLP) from 1876 to 1882. Existing scholarship on socialism and race during the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era rarely addresses socialist conceptions of race prior to 1901 and fails to recognize the centrality of scientific racialism and Darwinism in influencing socialist thought. By positioning American socialism within a transatlantic scenario and reconstructing how the immigrant origins of Gilded Age socialists influenced their perceptions of race, this article argues that scientific racialism and Darwinism competed with color-blind internationalism in shaping the racial policies of the SLP during the Gilded Age. Moreover, a transatlantic investigation of American socialist ideas of race presents a reinterpretation of the early phases of the history of the SLP and addresses its historical legacies. While advocates of scientific racialism and Darwinism determined the racial policies of the SLP in the 1880s, color-blind internationalists abandoned the party and extended their influence beyond organized socialism, especially in the Knights of Labor.
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Granadino, Alan. "Possibilities and Limits of Southern European Socialism in the Iberian Peninsula: French, Portuguese and Spanish Socialists in the mid-1970s". Contemporary European History 28, nr 3 (sierpień 2019): 390–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000067.
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AbstractThis article discusses the relations between the French, Portuguese and Spanish socialist parties during the transitions to democracy in the Iberian Peninsula (1974–7). It focuses on the attempt of these parties to establish a distinctive ideological trend, Southern European socialism. The main argument is that the French socialists attempted to promote their ideological line – and predominantly the union between socialists and communists – in the Iberian Peninsula during the transitions to democracy. The Portuguese Socialist Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers Party initially considered following this line. However, the radicalisation of the Portuguese revolution in the sensitive context of Cold War détente, as well as the involvement of the European social democrats in both Portugal and Spain against the union of the left, prevented this model from being further considered by the Spanish and Portuguese socialist parties. Nevertheless, all these parties showed interest in promoting a common Southern European Socialist identity that differed from European social democracy as well as from Soviet communism, considering it useful in the struggle for hegemony within the left.
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Laybourn, Keith. "The Failure of Socialist Unity in Britain c. 1893–1914". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (grudzień 1994): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679219.
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SOCIALIST unity became an issue for the British left with in a year of the formation of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) in 1884. The secession of William Morris and his supporters from the SDF and the formation of the Socialist League in reaction to the autocratic leadership of Henry Mayers Hyndman brought about a fundamental division within British socialism. Subsequently the creation of other socialist parties, most particularly the Independent Labour Party (ILP) led to further disunity within die British socialist movement. Nevertheless, notwidistanding die proliferation of British socialist societies with their distinctive socialist credentials, diere were several attempts to form a united socialist party between 1893 and 1914. They were normally encouraged, on the one hand, by advocates of the ‘religion of socialism’ such as William Morris, Robert Blatchford and Victor Grayson, and, on the other, by Hyndman and the SDF. The aim of these efforts was to strengdien socialist organisation in times of both political failure and success, but in every instance diey failed due to the intractable problem of bringing together socialists of distinctively different persuasions under the umbrella of one party. These failures have led recent historians to debate two major questions connected with socialist unity. First, diey have asked at what point did socialist unity cease to be a viable alternative to the Labour Alliance between the ILP and the trade unions? Stephen Yeo feels that socialist unity became impossible after die mid 1890s, David Howell suggests that this ‘suppressed alternative’ became unlikely about five to ten years later, as die leaders of die Independent Labour Party opted for the trade union rather than socialist alliance,
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Callahan, Kevin. "“Performing Inter-Nationalism” in Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress". International Review of Social History 45, nr 1 (kwiecień 2000): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000000031.
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The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at international socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The international performance at Stuttgart was, however, undermined by the inability of the SFIO and the SPD to reconcile their conflicting conceptions of “inter-nationalism”.
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Granadino, Alan. "Lições a ter em conta: a revolução portuguesa e os socialistas espanhóis nos meados da década de 1970". Relações Internacionais, nr 81 (marzec 2023): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2024.81a05.
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This article examines how the Spanish Socialist Party interpreted and responded to the Portuguese Revolution. Based on the party’s newspaper, El Socialista, and supplemented by primary sources from Spanish, British and French archives, the article shows the relevance of the Portuguese experience in shaping the Spanish Socialist Party’s perspective on the transition from dictatorship to democratic socialism. It also highlights the impact of the revolution on the party’s international relations. The main working hypothesis is that the development of the Spanish socialist party, immediately before and during the Spanish transition to democracy, cannot be fully understood without paying attention to the Portuguese revolution.
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Silverberg, Laura. "Between Dissonance and Dissidence: Socialist Modernism in the German Democratic Republic". Journal of Musicology 26, nr 1 (1.01.2009): 44–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2009.26.1.44.
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Abstract Both communist party officials and western observers have typically interpreted the composition of modernist music in the Eastern Bloc as an act of dissidence. Yet in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), the most consequential arguments in favor of modernism came from socialists and party members. Their advocacy of modernism challenged official socialist realist doctrine, but they shared with party bureaucrats the conviction that music ought to contribute to the development of socialist society. Such efforts to reform musical life from a Marxist-Leninist standpoint were typical of the first generation of East Germany's intelligentsia, who saw socialist rule as the only guarantee against the reemergence of German fascism. Two of East Germany's most prominent composers, Hanns Eisler and Paul Dessau, routinely used the twelve-tone method in works carrying an explicitly socialist text. During preparations for the 1964 Music Congress, aesthetician Güünter Mayer drew from Eisler's Lenin Requiem and Dessau's Appell der Arbeiterklasse to argue that modernist techniques were highly appropriate for giving expression to contemporary social conditions. The efforts of these socialists to reconcile modernist techniques with their understanding of socialism undermine basic divisions between communism and capitalism, complicity and dissent, and socialist realism and western modernism.
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Stratford, Will. "Rediscovering Revolutionary Socialism in America:". Moving the Social 68 (20.12.2022): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.33-65.
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This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representative Victor Berger campaigned for the abolition of wage labour and the overthrow of global capitalism. Recognizing Populism’s failure to preserve its political independence as a working-class movement, Berger, like Debs, proposed that the working class should organize itself under the banner of a socialist party to take state power. In order to link the forma- tion of mass parties like the Socialist Party of America to a totalizing philosophy of history and international political revolution, Berger drew from Second-International Marxist dialogue in which it was enmeshed, not indigenous American traditions. The prolific editorial career of Victor Berger, head of the largest English-language socialist daily in the country, demonstrates how pre-war American Socialists did not merely “translate” Second-International Marxism but rather made up a constitutive part of its transatlantic development.
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Roberts, Andrew. "The State of Socialism: A Note on Terminology". Slavic Review 63, nr 2 (2004): 349–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3185732.
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Scholars use a variety of terms to refer to the regimes of the former Soviet bloc. Some prefer communist, while others use socialist or state socialist. In this article, Andrew Roberts argues that communism is the better choice. Using socialism or state socialism to refer to these regimes stretches the concept unnecessarily, making one label refer to two regimes with little in common. This conceptual stretching has two negative consequences. First, it impedes efficient scholarly communication. Second, it impoverishes political debate by diminishing the achievements of democratic socialists. A solution to this problem is to use the term communist to refer to Soviet-style regimes.
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Putyatina, Irina S. "Todorova M. The Lost World of Socialists at Europe’s Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s – 1920s. London; New York: Bloomsbury, 2020. 384 p. ISBN 978-1-3501-5033-1". Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, nr 3-4 (2021): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.3-4.13.
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This monograph by Maria Todorova discusses the establishment and mutual acceptance of the international socialist movement in Bulgarian social democracy. The main features of the socialist movement in Bulgaria are highlighted and the penetration of socialist ideas into the socio-political environment of the country is presented. The attitude of the Bulgarian socialists to the national question and the issues of war and peace during the Balkan Wars and the First World War are considered. Bulgarian socialists are presented as consistent internationalists and pacifists who did not change their positions even under the influence of the outbreak of the First World War. The problem of the imitativeness of Bulgarian socialism is analyzed as an integral part of the issue of Russian or Western European influence upon Bulgaria. Despite the fact that Todorova does not deny the prevalence and cultural influence of the ideas of Russian populism in Bulgaria, she comes to the conclusion that both Western European and national historiography tend to exaggerate the Russian influence on the formation of the Bulgarian socialist tradition. Features of the two political generations identified by Todorova that operated in Bulgaria during the period under consideration are presented and the typical places of education of Bulgarian socialists are revealed. Analyzing a large volume of historical sources, the author uses the biographical method to acquaint readers with numerous socialists forgotten or bypassed by the national communist historiography. Considering the individual experience of socialists, Todorova demonstrates the various paths that led people to this political camp. Attention is paid to the women's socialist movement in Bulgaria and the history of women's participation in the social and political life of the country.
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Valila, Jacinto, Jr. "MOZAMBIQUE AND NEPAL: REVOLUTIONARY EXPERIENCES ON THE CUSP OF SOCIALISM WHICH REMAINS UNBORN". Journal of Asian and African Social Science and Humanities 10, nr 2 (1.07.2024): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55327/jaash.v10i2.336.
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The revolutionary experiences of Mozambique and Nepal present a stark case of revolutions on the verge of socialism which remains unborn. Owing to several factors, the communists and socialists at the helm of these states for several years now have faltered to embark on decisive socialist paths despite their firm hold of state power. The same reportedly hindered its march to socialism. In 1985, Frelimo finally shredded its Marxist-Leninist ideology and embraced the neo-liberal policies in the guise of development and modernity in exchange for loans and aid from multilateral financial agencies of the West. Nepal, on the other hand, is being led by an alliance of communist and socialist parties. However, its march towards socialism is supposedly hampered by the country’s economic backwardness, dependence on aid and labor wages from India and the Middle Eastern countries, ballooning debt from multilateral institutions, the predominance of the peasant class over the proletariat, and the inability of the ruling coalition to forge on a single road to socialist construction. This paper looks into the feasibility of socialism being attained in Nepal and Mozambique whose economies and productive forces are undeveloped, with their people in subsistence living and a meager awareness of socialist ideals among the masses. ? The paper argues the possibility of building socialism as shown by the Soviet and Chinese experience, provided that there is a strong proletarian party whose vision and ardor are consistent with the Marxist theory of history and class struggle.
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Rutland, Peter. "Capitalism and Socialism: How Can they be Compared?" Social Philosophy and Policy 6, nr 1 (1988): 197–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002740.
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How is one to set about the task of comparing capitalism and socialism in a systematic fashion? The contest between capitalism and socialism has many facets. It is both an intellectual debate about the relative merits of models of hypothetical social systems and a real and substantive historical struggle between two groups of states seen as representing capitalism and socialism. Perhaps the intellectual challenge to capitalism thrown down by Marxist thinkers and the “cold war” contest between the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. are such diverse phenomena that it is pointless and even misleading to try to treat them as part of a single problem. However, I believe that the dieoretical and historical aspects of the capitalism/socialism issue are directly related. I would argue that a full understanding of, say, the cold war is not possible without understanding the socialist critique of capitalism – and that a purely abstract comparison of capitalist and socialist models would fail to do justice to the historical and empirical essence of these two grand conceptual schemas.In Section I, I expand upon these arguments, seeking to convince Utopian socialists that they should not continue to rely upon invocations of a hypothetical future, but must come up with some empirical examples of what socialism is and how it works. After all, it is more than a hundred years since Marx and Engels railed against Utopian socialists in favor of socialist arguments based on empirical reality. This is not to say that Marx and Engels were crude empiricists, accepting “facts” at face value.
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Barnes, Christopher C. "Democratic Socialists on Social Media: Cohesion, Fragmentation, and Normative Strategies". tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, nr 1 (13.01.2020): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1136.
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This essay focuses on members of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) political organisation in the US and the ambivalence of using social media as a primary means of communication for socialist information and culture. Relying on in-depth interviews with fifteen active members and leaders in DSA, this essay asks: How does socialist communication on social media encourage both cohesion and fragmentation for activists within the DSA? Locating and analysing key tensions felt by DSA members in response to their use of Facebook and Twitter, this project sheds light on the ways in which socialism is presently communicated to publics and counterpublics and identifies important challenges for the expansion of the socialist movement.
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Shaev, Brian. "The Algerian War, European Integration, and the Decolonization of French Socialism". French Historical Studies 41, nr 1 (1.02.2018): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254619.
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AbstractThis article takes up Todd Shepard's call to “write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration” by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party's European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France's colonies during the Algerian War. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism.Cet article répond à l'appel de Todd Shepard à « écrire à la fois l'histoire de la guerre d'Algérie et l'histoire de l'intégration européenne » en examinant le Parti socialiste. L'internationalisme socialiste, basé sur une analyse de l'histoire européenne, dénonça le nationalisme et exalta le supranationalisme. Ses principes furent durables et fermes. Par contre, sa politique concernant les colonies fut souple. L'asymétrie entre les visions européenne et coloniale du parti encouragea l'application de la doctrine européenne aux colonies françaises pendant la guerre d'Algérie. La guerre divisa les partisans socialistes des communautés européennes en multiples partis, dans lesquels ils coopérèrent avec des alliés qui ne soutenaient pas l'intégration européenne. L'internationalisme socialiste français fut une victime de la guerre d'Algérie. Dans la décolonisation du socialisme français, le soutien à l'intégration européenne recula et l'internationalisme disparut comme principe directeur.
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Leonov, M. M. "Socialist Revolutionary party and the Second International". Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, nr 1 (13.04.2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-42-50.
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The path of the Socialist Revolutionary party to the Second International was a thorny one. Russian social democrats were zealous in creating obstacles, primarily their representative in the International Socialist Bureau (IBS) G.V. Plekhanov. His efforts to the Socialist Revolutionary groups in the 90-ies of the XIX century denied the right of representation in the international socialist community. European political parties were mentally closer to the RSDLP, and their socialist competitors were wary. The Socialist Revolutionary had to work hard to convince the parties of the International of their adherence to the ideas of socialism and of the presence of connections with the masses. The Socialist Revolutionary Party established close contacts with the SME in 1901, and at the Amsterdam Congress (1904, August) achieved what it wanted, it was accepted into the Second International. The reports of the party to the Amsterdam and Stuttgart congresses of the International served as evidence of the mass character, adherence to the ideas of socialism. The leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries, their emotional and verbose representative in the SME I.A. Rubanovich, took an active part in all the events of the International; the party became an equal member of the international socialist community. During the Basel Congress of 1912, her representative on the commission of five most influential parties was one of the compilers of the anti-war Manifesto of the International, supported by the socialists of the world. During the First World War, only a part of the party defended the ideas of internationalism. The III Congress of the Social Revolutionaries in the spring of 1917 called for the continuation of the war to a victorious end and the restoration of the II International.
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Park, Jae-Ik. "The Reading of Revolutionaries: The Colonial Appropriation of Socialist Theory and Literature as Popular Culture in the 1920s". Research Society for the Korean Language Education 19 (31.08.2023): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25022/jkler.2023.19.049.
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This article examined how the socialist literary movement in colonial Korea in the 1920s imagined and recognized the “mass reader”. Socialist theory was embraced by colonial Korea as an alternative perspective for imagining the self-renovation and emancipation of non-Western colonized peoples. The fact that the magazine Kong-Je used disparate ideas as resources to unpack the meaning of labor, workers, and the labor movement is evidence that the concern of early socialists was not to accurately translate a particular theory. The magazine Kong-Je sought to address its unspecified readers as “workers” by providing them with an epistemological framework to critically perceive reality. Socialist theory was not used as an abstract theory, but as a theoretical framework for recognizing and critiquing real-world problems, and as a tool for critiquing existing perspectives on interpreting reality.
In this respect, Yeom Sang-seop and Kim Hwa-san's critique of the socialist literary movement did not deny the possibility of socialist literature; they appropriated socialism as a theory and questioned what the goals of the socialist literary movement should be. This article examines Yeom Sang-sup's appropriation of socialist ideas and his literary theory based on them, focusing on a review he published in 1927. For him, socialism was about overcoming the notion of suppressing the “mental activity” of colonized Koreans, and therefore socialist literature should be read by readers to provide them with a critical lens through which to read reality. Kim Ki-jin's literary path in the 1920s resonated with Yeom Sang-sup's literary beliefs, as he saw the main purpose of the socialist literary movement as “educating” the masses, and constantly emphasized that literature had to be read to someone. These statements are not easily found in the socialist literary discourse produced in Korea at the time, and were made possible by applying Western “universal theories” of socialist ideology and its literary applications to the realities of colonial Korea.
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Zarecor, Kimberly Elman. "Socialist Neighborhoods after Socialism". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, nr 3 (22.12.2011): 486–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411428968.
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The Czech Republic’s socialist-era neighborhoods are largely intact twenty years after the end of Communist Party rule. These buildings will be rehabilitated, but not replaced, because of financial and logistical constraints. In the context of the country’s accession to the European Union in 2004 and the recent global economic crisis, this essay questions what can and should be done in an effort to make these neighborhoods better places to live in the present and the future. It starts with a brief history of postwar housing construction and socialist-era design methodologies, exploring postwar architectural practice and innovations in construction technology that were connected to the industrialization of housing production. The role of the Baťa Company in the development of panelák technology is described. In the context of post-socialist rehabilitation efforts, the discussion addresses current housing policy including regulated rents and the shift in emphasis from renting to ownership. Government subsidies and grant programs are considered, as well as problems such as physical degradation and social segregation. The essay proposes that for the future the social and spatial ideas that were part of the original designs may be more important than the architectural style of individual buildings.
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Sharma, Neelam Kumar. "Revision of Marxist Thought in Global Socialist Perspectives". Tribhuvan University Journal 28, nr 1-2 (2.12.2013): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v28i1-2.26241.
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Marxism gives a common background to both school of thoughts either capitalism or socialism. Marxism is also known as scientific socialism because of its practical validity. Marxism believes that the downfall of capitalism is inevitable according to its own process of dialectic feature. Communism is an extreme limit of Marxism whereas socialism is considered to be a transitional phase of capitalism and communism. The failure of both classical capitalism on the one hand and communism on the other together with the successful achievements of socialism in various countries are sufficient evidences to rationalize the practical validity of socialism in global perspectives. In this context, particularly evolutionary socialists have sufficiently contributed to replace the deficiencies of Marxism in global socialist perspectives.
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Wollner, Gabriel. "Socialist Action". Philosophical Topics 48, nr 2 (2020): 285–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics202048224.
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This paper offers a new version of a historically influential, yet today unpopular, neglected, and on the whole insufficiently developed argument for socialism: socialism makes it possible for people to really act together. This idea of socialist action, combining the claims that there is a particularly valuable form of joint action and that socialism is about making such action possible, played an important role in the history of the labor movement, going back to the early Marx and running through various strands of socialist thought. I shall argue that socialist action should be seen as central to the socialist project, its critique of capitalism, and the institutional alternatives envisaged by it.
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Mišina, Dalibor. "Beyond Nostalgia". Canadian-American Slavic Studies 50, nr 3 (2016): 332–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05003004.
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This article addresses the issue of socialist nostalgia. Specifically, it deals with the inadequacy of treating the post-socialist “return of socialism” as different incarnations of socialist nostalgia. The author contends that this kind of treatment suffers from “nostalgia reductionism” and “socialism essentialism,” and leads to the very problematic conceptual and analytical shortcoming of pre-determining the nature of what needs to be understood and explained. Correspondingly, the author argues that a meaningful consideration of the post-socialist return of socialism has to free itself from the “nostalgia presumption” and embrace a non-essentialist analytical viewpoint whereby socialist nostalgia is recast as a plurality of heterogeneous and context-dependent post-socialist socialist discourses. To this end, the author analyzes two post-Yugoslav documentary films, Sretno dijete and Orkestar, to substantiate the claim that socialist nostalgia is too narrow of a framework to encapsulate adequately the span of an entire range of post-socialist socialist discourses and the ways they operate in specific sociocultural contexts and communicate to and with particular audience(s). In advancing this argument, the author does not propose that “the nostalgic” has no place in the analysis of the post-socialist memory of socialism but, rather, that the degree and nature of its presence has to be established through an interpretive reading of particular post-socialist socialist texts, rather than presumed a priori.
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Piskała, Kamil. "Kryzys gospodarczy, faszyzm i „warstwy pośrednie”. Reakcje polskich socjalistów na zwycięstwo nazizmu w Niemczech". Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 44, nr 1 (25.08.2022): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.2.
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The decline of the democratic Weimar Republic and NSDAP’s rise to power in 1933 caused a huge political uproar, especially among European socialists and social democrats. For many decades German SPD was a role-model for other socialist parties. The German working class was also perceived as the best organized and the most politically educated in all of Europe. Therefore, as Gerd-Reiner Horn noticed in his path-breaking study, the period of about 40 months after the creation of Hitler’s cabinet was a time of extremely intensive (and perhaps most passionate in the interwar period) discussion on strategy and political practice of the European socialist movement. In the following article, the Polish part of this debate is presented in detail. I examine official resolutions and ideological statements of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), polemic pamphlets, the wide range of comments and political analyses published in socialist press, police reports, etc., in order to address three main issues: 1. in what way the Nazi Party’s rise to power catalyzed the process of radicalization among Polish socialists; 2. what the connection is between socialists’ opinion on the social basis of the German fascist movement and the evolution of their political strategy; 3. to what extent their diagnoses regarding the social basis of fascist movements in general determined their views on the possible evolution of the Nazi regime. I argue that the tragedy of SPD made Polish socialists more sensitive to the role of emotions in political mobilization and urged them to reevaluate some of their previous propaganda techniques. According to the majority of acclaimed socialist intellectuals, fascism was objectively a procapitalist movement, the social basis of which was composed of pauperized and disorientated “middle strata” (e.g. shopkeepers, clerks, artisans, peasants, unemployed youth, etc.). In orthodox Marxism these groups were perceived as declining and deprived of genuine historical agency. But the Nazi rise to power showed that they have immense political potential and their support may be decisive for the result of the clash between socialism and fascism. Thus, the question of how to mobilize the majority of the “middle strata” in favor of socialism became a crucial part of debates among Polish socialists in the mid-1930s. As I argue, different answers for this crucial question determined profound tactical differences and contributed to harsh arguments on PPS’s politics.
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Bataller, Aurelio Martí, i Sergio Valero Gomez. "Tirer La Couverture À Soi. PSOE Factions’ Views on French Socialism and the Popular Front". European History Quarterly 54, nr 1 (28.12.2023): 170–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231216612.
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The Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) has been interpreted as exceptional among its European counterparts because of its internal divisions, radicalization and the impossibility of reaching cross-cutting agreements. This article demonstrates how, during the 1930s, the PSOE's evolution went hand in hand with other socialist parties in Europe, especially with the Section Française de l’International Ouvrière (SFIO). In particular, this article focuses on the views of the Spanish socialist factions – prietismo and caballerismo – on the formation and development of the Popular Front in Spain and France. The press of these factions – El Socialista, Claridad and Leviatán – had a similar role in the evolution of both parties. Furthermore, this study points out how the different factions of Spanish socialism used the French experience to legitimize their positions during the first part of 1936.
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Mckibben, David. "Who Were the German Independent Socialists? The Leipzig City Council Election of 6 December 1917". Central European History 25, nr 4 (grudzień 1992): 425–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021452.
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The emergence of the Independent Socialist party (USPD) in Germany during World War I had momentous and long-reaching consequences. Organized as a group of dissenters within the established German Social Democratic party (SPD), independent socialism grew into a movement that split Germany's working class into two, then three, warring factions. The result was a struggle for supremacy among socialist party factions to which subsequent writers have attributed the “failed” revolution of November 1918, a Weimar Constitution that alienated rather than satisfied German workers, and ultimately the inability of German Socialists to present a unified front against the ultimate threat to German democracy: Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich.
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Fasa, Muhammad Iqbal. "Islamizing The System of Economy: Solution Toward An Economical Welfare For The Islamic Landscape". Li Falah: Jurnal Studi Ekonomi dan Bisnis Islam 2, nr 1 (30.06.2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31332/lifalah.v2i1.601.
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This paper attempts to offer Islamic economic system as the solution of the actualization of theeconomic welfare of ummah. It went from the failure of the capitalist economic system(capitalism) and socialist economic system (socialism) that causes the global crisis, even the fallof a country. The topics in the paper discusses in depth related to the cause of the failure of thecapitalist economic system (capitalism) and socialist economic system (socialism). Next, authorperform related in-depth analysis of the Islamic economic system is concerned withthe construction of the economic system of Islam; comparison of the characteristics of economicactivities that based on Islamic values with non-Islamic-based economic activities; comparingthe capitalist economic system, socialists and Islam; social institution in the Islamic economicsystem as a solution to alleviate poverty; and the implementation of Islamic economicsystem that cause the achievement of the financial system stability.
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Zaynutdinov, D. R. "Prosocial legal thought in the age of revolution and civil war in Russia (1917—1918)". Lex Russica, nr 3 (5.04.2019): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.148.3.159-171.
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The paper deals with the formation and development of right-socialist legal thought during the revolutionary period of 1917 and the Civil war of 1918. During the analysis, special attention is given to the legal views and ideas of the largest theorists of the right-socialist school, such as G.V. Plekhanov, V.M. Chernov, P.B. Akselrod, M.V. Vishnyak. The paper is divided into four interrelated parts. The first part reveals the fact of the lack prosocial groups of projects of legal development of the Russian state to establish a social democratic regime that caused their appeal to the legal concepts of the cadets. Also the reasons of registration by right-socialist groups of the concept of “the third way” and its realization in anti-Bolshevist statehood of the period of 1918 are revealed. In the second part of the work the understanding of the essence of law in socialism is studied, the comparison of the ideological approach to “law” on the part of the lawyers of the left-socialist and right-socialist camp is made. Special attention is given to the place of law in the teachings of socialism and the relationship of law with the economy. In the third part of the work the image of A.I. Gukovskiy as a jurist of the right socialist camp is investigated. His characteristic given to him by the right Socialists Revolutionarists (SRs) is generalized. The image of A.I. Gukovskiy reveals common features inherent in all legal scholars of the right socialist camp. The fourth part of the paper draws attention to the idea of human and civil rights and freedoms in the teachings of social democracy. For the jurists of social democracy, the development of the idea of human and civil rights and freedoms is nothing more than the materialization of the spirit of the revolution, and therefore the problems of the legal status of the individual in the works of right socialist thinkers received a special place. In conclusion, the author draws conclusions about the contribution of Russian lawyers of the right socialist group to the world fund of legal science.
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Smith, Robert C. "Democracy, Race, and the Socialist Project in the United States". National Review of Black Politics 1, nr 1 (styczeń 2020): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.1.34.
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This paper examines the relationship between race, socialism, and democracy in America. It is organized into five sections and a conclusion. The first section explores how socialism has been viewed by many black leaders and intellectuals as necessary, imperative perhaps, in the black struggle for material equality, and further investigates the relationship of this black perspective on socialism to white opposition. The second section uses the most recent historical work to identify the factors that have the stalled the development of socialism in America. I also assess how these factors have changed or not in terms of making the socialist project more likely. In the third section, I analyze available poll data on American opinion about socialism from the 1930s to the present. While the data show unambiguously increased support for socialism since the 1930s, socialism does not today command the support of a majority of the American people. In the fourth section I examine the paradigmatic Franklin Roosevelt presidency on how liberal Democratic presidents have avoided the socialist label while embracing socialist programs. The fifth section is a brief examination of what socialism—really existing socialism—means in the early twenty-first century, and the idea of “socialist smuggling” as manifested in the presidencies of FDR and Lyndon Johnson. The speculative conclusion asks what are the prospects for the socialist project, and whether the white liberal cosmopolitan bourgeoisie rather than the white working class might become a mass base for the socialist project.
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Richardson-Little, Ned, Hella Dietz i James Mark. "New Perspectives on Socialism and Human Rights in East Central Europe since 1945". East Central Europe 46, nr 2-3 (22.11.2019): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04602004.
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In recent years, the study of human rights history has expanded beyond Western-centered narratives, though the role of Eastern European state socialism and socialists in the evolution of human rights concepts and politics has not received sufficient attention. This introductory essay synthesizes recent research of the role of Eastern Bloc socialist states in shaping the emergence of the post-war human rights system and the implications of this new research for the history of the Cold War, dissent as well as the collapse of state socialism in 1989/91. Ultimately, state socialist actors were not merely human rights antagonists, but contributed to shaping the international arena and human rights politics, motivated both strategically as well as ideologically. And the Eastern Bloc was not merely a region that passively absorbed the idea of human rights from the West, but a site where human rights ideas where articulated, internationalized and also contested.
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Marek, Pavel. "PROGRAMMATIC DOCUMENTS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIALIST PARTY FROM 1948 TO 1989". Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, nr 1 (50) (2.07.2024): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(50).2024.305418.
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In the present study, we seek to analyse the Czechoslovak Socialist Party’s programmatic documents during the era of the “building of a socialist society” in Czechoslovakia (1948 – 1989). The party emerged from the ruins of the long-standing Czechoslovak National Socialist Party in the aftermath of the February 1948 communist coup. As a new political party, it distanced itself from the programmatic principles of its predecessor, which had pursued a vision of establishing national socialism as a product of the reformist efforts of people committed, in essence, to the idea of a welfare state built on national traditions, espousing the ideas of humanism, democracy, and human freedom, while spurning the concept of Marxism-Leninism and the replication of the Soviet model of socialism and communism. Thus, one of its foremost priorities after its constitution was to devise its own programme. In the early years of its existence, it subscribed to the Czech Socialist Party’s 1918 programme, but this makeshift solution was replaced in short order by a series of declarations in which it aligned itself with the programmatic goals of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. In 1949, it adopted its rules of organisation, in the introduction of which it inserted tenets about its core programmatic focus, which, understandably, did not reflect the full breadth of its interests and opinions on issues of political, economic, social, cultural, and other aspects of life. Nevertheless, for years the party portrayed this introduction as a fundamental and representative statement standing in for a standard party manifesto, stemming from the fact that, after the Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1949, which defined the “general line for the building of a socialist society in Czechoslovakia”, and which the Czechoslovak Socialist Party adopted as a guide for its own policy and activities, the drafting of a programme for Czechoslovak Socialists became pointless, perhaps undesirable. All the way through to 1989, the Czechoslovak Socialist Party had no standard congress-adopted programme of its own. In the thawing of the political situation in 1968 that created a window of opportunity for change, an outline of a programme emerged that was heavily influenced by the contemporary climate seeking to construct a democratic model of socialism (“socialism with a human face”), but this was nothing more than a passing phase quickly suppressed by the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia and the subsequent era of “normalisation”. In the 1970s and 1980s, Kučera’s leadership of the party attempted to counter national-socialist ideology and the tendency for the party to declare itself non-Marxist by adopting the ideology of scientific socialism as a blueprint for the party’s approach to building a socialist society. Yet, at the same time, it proclaimed scientific socialism a doctrine that was not binding on party members and permitted them to lean towards a different ideological outlook. It was not until further political upheaval in 1989 that the party had a chance to formulate a standard programme. The leadership, however, recommitted itself to a vision of socialism, which, even in its reworked guise, no longer had the power to resonate with the public and, after many vicissitudes, the party ended up a marginal component of the Czech political system that coalesced after 1989.
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Wang, Huan. "The Enlightenment by Western Eco-Socialist Ideas on Socialist Harmonious Eco-Construction". Advanced Materials Research 524-527 (maj 2012): 3553–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.524-527.3553.
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Western Eco-socialist Ideas, combined product between the contemporary western eco-movement and socialist ideas, and important part of new socialist movement in the west, is the rising western social thought of the left wing since the 1960s and 1970s. Broadly speaking, eco-socialism can be divided into three closely-related parts, eco-Marxist theory, eco-socialism (narrowly) theory and the "red-green" political movement theory. Confronted with the increasingly serious eco-crisis, eco-socialism puts forward to build a harmoniously-developing socialist society of between people and nature, between people and people, and between people and society, on the basis of maintaining ecological balance, in establishing a sustainable model of economic development, health and peace of rational consumption mode, and aiming at harmonious interpersonal relationship as the main content. It throws light upon us in the socialist harmonious eco-construction for today. In reference to and on the basis of the ecological socialism valuable ideas, we aim to provide reference for the socialist harmonious ecological construction and development, and finally achieve China's economic, political, cultural and ecological and social harmonious development and progress, which is the purpose of this article.
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Alexey V., Makarkin. "Orthodoxy and Socialism at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century: Struggle, Enthusiasm, Adaptation, Understanding". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (30.10.2022): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-13-32.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century, industrialization led to a sharp increase in the number of industrial workers, which created problems for the Russian Church. The workers fundamentally differed in their mentality from the patriarchal flock familiar to the church and were influenced by socialist agitation, which was antigovernment and partly anti-church in nature. The main opponents for the church were the Social Democrats as an atheistic party based on European ideologues. Under these conditions, the struggle against social democracy became the mainstream course for the church, but this course proved ineffective due to the lack of attractive alternatives and the close connection of the church with the state. All other options — attempts to adapt to socialist agitation, sincere Christian socialism and the desire to differentiate socialism and socialists into unacceptable and relatively acceptable (without identification with them) — were peripheral to the church at that time. However, it is the latter option, which provided for the possibility of «coexistence» with socialists who have abandoned active atheism, that has now become the main one and is fixed in the «Fundamentals of the Social Concept» of the Russian Orthodox Church.
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Kluever, Joshua. "The Golden Age of Pragmatic Socialism: Wisconsin Socialists at the State Level, 1919–37". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, nr 2 (kwiecień 2023): 204–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000603.
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AbstractThroughout the 1920s and early 1930s, Socialists in Wisconsin experienced a “golden age” of political successes in the state legislature. Whereas the 1920s are commonly seen as a period of socialist decline, Wisconsin Socialists entered the decade with a renewed sense of optimism. Following World War I, the Wisconsin Democratic Party collapsed as a viable political option and the Wisconsin Socialist Party found itself the second most powerful party behind the Republican Party. Wisconsin Socialists took a pragmatic approach to legislative debates and allied with progressive Republicans to defeat conservative opposition. Socialists were vital to progressive reform prior to World War I; however, the Socialist-Progressive alliance reached its full potential in the 1920s. From 1919–31, the Wisconsin legislature passed 295 Socialist-authored pieces of legislation ranging from labor demands, public utilities, and criminal justice reform. Many of the proposals resulted from negotiations between the Socialist and Progressive caucuses. The success of the Wisconsin Socialists—and their alliance with progressive Republicans—suggests that at least in some places the Progressive Era extended into the 1920s.
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Ellis, Richard J. "Reimagining Democracy: The Socialist Origins of the Initiative and Referendum in the United States". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, nr 2 (kwiecień 2023): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000585.
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AbstractThe initiative and referendum are commonly characterized as quintessentially Populist or Progressive reforms, but transatlantic socialism deserves pride of place in the intellectual history of direct legislation in the United States. A decade and a half before the People’s Party famously commended the idea of direct legislation at its 1892 nominating convention in Omaha, Nebraska, the Socialist Labor Party (SLP) made the demand for direct legislation a plank in its first party platform. That demand was shaped by the 1875 Gotha Program formulated by the Socialist Workers Party of Germany and informed by socialist debates during the First International and the pioneering work of Moritz Rittinghausen. The diffusion of these ideas among Gilded Age labor radicals is a crucial and underappreciated part of the story of the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States. That socialists’ pioneering role in the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States has largely been slighted is particularly ironic since the individual arguably most responsible for securing the direct legislation resolution at Omaha was among the nation’s most successful radical labor organizers and a committed socialist, Joseph R. Buchanan.
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Arnold, N. Scott. "Marx And Disequilibrium in Market Socialist Relations of Production". Economics and Philosophy 3, nr 1 (kwiecień 1987): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100002728.
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One feature of socialism that has been little discussed in the recent revival of interest in Marx is the basic form of economic organization that will characterize such a society. Marx's view, to be documented in what follows, is that socialism would not have a market economy. This prediction should be a matter of some embarrassment or consternation to twentieth-century socialists outside of the Soviet bloc who claim a Marxist heritage. Despite the fact (or perhaps because of the fact) that some socialist regimes in the first half of this century did carry out a program of (largely) abolishing the market, the abolition of markets is no longer on the agenda for developed and developing countries. On the Left, anyway, some form of market socialism seems to be the preferred alternative; Yugoslavia is often pointed to as an imperfect real world exemplar of what market socialism might be like.
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Belov, Sergei, William Partlett i Alexandra Troitskaya. "Socialist Constitutional Legacies". Russian Law Journal 9, nr 2 (4.06.2021): 8–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2021-9-2-8-25.
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With the end of the Cold War, many assumed that socialism, together with the specific constitutional values and political structures was dead (or dying). This article will challenge these assumptions. Post-Cold War reality did not, however, follow these assumptions. Some countries, especially in Asia, continue to adhere to socialist constitutional approaches. Some cannot fully overcome their socialist legacy. And still others include socialist values in their constitutions and practice. These values and ideas warrant study. Most notably, socialism carries with it a certain set of values and, consequently, a corresponding pressure on legal institutions. The authors, guest editors of this special issue of the Russian Law Journal on the socialist legacies in the world constitutions, outline a general approach for the study of socialist constitutional legacies. The article therefore addresses (a) the methodology of socialist constitutional legacies analysis, (b) the core values of the socialist constitutions and (c) ways in which socialist constitutional ideas and concepts can be combined with the principles of constitutionalism. This analysis raises a number of important – but under-researched questions. One is the extent to which these socialist ideas or concepts are actually socialist. Another is the extent to which these ideas can be included in constitutional discourse.
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Navarro, Vicente. "Has Socialism Failed? An Analysis of Health Indicators under Socialism". International Journal of Health Services 22, nr 4 (październik 1992): 583–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/b2tp-3r5m-q7up-dua2.
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This article analyzes the widely held assumption in academia and the mainstream press that capitalism has proven superior to socialism in responding to human needs. The author surveys the health conditions of the world's populations, continent by continent, and shows that, contrary to dominant ideology, socialism and socialist forces have been, for the most part, better able to improve health conditions than have capitalism and capitalist forces. In the underdeveloped world, socialist forces and regimes have, more frequently than not, improved health and social indicators better than capitalist forces and regimes, and in the developed world, countries with strong socialist forces have been better able to improve health conditions than those countries lacking or with weak socialist forces. The socialist experience has, of course, also included negative developments that have negated important components of the socialist project. Still, the evidence presented in this article shows that the historical experience of socialism has not been one of failure. To the contrary: it has been, for the most part, more successful than capitalism in improving the health conditions of the world's populations.
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Jiang, Huashuai. "Study on Sun Yat-sen's Spreading Socialist Thought in late Qing Dynasty and Early Republic of China (1905-1912)". Advances in Education, Humanities and Social Science Research 1, nr 1 (9.05.2022): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.56028/aehssr.1.1.319.
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Sun Yat-sen was a pioneer in the early dissemination of socialist thought in China. At the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, Sun Yat-sen introduced the popular socialist schools through speeches, among which there is no lack of marxism. In the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China, Sun Yat-sen's spreading socialist thought had four characteristics: first, Sun Yat-sen was good at integrating Chinese traditional culture with socialist thought; Second, Sun Yat-sen was good at combining foreign situations to interpret the necessity of socialism in China; Third, Sun Yat-sen was good at using others' theories to expound his own socialist views. Fourth, Sun Yat-sen was good at using his political reputation and media volume to spread socialism. Sun Yat-sen pioneered the spread of socialism in China, and some of his propositions and views also provide reference for future generations.
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Ihalainen, Pasi. "A Finnish socialist female parliamentarian stopped on the Dutch border : The (de)politicization of Finnish women’s suffrage in Dutch battles on votes for women". Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, nr 1 (1.06.2020): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.1.004.ihal.
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Abstract A Finnish socialist female parliamentarian stopped on the Dutch border: the (de)politicization of Finnish women’s suffrage in Dutch battles on votes for womenThis research article in transnational history analyses an incident during which Hilja Pärssinen, a Finnish socialist woman MP, was stopped on the Dutch border in September 1913 on her way to visit a suffragette college in London. This two-hour event at the border and public controversy that followed were clashes between competing ideological and gendered discourses on women’s political agency. The incident was a nexus of intersecting discourses on a range of issues: Dutch and international debates on women’s suffrage, discourse on ‘white slavery’, racial prejudices towards East Europeans, Marxist class struggle discourse, and fears of socialism. During the incident, the authorities seemed to be casting the identity of an illegal immigrant or a Russian prostitute on Pärssinen. Provoked against her psycho-physical experiences, she protested by performing that identity. Afterwards, transnationally connected socialists politicized the case in their fight for women’s political rights, while the authorities and the non-socialist press consistently depoliticized it.
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WEBER, FRIEDRICH, i CHARLOTTE METHUEN. "The Architecture of Faith under National Socialism: Lutheran Church Building(s) in Braunschweig, 1933–1945". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, nr 2 (kwiecień 2015): 340–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913002571.
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It has frequently been assumed that church building ceased after the National Socialists came to power in Germany in 1933. This article shows that it continued, and considers the reasons why this was the case. Focussing on churches built in the Church of Braunschweig between 1933 and 1936, it explores the interactions between emergent priorities for church architecture and the rhetoric of National Socialist ideology, and traces their influence on the building of new Protestant churches in Braunschweig. It examines the way in which Braunschweig Cathedral was reordered in accordance with National Socialist interests, and the ambiguity which such a reordering implied for the on-going Christian life of the congregation. It concludes that church building was widely understood to be a part of the National Socialist programme for creating employment, but was also used to emphasise the continuing role of the Church in building community. However, there is still much work to be done to investigate the ways in which churches and congregations interacted with National Socialism in their day-to-day existence.
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Capaldi, Nicholas. "Mill and socialism". Tocqueville Review 33, nr 1 (styczeń 2012): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.33.1.125.
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The question of Mill’s relation to socialism continues to puzzle scholars. There are good reasons, for this. Mill described himself in the Principles of Political Economy as an “Ideal Socialist,” and later wrote in the Chapters on Socialism a scathing critique of socialism. O. Kurer, identifies 10 features of Mill’s so-called socialist utopia.
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Tomasi, John. "SOVEREIGNTY, COMMERCE, AND COSMOPOLITANISM: LESSONS FROM EARLY AMERICA FOR THE FUTURE OF THE WORLD". Social Philosophy and Policy 20, nr 1 (18.12.2002): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201102.
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If socialism and liberalism are rivals, one ambition these rivals have shared is that of being a transnational, even universal doctrine. Socialists and liberals have each thought of their own view as being well designed to expand, to reach out and be taken up in an ever-growing number and variety of societies. I do not know whether now is the time to write the final obituary for the socialist version of this dream. But the universalizing dream most vivid before the minds of the inhabitants of the world today clearly is not the socialist one, but the liberal one. “Globalization,” in our day, has come to mean something very close to “liberalization.” For some this is a cause of celebration; for others, it is a cause of protest and despair.
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Kalerante, Evangelia. "EDUCATIONAL STANDPOINTS AND CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE GREEK SOCIALIST’S PLATO DRAKOULIS WORK (1858-1942): THE SCHEMATIZATION OF FEMALE EDUCATION". Problems of Education in the 21st Century 45, nr 1 (20.07.2012): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/pec/12.45.19.
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In the present study, the socialists’ impact upon the educational policy formulation on female education is being studied. The Greek socialist P. Drakoulis’ standpoints are hereby examined as a Case Study. The dynamics of standpoints on female education shifting from England to Greece as well as the gradual formulation of educational standpoints within socialist societies and how these standpoints have been tied to broader issues on social progress and economic development are being presented. Thus, the traditional conservative Greek educational system is contradicted and gradually substituted by modern and progressive elements of educational consideration. Women’s rights in education are also interpreted in terms of political freedom. Social progress is, therefore, closely associated to female emancipation. According to Drakoulis, the connection of democracy, humanism and socialism is conducive to an overall respect for the human being. A fair society would therefore be the outcome of universal compulsory education targeting all social strata and which could be achieved through a combination of “instrumental knowledge”, morality and humanism on the basis of social justice and a socialist transformation of society. That era’s archives as well as corresponding scarce bibliography of that period (1870-1915) have been studied in order to approach the ideological and political framework of the Greek policy formulation. Key words: economy, educational policy, female education, ideology, socialism.
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Benecke, Jakob, i Jörg-W. Link. "Education under National Socialism: Ideology, Programs and Practice". Locus: Revista de História 28, nr 2 (20.12.2022): 64–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.38589.
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The article provides a condensed, introductory overview of National Socialist formation education in the Hitler Youth and school. It is based on the author’s own research and relevant presentations. Education under National Socialism was characterized by the interplay of a racist worldview and the regime’s totalitarian will to rule. For Nazi education, this meant that the political took precedence over all social issues, including all issues relevant from the perspective of educational theory. In our analysis, we distinguish between two levels: the level of standardization and the level of educational practices in the Hitler Youth and school. Particularly during World War II, political demands were increasingly rigidly enforced, and adolescents were increasingly instrumentalized for their purposes. The National Socialists’ aspirations for total control compared to the educational reality exhibited correspondences as well as discrepancies and contradictions. Against the background of traditional tasks of education, the verdict on Nazi education from a normative point of view is clearly negative. However, if one also looks at National Socialist educational practices, one notices numerous characteristic ambivalences – between the partly contradictory demands of the National Socialist regime, but also between its educational practices and its attempts at realization. On the one hand, National Socialists achieved comprehensive formative successes, while on the other hand they often failed because of their totalitarian objectives.
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Kluzik, Marcin. "Programme Proposals of the Social-Democratic Political Opposition in the 1980’s Poland." Sowiniec 25, nr 45 (30.12.2014): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sowiniec25.2014.45.05.
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This paper presents programme proposals of the social democratic (socialist) fraction of political opposition in Poland in the 1980’s, and especially its organized part. This fraction’s programme was inspired by the ideas and traditions of Polish independence and democratic socialism, symbolized by the pre-war PPS. The paper discusses selected issues raised by the Polish socialists in order to briefl y show the programme proposals developed by this fraction of political opposition.
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Fuchs, Christian. "Communicative Socialism/Digital Socialism". tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, nr 1 (13.01.2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1144.
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This introduction provides a preface to the contributions gathered in tripleC’s special issue “Communicative Socialism/Digital Socialism”. It outlines how Marx conceived of socialism (Sections 2, 3, 4, 5), introduces a model of a socialist society that consists of three dimensions (Section 6), and shows how, based on Marx, we can conceptualise communicative and digital socialism (Section 7). Section 8 introduces ten principles of communicative/digital socialist politics.
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Dorrien, Gary. "Economic Democracy as Political Theology: The British Anglican Socialist Tradition". Anglican Theological Review 102, nr 4 (wrzesień 2020): 539–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332862010200408.
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The richest tradition of Christian socialism is the British Anglican one. In the beginning it was cooperative and ecumenical in the fashion of its founders, F. D. Maurice and John Ludlow. Later it became predominantly Anglo-Catholic, politically activist, and ideologically diffuse, but always with a strong social-ethical basis. Many Anglican socialists stuck to the cooperative tradition, some joined the Fabian movement after it arose in 1884, some joined the Social Union reformers who came out of Oxford, some gave highest priority to socializing land, many joined the workers party movement after it arose in 1893, and some became leaders of the guild socialist movement that took off in 1912. But British Anglican socialism had an ethical well-spring that qualified its commitment to all these ideologies, and at its best it was powerfully anti-imperialist. Anglican socialists denied that a Fabian, Syndical, Social Unionist, or Marxist ideology should be more binding than their commitment to an ethic of equality, freedom, and cooperative community. This conviction helped them play a distinct role in British politics, especially as exemplified by William Temple and R. H. Tawney. Temple's model of social-funded guild socialism was far ahead of its time and remains the most promising model of big-scale economic democracy.
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Šliavaitė, Kristina. "Ar baigėsi posocializmas Lietuvoje? Antropologija ir posocializmo transformacijų etnografija". Lietuvos etnologija / Lithuanian ethnology 20 (29) 2020 (21.12.2020): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386522-2029001.
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Has Post-Socialism Ended in Lithuania? The Anthropology and Ethnography of Post-Socialist Transformations The main aim of the paper is to overview ethnographic research on post-socialist transformations in Lithuania by contextualising it within the broader framework of the field of anthropology of post-socialism. The author refers to numerous discussions in the field on the validity of the use of the term post-socialism long after the collapse of the Soviet system (Sampson 1999; Humphrey 2002; Műller 2019, etc), and discusses whether and how selected ethnographies on social cultural transformations in Lithuania after the 1990s and later use the term postsocialism, and how the period is defined conceptually and chronologically. The first part of the paper introduces discussions in anthropology on challenges in defining the post-socialist region and the chronology of post-socialism (Humphrey 2002; Buyandelgeriyn 2008; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015; Műller 2019; Нильсен 2004, etc), as well as reflections on issues of the representation and unequal relations between the West and the East in studies of post-socialist European countries (Thelen 2011; Buchowski 2012; Cervinkova 2012; Klumbytė, Sharafutdinova 2013b; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015, etc). These critical studies indicate that ethnographies of socialist and post-socialist East Central Europe constructed it as the ‘other’, different to the western part of the region (Thelen 2011; Buchowski 2012; Cervinkova 2012; Klumbytė, Sharafutdinova 2013b; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015; Műller 2019; etc), and that the term post-socialist/post-socialism refers to these unequal relations between the West and the East (Cervinkova 2012; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015; Műller 2019; etc). However, disregarding certain conceptual challenges, it is agreed that the ethnographies of social cultural transformations in post-socialist European countries are unique and important, due to their methodological approach (long-term fieldwork), and focus on people’s everyday lives and the emphasis on the interrelations of cultural, social and economic processes (Burawoy, Verdery 1999; Hann 2002; Hőrschelmann, Stenning 2008, etc).
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Fuller, Edward W. "Was Keynes a socialist?" Cambridge Journal of Economics 43, nr 6 (31.08.2019): 1653–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/bez039.
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Abstract This paper addresses the controversy over Keynes’s political thought. Robert Skidelsky portrays Keynes as a liberal who wanted to save capitalism. By contrast, Rod O’Donnell argues Keynes was a socialist. This paper presents unexplored evidence that shows Keynes was a non-Marxist socialist from 1907 until his death in 1946. First, the paper demonstrates that Keynes described himself as a socialist and aligned himself with socialism. Next, the paper shows Keynes can be defined as a socialist because he advocated socialist policy. Finally, the paper discusses Keynes’s socialist political and journalistic activities. Keynes was a non-Marxist socialist, meaning Skidelsky has misinterpreted Keynes’s political philosophy.
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Naughton, Barry. "Is China Socialist?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 31, nr 1 (1.02.2017): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.31.1.3.
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It has been 40 years since Deng Xiaoping broke dramatically with Maoist ideology and the Maoist variant of socialism. Since then, China has been transformed. Forty years ago, in 1978, China was unquestionably a socialist economy of the familiar and well-studied “command economy” variant, even though it was more decentralized and more loosely planned than its Soviet progenitor. Twenty years ago—that is, by the late 1990s—China had completely discarded this type of socialism and was moving decisively to a market economy. China today is quite different both from the command economy of 40 years ago, and from the “Wild West Capitalism” of 20 years ago. Throughout these enormous changes, China has always officially claimed to be socialist. Does the “socialist” label make sense when applied to China today?