Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Socialism – Denmark

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Socialism – Denmark”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 26 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 27 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Socialism – Denmark"

Pedersen, Lars Schreiber. "Føreren fra Lendum". Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 53 (2.03.2014): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v53i0.118854.

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Lars Schreiber Pedersen: The Führer from Lendum In writer Erik Aalbæk Jensen’s well-known homeland novel from Vendsyssel Perleporten (The Pearl Gate) from 1964, the figure “Kratholmmanden” (the Kratholm man), is a local farm owner and Nazi leader, who with mixed success tries to win his local area’s residents over to the cause of National Socialism. Erik Aalbæk Jensen’s “Kratholmmand” character was based on Christian Mikkelstrup. During 1934–44, Mikkelstrup was a member of the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Denmark (DNSAP) and from 1935–44 he functioned as the party leader in Horns Herred in north east Vendsyssel. Despite his passionate engagement for the cause during his 10 years in the service of the party, Mikkelstrup was only able to convince a few local residents about the joy of National Socialism. DNSAP never gained any importance in north east Vendsyssel. The local party division in Lendum, which held its meetings in Mikkelstrup’s home, numbered 20–25 members at its height. Mikkelstrup was not solely to blame for the lack of support for the party in his local area. Both he and his fellow believers fought a battle that was impossible to win. The majority of local residents, like the rest of Denmark, at no point wanted to know about DNSAP – which the county council elections in 1935 and the national elections in 1935, 1939 and 1943 clearly showed – and even a leader with a bigger profile than Mikkelstrup, who was neither much of a writer or a speaker, would hardly be likely to attract more members to the party from the region. Together with a number of dissatisfied DNSAP members, he left the party in 1944 and joined the newly-formed Nazi party “Dansk National Samling”, in which however, he did not make much of an impact. With the Liberation of Denmark in May 1945, he was arrested by the resistance movement and was subsequently found guilty of passing on information to the German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst), which had been based in Aalborg during the occupation. He received a sentence of 18 months imprisonment. He stayed faithful to his National Socialist beliefs after the war but after his release from the prison camp at Kragskovhede in August 1946, he devoted his work to running his farm at Lendum in Vendsyssel. Christian Mikkelstrup died in 1971.

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Rydström, Jens. "Disability, socialism and autonomy in the 1970s: case studies from Denmark, Sweden and the United Kingdom". Disability & Society 34, nr 9-10 (8.05.2019): 1637–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2019.1605883.

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Prakoso, Fauzi Firmansyah, i Katong Ragawi Numadi. "Nordic Economy Model: Principle for Economic Democracy". Jurnal Global & Strategis 15, nr 1 (29.03.2021): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.15.1.2021.79-102.

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Globalisasi dan neoliberalisasi ekonomi ditandai dengan semakin dominannya praktik ekonomi kapitalisme lintas batas negara. Pada fase ini terjadi intensifikasi proses industrialisasi sejalan dengan semakin terbukanya arus perdagangan dan investasi global. Hal ini pada kenyataanya menghasilkan dampak negatif, kecenderungan mengejar pertumbuhan dan keuntungan ekonomi mengakibatkan negara mengabaikan prinsip paling dasar dalam perekonomian yaitu kesejahteraan masyarakat. Faktanya dewasa ini distribusi kekayaan cenderung tidak berimbang yang mana kontrol ekonomi terbesar justru berada pada sebagian kecil kelompok masyarakat, sementara sebagian besar kelompok masyarakat lainnya cenderung termarjinalkan. Demokrasi ekonomi merupakan konsep alternatif terhadap perkembangan ekonomi modern. Bahwa perhatian utama adalah terciptanya kesetaraan ekonomi bagi seluruh masyarakat. Konsep ini menjadi moderasi bagi perdebatan kapitalisme dan sosialisme, bahwa keterlibatan negara harus dilakukan dalam derajat tertentu guna menanggulangi dampak negatif perkembangan kapitalisme modern. Salah satu bentuk implementasi konsepsi ini adalah model ekonomi di negara-negara Nordik. Negara-negara ini memiliki tingkat kesetaraan dan kesejahteraan ekonomi tertinggi melalui adanya sistem pengeluaran negara yang berfokus terhadap aspek sosial masyarakatnya. Salah satu wujud keberhasilan model ekonomi ini dapat dilihat di Denmark yang mana pemerintah melakukan pembiayaan terhadap seluruh kebutuhan sosial masyarakat seperti kesehatan dan pendidikan melalui sistem pajak dan pembiayaan secara kolektif.Kata-kata Kunci: Demokrasi Ekonomi, Nordik, Denmark, Kapitalisme, KesejahteraanGlobalization and economic neoliberalism in practice are commonly associated with thick capitalism in the domestic economy realm. In this phase, the intensification of the industrialization process took place with the increasing issuance of global trade and investment flows. This process produces a negative impact when it pursues economic growth, and economic benefits enhancement sets aside equality as the basic foundation of economic development. More than that, in the modern economy, only a small portion of the community controls the whole economic process, while most other community groups are marginalized. Economic Democracy is an alternative concept for the development of the modern economy. This concept argues that the economy should focus on the creation of economic equality for the whole community. This concept becomes a moderation for the debate between capitalism and socialism. Economic Democracy requires the state’s involvement to a certain degree to overcome the negative impact of modern capitalism development. One form of implementation of this conception is the Nordik model of the economy. The Nordic countries have the highest equality and economic prosperity through a high social expenditure for their society. One form of success of this economic model is paramount in Denmark, where the government finances all community social needs such as health and education through the tax system and collective financing.Keywords: Economic Democracy, Nordic, Denmark, Capitalism, Welfare

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La Rocca, Francesco. "Clashing cultural nationalisms: the 19th-century Danish-German intellectual debate, the Schleswig wars (1848-1864), and some reflections on the cultural roots of National Socialism". Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 7, nr 1 (15.08.2015): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v7i1_5.

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Romantic culture, far from only being an intellectual phenomenon, was a pivotal element in the 19th-century nation-building processes experienced in Europe, and it ended up influencing and being influenced by contemporary political events. The wars waged between Denmark and the German Confederation (1848-1864) are a foremost example of it, as the political claims for the control of the duchies of Schleswig, Holstein and Lauenburg intertwined with the intellectual polemics between some prominent German scholars (Jacob Grimm, Karl Müllenhoff etc.) who intended to prove the German nature of the duchies’ cultural heritage and of Scandinavian cultures in general, and some Danish intellectuals (Nicolai Grundtvig, Rasmus Rask etc.) who strove to undo what they perceived as a politically-charged cultural aggression. The relevance of the Schleswig Wars and their related intellectual debate is not restricted to 19th-century studies, as some authors of the second half of the 20th century have suggested that the German-Danish intellectual conflict over the heritage of the Old North was actually a prelude to what would eventually be Nazi Germany’s totalitarian ideology. Unfortunately, little has been written so far on the relationship between the Schleswig Wars and the then-contemporary scholarly debate. This article is intended to be an effective contribution in this direction.

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Bak, Sofie Lene. "'Denmark contra Jvdæos'". Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 35, nr 1 (28.06.2024): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.142229.

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This article examines the relationship between conspiracy theories and antisemitism by posing the question of whether conspiracism is an inseparable and integrated part of national socialist antisemitism or a marginalised, extremist position even within such settings. An analysis of two Danish national-socialist journals, Kamptegnet and National-Socialisten, demonstrates how the introduction of stigmatised knowledge in the form of anti-Masonic conspiracy theories and the myth of ritual murder led to an antisemitic escalation process in Kamptegnet, imbuing antisemitism with a redemptive character during the Second World War. Antisemitic conspiracy theories, on the other hand, played a relatively marginal role in National-Socialisten, where aspects that enjoyed promotion in Germany were downplayed for tactical reasons. While antisemitism in National-Socialisten primarily played a role in caricatures and as a bizarre form of entertainment, an escalation can also be observed here as a consequence of the progression of the war and the intensified German propaganda effort.

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Juhl, Carsten. "Et manifest på dansk må omhandle modersmålet og angribe fædrelandet: Litteraturhistoriske forstudier om kunst og sprog". K&K - Kultur og Klasse 37, nr 107 (22.05.2009): 138–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v37i107.22015.

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A Manifesto in Danish has to deal with the Mother tongue and attack the Fatherland: Some preliminary studies about art and language presented from the point of view of the history of literature:The study follows five lines of reasoning: The first deals with the impossibility of formulating a manifesto in general; the impossibility of advocating the use of violence and on the other hand the impossibility of using dialogue. So the system of prescriptions and promises normally used in a manifesto no longer have sense.The next line of reasoning concerns the impossibility of presenting fictional preoccupations in the mass media and explaining why literature in Danish has to deal with its contents and form outside the current commentary and celebration hosted by the mass media. In this second line the Vico legacy is introduced to explain a conflict in Danish literature concerning its lack of an epic centre of historical and aesthetical understanding. Benjamin’s defence of the epicity in the work of Brecht is similarly discussed in this second part of the study. The third line of reasoning is presenting some older investigations on Danish prose into this question of what an epic dimension in the residual Danish culture might have been about in the last century. But all the investigations presented failed to get to the point. The point of dissidence was too weak and the point of national-socialism too clever to be manifest: It could easily hide behind the general cover up of theological aesthetics dominating Lutheran Denmark.So the fourth line of reasoning deals with political theology as a sort of interiorised state of mind in Denmark.The fifth line of reasoning presents two examples of something radically different and rather excluded in the political culture of Denmark: The Danish Council of Freedom (Danmarks Frihedsråd) during WWII which failed when it came to attacking the collaboration between Danish democracy and the Third Reich; and the Danish School of Writing (Forfatterskolen) which has been attacked by the local establishment since it was born 25 years ago.

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O'Brien, Diana Z., Matthew Mendez, Jordan Carr Peterson i Jihyun Shin. "Letting Down the Ladder or Shutting the Door: Female Prime Ministers, Party Leaders, and Cabinet Ministers". Politics & Gender 11, nr 04 (grudzień 2015): 689–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000410.

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In October 2012 the Danish Socialist People's Party chose Annette Vilhelmsen as its leader. With her ascension to power, women simultaneously headed all three of Denmark's governing parties for the first time. Though an exclusively female-led coalition government remains exceptional, in developed democracies the number of female prime ministers and party leaders has grown in recent years. Since 2000, women have governed in Denmark, Germany, Finland, Iceland, New Zealand, and Australia and have commanded coalition partner parties in Austria, Ireland, and Sweden. Just as there are now more female leaders, governments are also nominating more women to cabinets than ever before. Women recently held half of all ministerial posts in Finland, Iceland, Sweden, and Spain. Female ministers are also serving in high-prestige portfolios from which they were traditionally excluded, including finance and foreign affairs.

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Christensen, Dag Arne. "Foreign Policy Objectives: Left Socialist Opposition in Denmark, Norway and Sweden". Scandinavian Political Studies 21, nr 1 (styczeń 1998): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1998.tb00003.x.

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Lauesen, Torkil. "“Solidarity is Something you can Hold in your Hand”". Journal of Labor and Society 25, nr 1 (10.01.2022): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10041.

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Abstract This article tells the story of an organization based in Copenhagen, Denmark, which supported the Liberation struggle in the Third World from 1969 until April 1989. It focus on the support to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (pflp). The story is told in a historical and global context. The text explains the strategy and tactic behind the support-work. It explains how the different forms of solidarity work developed over two decades (for a more detailed account of the history of the group, see Kuhn, 2014). Finally, the article offers an evaluation of the past and a perspective on the future struggle for a socialist Palestine.

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Kvistad, John Mikal. "Beredt for Danmark. Nationalsocialistisk Ungdom 1932–1945 [Ready to Defend Denmark. National Socialist Youth 1932–1945]". Scandinavian Journal of History 37, nr 5 (grudzień 2012): 672–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468755.2012.722354.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Socialism – Denmark"

Werther, Steffen. "SS-Vision und Grenzland-Realität : Vom Umgang dänischer und „volksdeutscher” Nationalsozialisten in Sønderjylland mit der „großgermanischen“ Ideologie der SS". Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-69214.

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This dissertation examines the implementation of the SS’s Greater Germanic idea in the Danish border region of South Jutland. Its focus is on how Danish and ethnic German (volksdeutsche) national socialists, organised in their respective Nazi parties, dealt with the SS’s crusade on behalf of a supranational racial vision. The study traces why the two groups reacted so negatively to the SS’s ideology - despite the SS’s power, despite the Greater Germanic promise of high racial prestige, and despite shared service in “Germanic” units of the Waffen-SS. The SS’s attempts to use a race-based ideology to overcome the disputes that divided South Jutland’s two Nazi parties ran aground on fundamentally nationalist identities. For most members of the German minority, the Greater Germanic ideology was a threat. The German minority hoped for border revision; to acknowledge Danes as racial equals would endanger their political goals. Nor were Danish Nazis more enthusiastic. To be sure, the SS’s vision did provide an ideological weapon in the fight against demands for border vision. But the potential imperialism of the Greater Germanic idea worried those who prized continued Danish sovereignty. After all, the first hope of the Danish Nazis was to rule an independent national-socialist Danish state. The study makes it clear, however, that the fate of the Greater Germanic idea cannot be understood simply in terms of Realpolitik. Rather, the conflicts between the SS and its collaboration partners must also be understood as a clash between racial and völkisch concepts of community. The SS's vision of a Greater Germanic Reich based on ideologies of race clashed with the German-minority and Danish national-socialist commitment to Volk-based nationalism. Despite their strong commitment to Nazi ideologies, both collaboration partners found the SS’s racial community “unimaginable”.

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Vidal-Folch, Duch Lorenzo Shivaraman. "(Re)turning to housing cooperativism? Perspectives on the housing question from Denmark and Uruguay". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665240.

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Aquesta tesi en format compendi d’articles revisita la qüestió de l'habitatge en un context en el qual l'habitatge estatal de lloguer social està en declivi i l'expansió de l'habitatge en propietat individual va provocar l'última crisi financera mundial. Es proposa explorar una alternativa d'habitatge (parcialment) desmercantilitzat, col·lectiu i no estatal que històricament s’ha mantingut marginal menys en alguns pocs països: el cooperativisme d'habitatge. A partir de l'experiència de Dinamarca i Uruguai, dos països en els quals el cooperativisme d'habitatge s'ha desenvolupat extensivament, la tesi considera el potencial, les perspectives i els límits de reactualitzar aquesta forma d'habitatge per abordar algunes de les principals problemàtiques que estan a l'avantguarda de la qüestió de l'habitatge avui. Les privatitzacions dirigides per l'Estat, la gentrificació planetària i les relacions entre deutors i creditors hipotecaris, són les temàtiques que s'exploren en els tres articles que conformen el nucli de la tesi. Partint d’una perspectiva materialista històrica (i geogràfica) i abordant el paradigma emergent dels comuns, la tesi subratlla les formes conflictives i contradictòries en les quals el cooperativisme d’habitatge pot encarnar una forma de commoning. En condicions generalitzades de producció i d’intercanvi de mercaderies, la tesi argumenta que el control dels residents sobre les cooperatives d'habitatge s'ha d’inserir en estructures institucionals i organitzatives multiescalars i multiactorals. Aquestes estructures han de fer ús de les capacitats redistributives de l'Estat, al mateix temps que defensen la seva autonomia tant vers l'Estat com el mercat. Les geografies de cooperatives d'habitatge autogovernades i interconnectades (en diferents graus), poden assentar les bases per a aquestes possibilitats polítiques.
This article-based compilation thesis revisits the housing question in a context in which State-owned social rental housing is on the decline and the expansion of homeownership underpinned the latest global financial crisis. It sets out to explore a (partially) decommodified, collective and non-State housing alternative that has historically remained marginal in all but a few countries: housing cooperativism. Drawing from the experience of Denmark and Uruguay, two countries in which housing cooperativism has been extensively developed, it considers the potential, prospects and limits of re-actualizing this form of housing to tackle some of the main problematics that are at the forefront of the housing question today. State-led privatizations, planetary gentrification and mortgage debtor-creditor relations are the issues that are explored in the three articles which make up the core of the thesis. Using a broadly historical (and geographical) materialist approach and engaging with the emerging paradigm of the commons, the thesis underlies the conflictive and contradictory ways in which housing cooperativism might embody a form of commoning. Under conditions of generalized commodity production and exchange, the thesis argues that dweller control in housing cooperatives must be nested within multi-scalar and multi-actor institutional and organizational structures. These structures must harness the redistributive capacities of the State whilst simultaneously defend their autonomy from both the State and the market. The geographies of (to different degrees) collectively self-governed and inter-linked housing cooperatives, can potentially provide the groundwork for such political possibilities.

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Rusinek, Michael. "Wages and the bargaining regimes in corporatists countries: a series of empirical essays". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210322.

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In the first chapter,a harmonised linked employer-employee dataset is used to study the impact of firm-level agreements on the wage structure in the manufacturing sector in Belgium, Denmark and Spain. To our knowledge, this is one of the first cross-country studies that examines the impact of firm-level bargaining on the wage structure in European countries. We find that firm-level agreements have a positive effect both on wage levels and on wage dispersion in Belgium and Denmark. In Spain, firm also increase wage levels but reduce wage dispersion. Our interpretation is that in Belgium and Denmark, where firm-level bargaining greatly expanded since the 1980s on the initiative of the employers and the governments, firm-level bargaining is mainly used to adapt pay to the specific needs of the firm. In Spain, the structure of collective bargaining has not changed very much since the Franco period where firm agreements were used as a tool for worker mobilisation and for political struggle. Therefore, firm-level bargaining in Spain is still mainly used by trade unions in order to reduce the wage dispersion.

In the second chapter, we analyse the impact of the bargaining level and of the degree of centralisation of wage bargaining on rent-sharing in Belgium. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study that considers simultaneously both dimensions of collective bargaining. This is also one of the first papers that looks at the impact of wage bargaining institutions on rent-sharing in European countries. This question is important because if wage bargaining decentralisation increases the link between wages and firm specific profits, it may prevent an efficient allocation of labour across firms, increase wage inequality, lead to smaller employment adjustments, and affect the division of surplus between capital and labour (Bryson et al. 2006). Controlling for the endogeneity of profits, for heterogeneity among workers and firms and for differences in characteristics between bargaining regimes, we find that wages depend substantially more on firm specific profits in decentralised than in centralised industries ,irrespective of the presence of a formal firm collective agreement. In addition, the impact of the presence of a formal firm collective agreement on the wage-profit elasticity depends on the degree of centralisation of the industry. In centralised industries, profits influence wages only when a firm collective agreement is present. This result is not surprising since industry agreements do not take into account firm-specific characteristics. Within decentralised industries, firms share their profits with their workers even if they are not covered by a formal firm collective agreement. This is probably because, in those industries, workers only covered by an industry agreement (i.e. not covered by a formal firm agreement) receive wage supplements that are paid unilaterally by their employer. The fact that those workers also benefit from rent-sharing implies that pay-setting does not need to be collective to generate rent-sharing, which is in line with the Anglo-American literature that shows that rent-sharing is not a particularity of the unionised sector.

In the first two chapters, we have shown that, in Belgium, firm-level bargaining is used by firms to adapt pay to the specific characteristics of the firm, including firm’s profits. In the third and final chapter, it is shown that firm-level bargaining also allows wages to adapt to the local environment that the company may face. This aspect is of particular importance in the debate about a potential regionalisation of wage bargaining in Belgium. This debate is, however, not specific to Belgium. Indeed, the potential failure of national industry agreements to take into account the productivity levels of the least productive regions has been considered as one of the causes of regional unemployment in European countries (Davies and Hallet, 2001; OECD, 2006). Two kinds of solutions are generally proposed to solve this problem. The first, encouraged by the European Commission and the OECD, consists in decentralising wage bargaining toward the firm level (Davies and Hallet, 2001; OECD, 2006). The second solution, the regionalisation of wage bargaining, is frequently mentioned in Belgium or in Italy where regional unemployment differentials are high. In this chapter we show that, in Belgium, regional wage differentials and regional productivity differentials within joint committees are positively correlated. Moreover, this relation is stronger (i) for joint committees where firm-level bargaining is relatively frequent and (ii) for joint committees already sub-divided along a local line. We conclude that the present Belgian wage bargaining system which combines interprofessional, industry and firm bargaining, already includes the mechanisms that allow regional productivity to be taken into account in wage formation. It is therefore not necessary to further regionalise wage bargaining in Belgium.

Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Wagner, Sander. "Cautious inference : random life course events of parents and children in context". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/277361.

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Esta tesis aborda el tema de los experimentos naturales o políticos que afectan el curso de la vida de padres e hijos y de las limitaciones de inferencia en tales experimentos. El primer trabajo "A non-linear Assessment of Preschool Effects" evalúa de forma no lineal la asignación de diferentes programas pre-escolares para niños daneses. Constatando que los resultados anteriores de encontrar efectos débiles se mantienen, pero que los niños y niñas muestran sorprendentemente diferentes efectos no lineales. El segundo papel "Rusty Instruments?" muestra que el método estándar para estimar los efectos de los niños en los resultados del mercado de trabajo, observando los hermanos gemelos sufre de sesgo, deriva en el diferente comportamiento de la fertilidad posterior de las madres con gemelos y las madres sin gemelos. El último trabajo "“Child Gender and its Effects on Parental Labor Market Participation", prueba que los efectos del sexo del niño sobre la participación de los padres en el mercado de trabajo son robustos para controlar los factores que influyen en el sexo del niño.
This thesis deals with natural and policy experiments affecting the life course of parents and children. It also deals with the limitations of using such experiments for causal inference. The first paper “A non-linear Assessment of Preschool Effects” looks at the assignment of different pre-school programs to Danish children. It is found that previous results finding weak effects hold up, but that boys and girls show surprisingly different nonlinear effects. The second paper “Rusty Instruments?” shows that the standard approach to estimating the effects of children on labour market outcomes, by looking at twinning suffers from biases, stemming from different subsequent fertility behaviour of twinning and non-twinnning mothers. The last paper “Child Gender and its Effects on Parental Labor Market Participation” shows that the effects of child gender on parental labour market participation are robust to controlling for factors influencing child gender.

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Książki na temat "Socialism – Denmark"

Moos, Kaj. Røde visioner. Silkeborg, Danmark: Havmågen, 1987.

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Hjortnæs, Karl. Socialdemokrater under pres. København: Gyldendal, 2006.

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Hjortnæs, Karl. Socialdemokrater under pres. København: Gyldendal, 2006.

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Den røde tråd: SF og vejen til magten. [Copenhagen]: Lindhardt og Ringhof, 2011.

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1948-, Pittelkow Ralf, red. Det røde flertal. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1987.

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Lebech, Anne Marie. Perestrojka, glasnost og socialisme. København: Det Kongelige Bibliotek, 1988.

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Torben, Krogh. Gert: En bog om Gert P. København: Tiderne skifter, 1987.

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Mathieu, Chris. The moral life of the party: Moral argumentation and the creation of meaning in the European policy debates of the Christian and left-socialist parties in Denmark and Sweden 1990-1996. Lund: Department of Sociology, Lund University, 1999.

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Mathieu, Chris. The moral life of the party: Moral argumentation and the creation of meaning in the Europe policy debates of the Christian and Left-Socialist parties in Denmark and Sweden 1990-1996. Lund: Dept. of Sociology, Lund University, 1999.

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Kuhn, Gabriel. Turning Money into Rebellion: The Unlikely Story of Denmark's Revolutionary Bank Robbers. PM Press, 2014.

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Części książek na temat "Socialism – Denmark"

Romer Christensen, Hilda. "13. Socialist Feminists and Feminist Socialists in Denmark 1920-1940". W Women and Socialism - Socialism and Women, 478–504. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781785330063-022.

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"COOPERATION NOT OPPOSITION: MARGINALISM AND SOCIALISM IN DENMARK, 1871–1924". W Socialism & Marginalism in Economics 1870 - 1930, 95–109. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203208991-4.

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Jørgensen, Thomas Ekman. "Chapter 3 National Ways to Socialism? The Left and the Nation in Denmark and Sweden, 1960–1980". W Between Prague Spring and French May, 49–63. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780857451071-005.

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Bille, Mikkel. "The sociality of lighting". W Homely Atmospheres and Lighting Technologies in Denmark, 25–44. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003085621-2.

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"The sociality of lighting". W Homely Atmospheres and Lighting Technologies in Denmark : Living with Light. Bloomsbury Academic, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350057210.ch-002.

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"No. 9406. Denmark Yugoslavia (Socialist Federal Republic of)". W United Nations Treaty Series, 103. UN, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/92cf93cf-en-fr.

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"No. 36854. Denmark and Yugoslavia (Socialist Federal Republic of)". W United Nations Treaty Series, 391–97. UN, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/4a092eab-en-fr.

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"No. 9727. Denmark and Yugoslavia (Socialist Federal Republic of)". W United Nations Treaty Series, 26. UN, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/0dd8c3a8-en-fr.

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"No. 36498. Denmark and Yugoslavia (Socialist Federal Republic of)". W United Nations Treaty Series, 23–59. UN, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/d1d1711a-en-fr.

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"No. 36499. Denmark and Yugoslavia (Socialist Federal Republic of)". W United Nations Treaty Series, 61–65. UN, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/71c66c2d-en-fr.

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