Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Social sciences -> political science -> american government”
Kliknij ten link, aby zobaczyć inne rodzaje publikacji na ten temat: Social sciences -> political science -> american government.
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 50 najlepszych artykułów w czasopismach naukowych na temat „Social sciences -> political science -> american government”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj artykuły w czasopismach z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
1
Skocpol, Theda, i Eric Schickler. "A Conversation with Theda Skocpol". Annual Review of Political Science 22, nr 1 (11.05.2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-030816-105449.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
An interview with Theda Skocpol took place at Harvard University in December 2017. Professor Skocpol is the Victor S. Thomas Professor of Government and Sociology at Harvard University. Skocpol is the author of numerous books and articles well known in political science and beyond, including States and Social Revolutions, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, Diminished Democracy: From Membership to Management in American Civic Life, and The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism (the latter coauthored with Vanessa Williamson). Skocpol has served as President of the American Political Science Association and the Social Science History Association. Among her honors, she is an elected member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the American Philosophical Society, and the National Academy of Sciences, and she was awarded the Johan Skytte Prize in Political Science. She was interviewed by Eric Schickler, the Jeffrey & Ashley McDermott Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley. The following is an edited transcript; a video of the entire interview can be viewed at https://www.annualreviews.org/r/theda-skocpol .
2
Shepherd, Donisha, i Suzanne Pritzker. "Political Advocacy Without a Choice". Advances in Social Work 21, nr 2/3 (23.09.2021): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/24135.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
From social work’s early days, African American social workers were engaged in what today is termed as political social work, yet their work is often overlooked in both social work education and the broader retelling of our profession’s history. This article examines the early history of African American political social work, using Lane and Pritzker’s (2018) five domains of political social work. We outline ways in which African American social workers’ lived experiences led them to engage in political social work to support community survival and to challenge injustice during the Black Migration period post-slavery, the Jim Crow Era, and the Civil Rights Movement. Even as broader structural dynamics sought to exclude African Americans from the political arena, dynamic and influential African American social workers laid the groundwork for modern political social work. They politically engaged their communities, lobbied for legislation, worked in the highest levels of government, supported campaigns, and ran and held elective office to ensure that civil rights were given and maintained. This manuscript calls for a shift from social work’s white-dominant historical narrative and curricula (Bell, 2014; DeLoach McCutcheon, 2019) to assertive discussion of the historic roles African American political social work pioneers played in furthering political empowerment and challenging social injustice.
3
Shklar, Judith N. "Redeeming American Political Theory". American Political Science Review 85, nr 1 (marzec 1991): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962875.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
American political theory has been accused of being uniformly liberal; but its history is diverse and is worth studying to understand the development of political science and the institutions it reflects (representative government, federalism, judicial review, and slavery). While modern social science expresses a slow democratization of values, it has been compatible with many ideologies. This can be seen in Jefferson's anthropology, Madison's theory of collective rationality, and Hamilton's empirical political economy. Jacksonian democracy encouraged social history, while its opponents devised an elitist political sociology. Southern defenders of slavery were the earliest to develop a deterministic and authoritarian sociology, but after the Civil War Northern thinkers emulated them with Social Darwinism and quests for causal laws to grasp constant change in industrial society. Though social critics abounded, democratic empirical theory emerged in the universities only in the generation of Merriam and Dewey, who founded contemporary political science.
4
Roxborough, Ian. "Inflation and Social Pacts in Brazil and Mexico". Journal of Latin American Studies 24, nr 3 (październik 1992): 639–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00024305.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The politics of inflation in Latin AmericaIn recent years inflation has accelerated in Latin America to become a seemingly intractable problem. In many countries, even when high inflation or hyperinflation has been brought down, the inflationary ‘floor’ has remained high, with all the appearance of a series of upward and irreversible steps. The underlying average annual rate of inflation has tended to rise steadily, as can be seen in the table overleaf.The reasons for persisting high inflation and for the seeming inability of government policy to bring inflation down in a lasting manner are complex and controversial. Moreover, as a number of authors have noted,1 the reasons for the failure of anti-inflationary policy are often, in some measure, political as well as purely economic. For one thing, inflation, and efforts to control inflation, involve a redistributive struggle the political costs of which the government may be unable or unwilling to bear. In addition, the government simply may not have the administrative capacity to implement certain measures effectively. For example, one way of restoring fiscal balance may be to increase taxes on wealth-holders, but this may not be a politically feasible option for many governments. Central governments may have limited control over the spending of regional and local governments, or over state-owned corporations, and may therefore have difficulty in controlling expenditure. Moreover, effective anti-inflationary policy may require political conditions that may simply not be present in many Latin American political systems. For example, in September 1989, towards the end of the Sarney government in Brazil, inflation was running at 38% per month.
5
Salaita, Steven. "The Arab Americans". American Journal of Islam and Society 24, nr 2 (1.04.2007): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i2.1548.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Since 9/11, Arab Americans have been the subject of much discussion inboth popular and scholarly forums. Books on the suddenly visible Arab-American community have been published recently or are forthcoming, andcourses dealing with Arab Americans are gradually entering university curricula.This interest is cross-disciplinary, having become evident in numeroushumanities and social science fields.Yet this interest is bound largely to the political marketplace of ideas, foran emergent Arab-American studies existed well before 9/11 and had been onthe brink of increased visibility on the eve of 9/11. It took 9/11, however, forthis body of scholarship to generate broad attention. In addition, 9/11 alteredthe trajectories that had already been established, though not as dramaticallyas an unaffiliated observer might believe. Gregory Orfalea was among thegroup of scholars and artists who were assessing Arab America before 9/11through his work as a writer and editor. Orfalea continues his contribution tothat project with his latest book, The Arab Americans: A History, a voluminoustext that mixes exposition, commentary, and analysis.The author’s cross-disciplinary book will be of interest to students andscholars in the humanities and the social sciences, for it contains elements ofhistoriography, sociology, literary criticism, memoir, and anthropology. Theintroduction and first chapter recount a trip he took as a young man in 1972with his jaddu (grandfather) to Arbeen, Syria, his grandfather’s hometown.Subsequent chapters explore a number of sociocultural and political issuesof interest to the Arab-American community, including the politics of theArab world, activism (historical and contemporary) in Arab America, therelationship between Arab Americans and the American government at boththe local and federal levels, religious traditions in Arab America, and theinstability and diversity of Arab-American identity ...
6
Grumbach, Jacob M., i Jamila Michener. "American Federalism, Political Inequality, and Democratic Erosion". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 699, nr 1 (styczeń 2022): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211070885.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The United States has a particularly decentralized form of federalism that provides important authority to multiple levels of government. This decentralization is typically seen as beneficial for democratic politics. But while federalism both constrains and enables democratic participation, we argue that it does so unevenly, and in ways that deepen inequalities in the processes of democracy. We propose four mechanisms by which the institutional decentralization of American federalism obstructs or reduces democratic accountability and equality: (1) inequality in venue selection, (2) information asymmetry, (3) an unequal exit threat, and (4) decentralized accountability. In contemporary American politics, these mechanisms both create and expand advantages for economic and political elites, while generating and deepening barriers to the full and equitable inclusion of less powerful groups in society, especially economically and racially marginalized Americans.
7
ISAAC, JOEL. "TANGLED LOOPS: THEORY, HISTORY, AND THE HUMAN SCIENCES IN MODERN AMERICA". Modern Intellectual History 6, nr 2 (sierpień 2009): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244309002145.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
During the first two decades of the Cold War, a new kind of academic figure became prominent in American public life: the credentialed social scientist or expert in the sciences of administration who was also, to use the parlance of the time, a “man of affairs.” Some were academic high-fliers conscripted into government roles in which their intellectual and organizational talents could be exploited. McGeorge Bundy, Walt Rostow, and Robert McNamara are the archetypes of such persons. An overlapping group of scholars became policymakers and political advisers on issues ranging from social welfare provision to nation-building in emerging postcolonial states. Many of these men—and almost without exception they were men—were also consummate operators within the patronage system that grew up around American universities after World War II. Postwar leaders of the social and administrative sciences such as Talcott Parsons and Herbert Simon were skilled scientific brokers of just this sort: good “committee men,” grant-getters, proponents of interdisciplinary inquiry, and institution-builders. This hard-nosed, suit-wearing, business-like persona was connected to new, technologically refined forms of social science. No longer sage-like social philosophers or hardscrabble, number-crunching empiricists, academic human scientists portrayed themselves as possessors of tools and programs designed for precision social engineering. Antediluvian “social science” was eschewed in favour of mathematical, behavioural, and systems-based approaches to “human relations” such as operations research, behavioral science, game theory, systems theory, and cognitive science.
8
Roelofs, H. Mark. "The American Polity: A Systematic Ambiguity". Review of Politics 48, nr 3 (1986): 323–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500039309.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This paper constructs, within the American liberal consensus, a conceptual frame into which the great paradoxes of American politics can be fitted without significant omission or unexplained contradiction. The foundation of the American liberal consensus is seen to be a Protestant-bourgeois individualism divided against itself. This fundamental division issues into conflicting visions of America as a democracy. In national, legitimizing myth, America is seen as a Protestant-tinctured social democracy organized in terms of sovereignty of the people, confederalism, separation of powers, and popular government. On the other hand, in the ideology of America as a legally functioning state, it is a bourgeois, liberal democracy organized in terms of constitutionalism, federalism, mixed government, and representative government. These distinctions make possible a consistent explanation of the consensus-cleavage paradox that lies at the core of American political life. They also explain the persistent ambiguity that confuses the democratic character of the American political system and also the biformalism of its major institutions.
9
KIM, Taekjoong. "Introduction of America’s Health Systems Science Education and Its Criticism". Korean Journal of Medical History 31, nr 3 (31.12.2022): 519–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2022.31.519.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Recently, Korean medical education circles have proposed a fullscale introduction of America’s health systems science to replace the existing medical humanities education in Korea. The so-called Flexner education system, formed in the early 20th century, was centered on basic and clinical sciences. America’s health systems science education was introduced to supplement the system. The full-scale introduction of health systems science has been promoted, mainly by the Korean Association of Medical Colleges. However, it does not fit into the current circumstance of Korean medical education circles. It is deemed that there are political reasons behind the push – the alignment of interests between the medical education circles and the government.</br>This study first examined the social and cultural circumstances behind the emergence of health systems science in America, focusing on pragmatism, a native American ideology, to critique the background of the introduction of the American system. It also discussed the negative aspects of pragmatism in American medical education in the cases of American educators Ralph Tyler and Abraham Flexner. Then, it specifically examined the background and reasons for introducing America’s health systems science to Korea and discussed the problems of directly introducing the health systems science to Korea without any adaptation process through a comparative analysis with existing medical humanities. Finally, it suggested a more desirable adaptation form of health systems science that can be considered for its implementation in Korea.
10
Laird, Frank N. "Sticky Policies, Dysfunctional Systems: Path Dependency and the Problems of Government Funding for Science in the United States". Minerva 58, nr 4 (11.06.2020): 513–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11024-020-09409-2.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract Leaders of the scientific community have declared that American science is in a crisis due to inadequate federal funding. They misconstrue the problem; its roots lie instead in the institutional interactions between federal funding agencies and higher education. After World War II, science policy elites advocated for a system of funding that addressed what they perceived at the time as their most pressing problems of science-government relations: the need for greater federal funding for science, especially to universities, while maintaining scientific autonomy in the distribution and use of those funds. The agencies that fund university research developed institutional rules, norms, and procedures that created unintended consequences when they interacted with those of American higher education. The project system for funding, justified by peer-review and coupled with rapidly increasing R&D budgets, created incentives for universities to expand their research programs massively, which led to unsustainable growth in the demand for federal research money. That system produced spectacular successes but also created the unintended longer-term problem that demand for science funding has grown more quickly than government funding ever could. Most analysts neglect potentially painful reforms that might address these problems. This case demonstrates that successful political coalitions can create intractable long-term problems for themselves.
11
Oreskes, Naomi, i Erik M. Conway. "From Anti-Government to Anti-Science: Why Conservatives Have Turned Against Science". Daedalus 151, nr 4 (2022): 98–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01946.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract Empirical data do not support the conclusion of a crisis of public trust in science. They do support the conclusion of a crisis of conservative trust in science: polls show that American attitudes toward science are highly polarized along political lines. In this essay, we argue that conservative hostility toward science is rooted in conservative hostility toward government regulation of the marketplace, which has morphed in recent decades into conservative hostility to government, tout court. This distrust was cultivated by conservative business leaders for nearly a century, but took strong hold during the Reagan administration, largely in response to scientific evidence of environmental crises that invited governmental response. Thus, science-particularly environmental and public health science-became the target of conservative anti-regulatory attitudes. We argue that contemporary distrust of science is mostly collateral damage, a spillover from carefully orchestrated conservative distrust of government.
12
Zelizer, Julian E. "Stephen Skowronek’s Building a New American State and the Origins of American Political Development". Social Science History 27, nr 3 (2003): 425–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012591.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This roundtable celebrates the twentieth anniversary of Stephen Skowronek’s Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877–1920 (1982). Skowronek’s book introduced scholars to the emerging field of historical institutionalism, offering an interdisciplinary approach to analyzing government and public policy. Tackling three different policy areas, the book offered a pathbreaking examination of institutional development and a treatment of political actors that moved beyond standard accounts of elites who responded only to societal or corporate demands. Building a New American State demonstrated how politics could be understood only historically, since current conditions were layered over preexisting institutions. Through this book, Skowronek became one of those rare authors able to influence scholarship in several academic fields. The theoretical and substantive insights of his book influenced the first and second generations of scholars who built the field of American Political Development, using historical data to examine how institutions structured politics over long periods of time and how policies reconfigured politics. This roundtable explores how this classic book affected the study of government in the disciplines of political science, history, and sociology. The authors discuss ways each discipline developed a distinct version of American Political Development. The roundtable also explores how the interdisciplinary project of historical institutionalism has evolved since the early 1980s and new directions in which the field might go.
13
Motta, Sara C. "Old Tools and New Movements in Latin America: Political Science as Gatekeeper or Intellectual Illuminator?" Latin American Politics and Society 51, nr 1 (2009): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00039.x.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractThis article argues that social democratic and orthodox Marxist conceptualizations of politics are unable to “engage in solidarity” with many new forms of Latin American popular politics. Such movements challenge the politics of representation, the market economy, and the state form by reinventing territorialized experiments in self-government, which politicize place, subjectivities, and social relations. Developing a critique of these frameworks of political analysis, this article argues that conceptual categories combining the insights of autonomist or open Marxism and poststructuralism and the critical reflections and theorizations by Latin America's newest social movements enable a deeper engagement with such movements. This critique challenges academics committed to progressive social change to reexamine long-held notions about the nature and agents of social transformation and the epistemological categories that orient our research. It argues that if we fail to do this, then we risk becoming gatekeepers of the status quo.
14
Durant, Robert F. "Taking Time Seriously: Progressivism, the Business–Social Science Nexus, and the Paradox of American Administrative Reform". PS: Political Science & Politics 47, nr 01 (29.12.2013): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001546.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In his classic book,Reflections on Public Administration, John Gaus (1947) wrote about the factors that he saw interacting to either increase or reduce growth in government in the United States. “I put before you,” he wrote, “a list of the factors which I have found useful as explaining the ebb and flow of the functions of government.” His “ecology of government” included changes in “people, place, physical technology, social technology, wishes and ideas, catastrophe, and personality.” He continued, “Such [are] the ‘raw material of politics’ and hence of administration [and] are in themselves the raw material of a science of administration” (9).
15
Sarmiento, Erica, i Rafael Araujo. "COVID-19 and its effects in Latin America: social crisis, forced migration and hazy perspectives". Ameryka Łacińska Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny, nr 112 (6.11.2021): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/20811152.2021.112.02.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Latin America became one of the epicenters of the pandemic due to the Sars-Cov-2 virus. One of the serious problems faced by Latin American populations is forced migration, which, like everything that concerns vulnerable populations, has increased in the pandemic. The cases of Central America and Mexico, a country considered one of the largest human corridors in the world, reached unthinkable levels of human rights violations, demonstrate this. This article addresses, we will discuss the political and socioeconomic effects of the pandemic resulting from the Sars-Cov-2 virus (COVID-19) in Latin America. Likewise, we will present, through the press and the reports of civil society organizations, how, in the middle of the pandemic, the criminalization and blaming of migrants in the speeches of the American government agencies was accentuated.
16
Reckhow, Sarah, Davia Downey i Joshua Sapotichne. "Governing Without Government: Nonprofit Governance in Detroit and Flint". Urban Affairs Review 56, nr 5 (12.05.2019): 1472–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087419847531.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Scholars across the social sciences have shown how economic, social, and political changes are weakening local governments and contributing to rising nonprofit activity in urban politics. But these trends could now add up to a new form of decision-making in some American cities. The convergence of public sector austerity and a burgeoning philanthropic and nonprofit sector have created space for what we call “nonprofit governance.” In some cities, nonprofit leaders can guide urban policy, sometimes with limited input from elected officials or citizens. First, we apply insights from studies in comparative politics to demonstrate how nonprofit leadership can expand, particularly in the context of a weak state. Next, we assess trends in public sector capacity, based on local government employment in Midwestern U.S. cities. We closely examine Detroit and Flint due to dramatic declines in local government capacity and recent public sector crises in both cities, focusing on the role of nonprofits in each. These leading-edge cases allow us to trace the development of nonprofit governance and explore different forms of nonprofit and local government relationships.
17
Li, Ping, i Chuanmao Tian. "Translation Policy, Social System, and Ideology: A Study on the English Translation of Modern Chinese Fiction for America During the CWRAJ". SAGE Open 11, nr 3 (lipiec 2021): 215824402110469. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211046944.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article explores translation policy on the English translations of modern Chinese fiction to American readers during China’s War of Resistance against Japan (1931–1945). The research findings show that translation policy may not be explicitly stated, but implicitly embodied in some political, diplomatic, and cultural policies made by the American and Chinese governments. Translation policy making as a social system is influenced by the political environment during the war. Different policy makers’ motives and policies change over time in reaction to each other with the course of the war, and the changing socio-political climate in China and the US had great effects on the English translations of Chinese fiction before the entry of the US into the war and after the US government became actively involved in translation projects. Moreover, the ideological preferences and political interests of the various actors shape actual translation practice—the selection of texts and actual choices in wording. This course of events affects the reception of these translations by the US public. In other words, the readership of these books grew after the Chinese government became allies in the war with the American government.
18
Hauck, Robert J. P. "Editor's Note: On Public Intellectuals". PS: Political Science & Politics 43, nr 04 (październik 2010): 649. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651000140x.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The public relevance of political science research has of late figured prominently in discussions within the profession. The Association's commitment to “public scholarship” has given rise to task forces examining what political science research has to say to policymakers about inequality and American democracy; inequality and difference in the developing world; political violence and terror; religion and American democracy; government indicators; and, most recently, democracy, economic security, and social justice in a volatile world.
19
LOCKE, HUBERT G., i HARRY W. REYNOLDS. "Ethics in American Government: A Look Backward". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 537, nr 1 (styczeń 1995): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716295537000003.
Pełny tekst źródła
20
Rubin, Charles T. "State of the art called American Government". Society 27, nr 6 (wrzesień 1990): 82–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02699103.
Pełny tekst źródła
21
Hamilton, Charles V., i Fredrick C. Harris. "A Conversation with Charles V. Hamilton". Annual Review of Political Science 21, nr 1 (11.05.2018): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-090117-120451.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Charles V. Hamilton is the Wallace Sayre Professor Emeritus of Political Science and Government at Columbia University. He is the author of several important books on the study of race and politics, focusing primarily on the African-American experience. He is the coauthor of Black Power: A Politics of Liberation with the late Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture), as well as The Black Preacher in America; Bench and the Ballot: Southern Federal Judges and Black Voters; Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: The Political Biography of an American Dilemma; and coauthor with Dona Cooper Hamilton of The Dual Agenda: Race and the Social Welfare Policies of Civil Rights Organizations. He was interviewed by Fredrick C. Harris, Dean of Social Science and Professor of Political Science at Columbia University, on July 13, 2017, at the University of Chicago. This is an edited transcript; a video of the entire interview can be viewed below or at http://www.annualreviews.org/r/charlesvhamilton .
22
Koch, Jeffrey W. "Partisanship and Non-Partisanship Among American Indians". American Politics Research 45, nr 4 (17.03.2016): 673–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x16637122.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This research examines the partisan inclinations of American Indians, a minority population with a complicated history with the U.S. government and American society. The empirical analyses identify Native Americans as preferring the Democratic Party over the Republican Party. The impact of being Native American on identification with the Democratic Party is sizable, equivalent to the effect for being Hispanic, Asian, or female. In addition, American Indians demonstrate a pronounced tendency to not affiliate with a major American political party. The higher incidence of non-identification among Native Americans likely results from the importance of their claims for sovereignty and, relatedly, living separate from much of American society. Unlike other broad-based social groups in American politics, Native Americans disseminate cues that reduce the tendency of their members to affiliate with a major political party.
23
Brunello, Anthony R. "The Tragic Fall of Better Angels: Nationalism, Neoliberalism, and the Failure of Responsibility in American Conservativism". World Affairs 184, nr 1 (marzec 2021): 8–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820021989682.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
American political conservatism is distinct from its counterparts in Europe and elsewhere in the world. American conservatives have long staked their claims on devotion to limited government and free-markets, but also on an image of responsibility. Conservatives posed as the “adult in the room,” admonishing the young, the anti-war types, social progressives, ultra-liberals, environmentalists, and socialists for their radicalism and immaturity. Conservatives defended tradition, rules, hierarchy, and social conventions. Today the roles are switching. Conservatives have morphed into a new political space, while many of their more progressive opponents call for rule of law and American institutions of democracy. Conservatives find themselves the problem rather than the solution, displaying a shortsighted and toxic immaturity destructive of democratic institutions. This article explores the transformation with a focus on developments occurring in the 21st century—in America and around the world.
24
Carreras, Miguel, Giancarlo Visconti i Igor Acácio. "The Trump Election and Attitudes toward the United States in Latin America". Public Opinion Quarterly 85, nr 4 (20.11.2021): 1092–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfab055.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract Did the election of Donald Trump have an immediate effect on trust in the US government in Latin America? While on the campaign trail, the Republican candidate used strong and derogatory language to describe Latin American countries and people and made policy proposals that could deteriorate US-Latin American relations. However, the effect of the Trump election on attitudes toward the United States might be null or minimal if Latin American citizens have strong priors and/or if they do not pay attention to political information. Therefore, it is not clear whether the 2016 election led to a rapid decline in trust in the US government in Latin America. Leveraging the timing of the field implementation of the 2016 wave of the AmericasBarometer in five Latin American countries, we estimate the effect of the 2016 presidential election on respondents’ attitudes using a regression discontinuity design in time. We find that the election of Trump substantively decreased respondents’ trust in the US government.
25
Pederson, JoEllen, i K. Russell Shekha. "Attitudes toward public pensions in Chile, Uruguay, and Venezuela: Testing self-interest and political ideology theories in Latin American countries". International Social Work 61, nr 2 (29.01.2016): 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872815617991.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The historical strength of Latin American public pension systems and the changes many countries are making in the contemporary period warrant understanding attitudes about public pensions in Latin America. Data were examined for three countries: Chile, Uruguay, and Venezuela, to see whether commonly tested welfare state theories explain individual differences in attitudes in these countries. Using basic multilevel modeling techniques, we find both individual- and country-level differences in attitudes toward government responsibility for and spending on public pensions. Understanding what predicts these attitudes in Latin America will help improve approaches to social welfare in this region.
26
Rahe, Paul A. "THE POLITICAL NEEDS OF A TOOLMAKING ANIMAL: MADISON, HAMILTON, LOCKE, AND THE QUESTION OF PROPERTY". Social Philosophy and Policy 22, nr 1 (styczeń 2005): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052505041014.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
When Benjamin Franklin suggested that man is by nature a tool-making animal, he summed up what was for his fellow Americans the common sense of the matter. It is not, then, surprising that, when Britain's colonists in North America broke with the mother country over the issue of an unrepresentative parliament's right to tax and govern the colonies, they defended their right to the property they owned on the ground that it was in a most thorough-going sense an extension of themselves: the fruits of their own labor. This understanding they learned from John Locke, who based the argument of his Two Treatises of Government on the unorthodox account of providence and of man's place within the natural world that Sir Francis Bacon had been the first to articulate. All of this helps explain why the framers of the American constitution included within it a clause giving sanction to property in ideas of practical use.
27
Barber, Benjamin R. "An American Civic Forum: Civil Society Between Market Individuals and the Political Community". Social Philosophy and Policy 13, nr 1 (1996): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001618.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The polarization of the individual and the community that underlies much of the debate between individualists and communitarians is made possible in part by the literal vanishingof civil society—the domain whose middling terms mediate the stark opposition of state and private sectors and offer women and men a space for activity that is both voluntary and public. Modern democratic ideology and the reality of our political practices sometimesseem to yield only a choice between elephantine and paternalistic government or a radically solipsistic and nearly anarchic private market sector—overnment gargantuanism or private greed.Americans do not much like either one. President Clinton's callfor national service draws us out of our selfishness without kindling any affection for government. Private markets service our avarice without causing us to like ourselves. The question of how America's decentralized and multi-vocal public can secure a coherentvoice in debates over public policy under the conditions precipitated by so hollow and disjunctive a dichotomy is perhaps the most important issue facing both the political theory and social science of democracy and the practice of democratic politics in America today. Two recent stories out of Washington suggest just how grave the situation has become. Health-care reform failed in a paroxysm of mutual recrimination highlighted by the successful campaign of the private sector (well represented in Congress) against a presidential program that seemed to be widely misunderstood. The public at large simply went missing in the debates.
28
Sparrow, Bartholomew H. "The Other Point of Departure: Tocqueville, the South, Equality, and the Lessons of Democracy". Studies in American Political Development 33, nr 02 (10.09.2019): 178–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000099.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Democracy in America has greatly influenced not only how political scientists think of democratic government, political equality, and liberalism in general, but also how we think of the United States as a whole. This article questions Tocqueville's interpretations of Americans’ habits and beliefs, given how little time Tocqueville actually spent in the South and the near West and given that he all but ignored the founding of Virginia and the other colonies not settled by the Puritans and for religious reasons. Contrary to Tocqueville's emphasis on the Puritan “point of departure,” I use historical evidence from the U.S. Census, state constitutions, and historical scholarship on slave ownership, tenant farming, political participation, and the American colonies and the early United States to show the existence of hierarchy among white Americans, rather than the ubiquitous social and political equality among European Americans described by Tocqueville. His writings actually indicate an awareness of another American culture in the South and near West—one that disregards education, condones coarse manners, tolerates aggressive behavior, and exhibits unrestrained greed—but Tocqueville does not integrate these observations into his larger conclusions about Americans’ mœurs and institutions. Because of the existence of these important, non-Puritan habits, the political institutions Tocqueville sees as facilitating democracy in America and hopes to apply to France and Europe may not have the effects he believes they will have.
29
Miller, Fred D. "THE RULE OF REASON IN PLATO'S STATESMAN AND THE AMERICAN FEDERALIST". Social Philosophy and Policy 24, nr 2 (29.05.2007): 90–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070185.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The Federalist, written by “Publius” (Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison) in 1787-1788 in defense of the proposed constitution of the United States, endorses a fundamental principle of political legitimacy: namely, “it is the reason of the public alone, that ought to control and regulate the government.” This essay argues that this principle—the rule of reason—may be traced back to Plato. Part I of the essay seeks to show that Plato's Statesman offers a clearer understanding of the rule of reason than his more famous Republic, and it also indicates how this principle gave rise to the ideal of constitutionalism, which was adopted and reformulated by Aristotle, Polybius, and Cicero, as well as moderns including Locke and Montesquieu. Part II argues that The Federalist agrees with Plato when it argues that popular sovereignty must be tempered by the rule of reason. A proper distance should be maintained between the people and the actual exercise of power in order that political decisions be based on reason rather than passion. The people must therefore act through a federal system divided between national government and state governments, and these governments must themselves possess separated powers which control each other by means of checks and balances. Indeed, federalism itself may be viewed as a modern counterpart of Plato's “art of weaving,” which unites naturally disparate and opposed parts of the city-state into a concordant whole. In declaring, “If men were angels, no government would be necessary,” The Federalist concedes that politics is the art of the possible. But statesmanship is not an exercise in pragmatism devoid of principles. Here “Publius” shares Plato's vision of politics as a “second sailing,” that is, an attempt to approximate the ideal of rational governance as far as possible in ordinary politics.
30
ALTMAN, DAVID, i ROSSANA CASTIGLIONI. "Determinants of Equitable Social Policy in Latin America (1990–2013)". Journal of Social Policy 49, nr 4 (4.10.2019): 763–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279419000734.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractThe fact that equitable social policy expanded drastically in Latin America during the left turn and during a time of prosperity does not necessarily mean that the ideological color of governing parties and economic growth are the engines behind changes in social policy, as is usually claimed by part of the literature. Using panel data from Latin American countries for 1990–2013, this paper offers an alternative explanation, derived from previous qualitative research, that the level of political competition, the strength of civil society, and wealth are the key factors behind the expansion of equitable social policy. Once these explanations are included in our models, the ideological leaning of governments and economic growth lose statistical significance. Thus, this paper challenges dominant approaches that consider social policy change in Latin America a consequence of the ideological leaning of the government and economic growth.
31
Skidmore, Max J. "Commentary: Modern Political Economy and Public Policy". World Affairs 182, nr 2 (3.04.2019): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019839079.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article directly and bluntly challenges traditional thought by casting aside conventional wisdom regarding the national economy, replacing it with Modern Political Economy and Public Policy. American national policies, I argue, should always, whenever possible, be universal, not targeted toward specific groups. Moreover, policies need to be crafted to achieve their goals, not to fit within budgetary constraints. The least government is the worst, not the best, and a miserly approach to spending is not “wise use of the taxpayers’ dollars.” The national government controls the currency, paying its bills in dollars. It issues dollars as needed, in whatever amount it chooses, and is unrestrained by the need to “find the money” or “pay-as-you-go.” Taxes are useful for purposes of regulation and control of income inequality, but are not relevant to expenditures. “Anything that is technically feasible,” I claim following Kelton and coauthors, “is financially affordable,” and there is no need to fear inflation so long as spending does not exceed the productive capacity of the economy. Despite conventional wisdom to the contrary, and regardless of the widely used jargon of politicians, when government spends, it is not using “The Taxpayers’ Money.”
32
CIEPLEY, DAVID. "Is the U.S. Government a Corporation? The Corporate Origins of Modern Constitutionalism". American Political Science Review 111, nr 2 (19.04.2017): 418–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000041.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The U.S. Constitution is best understood not as a “social contract,” but as a popularly issued corporate charter. The earliest American colonies were literal corporations of the Crown and, like all corporations, were ruled by limited governments established by their charters. From this, Americans derived their understanding of what a constitution is—the written charter of a sovereign that ordains and limits a government. The key Federalist innovation was to substitute the People for the King as the chartering sovereign. This effectively transferred the “governance technology” of the corporation to the civil government—including the practice of delegating authority via a written charter, charter amendment, and judicial review. Federalists used these corporate practices to frame a government that united seeming irreconcilables—a government energetic yet limited, republican yet mixed, popular yet antipopulist—yielding a corporate solution to the problem of arbitrary rule. Leading founders considered this new government a literal chartered corporation of the People.
33
Felice, Carmelo, i Gabriel Alfredo Ruiz. "Argentine Chaotic Term Length Series in an American Historical Context". Journal of Advanced Research in Social Sciences 6, nr 3 (28.08.2023): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/jarss.v6i3.937.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The political stability of a government system is crucial for achieving social, economic, and cultural growth of a people. Among other things, political stability depends on the norms that come from a state of rights. Several metrics have been proposed to measure political stability, such as the weighted sum of the number of revolutions or the index defined by the World Bank comprising 72 variables, which include subjective concepts, numerical parameters, and other variables. Therefore, it must be applied carefully to individual countries or to compare countries. No definitions in the related literature directly consider cultural factors and are limited to quantifying their practical effects, such as numbers of strikes or manifestations against a government. Concepts such as contempt for authority have not been directly quantified. In this part, we present two more indicators that account for the contempt for authority and permit a rapid quantitative and visual analysis of the political stability of a country or province throughout its history. They are, the social stability index that allows the general quantification of the social stability level at a historical moment, and the phase planes that graphically show the predominant chaotic system. These tools manifest the behavior patterns that affect the political stability of a country or province. Finally, we perform an in-depth analysis of the indicators for the Republic of Argentina between the 16th and 21st centuries, with the historical context of the more important Spanish and British colonization of the American continent. The results indicate 1) the permanence of socially toxic behavior patterns in Argentina and other Latin American countries, 2) inherited cultural causes could explain the high political instability in Argentina over the last 500 years and 3) a succession of singles term length by rulers during decades could be used to stabilize a country.
34
Kim, Dongkyu, Mi-son Kim i Cesar Villegas. "Organized Labor Strikes and Social Spending in Latin America: The Synchronizing Effect of Mass Protest". Latin American Politics and Society 62, nr 2 (23.03.2020): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.62.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
ABSTRACTThe theories and evidence about relationships between democracy and social spending in Latin America are highly contested. A recent study shows that collective protest by organized labor effectively increases social security and welfare spending, whereas mass protest does not have comparable effects on human capital spending in Latin American democracies. This article reexamines the analysis and demonstrates that organized labor alone cannot sway democratic governments. Labor strikes require the synchronizing effect of mass protest to obtain government concessions. Only through concurrent episodes of mass protest can organized labor overcome the numerical disadvantage of pressing democratic government for social welfare spending. In understanding the relationship between labor protests and social welfare spending through the lens of insider-outsider dichotomy, it is critical to consider the synchronizing effect of mass protests. The findings remain robust with alternative measures of democracy and various model specifications.
35
Роман Александрович, Пупыкин. "CHALLENGES TO POWER DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF LATIN AMERICAN AND RUSSIAN CASES". STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, nr 1 (marzec 2022): 197–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2022-1-1-197-203.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article analyzes the social and economic consequences of the new coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic based on Russian and Latin American cases. The choice is made due to the similarities of economic systems and the structure of state authorities. Political errors of the authorities, their causes, and effects for the countries of Brazil, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile, and Russia are under consideration. The implications for the penitentiary systems of the countries are compared and analyzed: Latin America followed global recommendations and reduced the number of detentions, increased the number of paroles; isolation and strict restrictions on visits were introduced in Russian prisons. The author highlighted the risks and vulnerabilities for the development of the Russian and Latin American regions, which are caused by the pandemic, including the ones on the international scale. The consequence of the pandemic was a change in the structure of government bodies in the compared regions, an increase in prices for raw materials, a crisis of migrants, personal psychological problems, etc. It is concluded that the COVID-19 pandemic in Latin America and Russia has led to the aggravation of previously existing problems in the social, economic, and political spheres of states.
36
Zerndt, Emily. "Historicizing the comparative survey of freedom: tracing the social trajectory of an influential indicator". Science in Context 33, nr 2 (czerwiec 2020): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889720000216.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
ArgumentThe Comparative Survey of Freedom, first published by Freedom House in 1973, is now the most widely used indicator of democracy by both academics and the U.S. government alike. However, literature examining the Survey’s origins is virtually nonexistent. In this article, I use archival records to challenge Freedom House’s retrospective account of the indicator’s creation. Rather than the outcome of a scientific methodology by multiple social scientists, the Survey was produced by a single political scientist, Raymond Gastil, according to his own hunches and impressions. How, then, did this indicator rise to such prominence? I argue that the Survey’s notoriety can be attributed to its early promotion in both political science and American foreign policy decision-making, as well as the fact that it fit the dominant scientific and political paradigms of the time.
37
Butler, Daniel M., i Jeffrey J. Harden. "Can Institutional Reform Protect Election Certification?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 708, nr 1 (lipiec 2023): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162241233131.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
After the 2020 presidential election, some state-level officials endorsed antidemocratic rhetoric, and a smaller faction took action against the election results. To fortify American democracy, safeguarding election certification from politically motivated interference is imperative. We explore the potential of nonpartisan certification of elections for mitigating antidemocratic actions, arguing that such a practice would shield the certification process from political pressures that might compel politicians to attempt election overturns. Through an original survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of Americans, we analyze how nonpartisan certification impacts elected officials’ public approval. The results indicate that our proposed reform is an incentive-compatible solution by which elites in government can maintain support without acting against the electoral process. Furthermore, we demonstrate that there is broad support among all segments of the public for empowering nonpartisan commissions to certify elections.
38
Silbey, Joel H. "Current Historiographic Trends in the Study of the Twentieth-Century Congress". Social Science History 24, nr 2 (2000): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010154.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Once upon a time, historians and political scientists expended a great deal of effort in tracing the complex development of the United States Congress in the twentieth century—a time, especially from the 1930s onward, during which Congress faced a remarkable expansion in government activity as a surge of new concerns, foreign and domestic, and, as a result, an unprecedented load of business, all but overwhelmed the institution. During this same time, Congress’s role within the American political system has been Social Science transformed in the face of the rise of the imperial presidency, the Supreme Court’s insistence on changing rules of representation, and the consequent shift in the institution’s makeup and internal power structure. Finally, public perceptions of Congress, increasingly negative as they have become, have had some significant impact on the transformation of Congress within the American political system as well (Sundquist 1981; Harris 1993; Rieselbach 1994).
39
SNIPE, T. D. "The Role of African American Males in Politics and Government". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 569, nr 1 (1.05.2000): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716200569001002.
Pełny tekst źródła
40
Mendel, Stuart C. "Are Private Government, the Nonprofit Sector, and Civil Society the Same Thing?" Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 39, nr 4 (12.06.2009): 717–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764009337897.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article argues that the concept of private government contributes to an elegant framework for understanding the public and private nature of American civil society. Private government has two distinct elements comprised of the interests of businesses and nonprofit organizations that exercise power to interact with government to achieve their specific goals and objectives. This new, yet familiar, lens on which to consider the role of the nonprofit sector in the United States and the manner in which it interacts with government policy makers and business decision makers adds clarity to the muddle of terminology scholars have assembled to classify and characterize one of American society’s most distinguishing features. The article will be of interest to domestic and international scholars seeking yet another tool to compare nongovernmental organizations and the particular character of civil society in countries that do not have the same political traditions as the United States.
41
Miller, Lisa L. "Racialized Anti-Statism and the Failure of the American State". Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 6, nr 1 (12.01.2021): 120–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2020.41.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractHow well do we understand the political moment in which we find ourselves in the wake of the Trump presidency? The United States has long failed to keep up with its democratic peers on a wide range of social outcomes but the struggle to keep a pandemic at bay, coupled with increases in social violence and new uprisings over state violence have exposed the failures of the American state in a stark manner. While research on political attitudes continues to offer crucial insights into what Americans want from government and how race, class, and gender are formative dimensions of public opinion, we know considerably less about how these attitudes intersect with the highly fragmented and decentralized nature of U.S. political institutions. In this essay, I offer a framework for understanding our current moment through the lens of racialized anti-statism and state failure. I focus on the intersection of two reinforcing and overlapping features of the U.S. political system: the highly fragmented, veto-laden structure of American politics and the persistence of anti-egalitarian movements. By situating our analysis at this intersection, we observe the convergence of racial and economic power in an anti-statist alliance that undermines American state-building, even when large majorities of Americans favor it.
42
Nicgorski, Walter. "Yves R. Simon: A Philosopher's Quest for Science and Prudence". Review of Politics 71, nr 1 (2009): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670509000060.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractThis essay treats the inspiration and nature of Yves Simon's philosophical life. His embrace of that life was importantly shaped by his engagement with the republican tradition in France, his passionate opposition to the fascist threat to France, and his later attachment to the aspirations of American democracy. However, his early philosophical interests took direction and inspiration from his encounter with Jacques Maritain who drew him to Thomism. His devotion to the truth was fierce, and he confronted honestly the threats to this defining quality of philosophical life from the pressures of social conformity and from the discouragement of seeing the inadequacies and disagreements in the history of philosophy. He came, as especially evident in his most influential book, Philosophy of Democratic Government, to esteem highly the virtue of prudence, seeking to protect it from both philosophy and social science.
43
Weiss, Elizabeth. "Kennewick Man's Funeral: the Burying of Scientific Evidence". Politics and the Life Sciences 20, nr 1 (marzec 2001): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400005141.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Kennewick Man, an early Holocene (9,000 years old) skeleton found in Washington State in 1996, has been a lightening rod for political discussion. Due to his alleged Caucasoid features, Kennewick Man controversially called into question who first peopled the Americas. A projectile point lodged in his hip also catapulted him to celebrity status. Spared the quick (within ninety days after an inquiry) repatriation typically required under the 1990 federal Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), Kennewick Man was fully examined by a team of scientists chosen by the government who were forbidden to discuss their findings. Although the team concluded that Kennewick Man has cranial features associated with both Caucasoids and modern Native Americans, he is considered mainly to resemble modern Japanese Ainu, Polynesians, and Southeast Asians, as are other early Amerindian finds. Despite the resolution of early controversies, Kennewick Man continues as a symbol of the ideology of repatriation. In this article, I review the evidence for my belief that, taken to an extreme, the demand to bury aboriginal skeletons, not only in America but also around the world, poses a potentially serious impediment to scientific enquiry.
44
Eid, Mahmoud, i Jenna Bresolin Slade. "A Triad of Crisis Communication in the United States". International Journal of Technoethics 3, nr 4 (październik 2012): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jte.2012100101.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The United States experienced a core-shaking tumble from their pedestal of superpower at the beginning of the 21st century, facing three intertwined crises which revealed a need for change: the financial system collapse, lack of proper healthcare and government turmoil, and growing impatience with the War on Terror. This paper explores the American governments’ and citizens’ use of social network sites (SNS), namely Facebook and YouTube, to conceptualize and debate about national crises, in order to bring about social change, a notion that is synonymous with societal improvement on a national level. Drawing on democratic theories of communication, the public sphere, and emerging scholarship on the Right to Communicate, this study reveals the advantageous nature of SNS for political means: from citizen to citizen, government to citizen, and citizen to government. Furthermore, SNS promote government transparency, and provide citizens with a forum to pose questions to the White House, exchange ideas, and generate goals and strategies necessary for social change. While it remains the government’s responsibility to promote such exchanges, the onus remains with citizens to extend their participation to active engagement outside of SNS if social change is to occur. The Obama Administration’s unique affinity to SNS usage is explored to extrapolate knowledge of SNS in a political context during times of crises.
45
Jensen, Jakob Linaa, i Sander Andreas Schwartz. "Introduction: A Decade of Social Media Elections". Social Media + Society 8, nr 1 (styczeń 2022): 205630512110634. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211063461.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Social media has been a part of election campaigns for more than a decade. In this special issue, we combine longitudinal and cross-national studies of social media in election campaigns, expanding the time span as well as number of countries compared to former comparative studies. The four papers present examples of longitudinal studies, covering multiple election cycles from four different countries: Australia, the United States of America, Denmark, and Italy. By including the countries mentioned, we focus on countries considered to be “first movers” when it comes to the digitization and internetization of the political life. As such, they are “most similar cases.” However, they also have different political systems: the United States and Australia are characterized by a Westminster system dominated by a few large parties and a tradition of strong confrontation between government and opposition, whereas Denmark and Italy are multi-party systems with a tradition of collaboration and coalition governments. Technologically, the four countries might be similar, but politically and in terms of media systems, they differ; the United States is characterized by a commercialized American media system with little role for public service broadcasters, Denmark has very strong public service media, and Australia has elements of both these systems. Finally, Italy represents a Southern European media system with traces of clientelism as well as public service media. Thus, studies of the four countries form a diverse yet solid set of cases for exploring the growing (and changing) role of social media in national elections.
46
DeCanio, Samuel. "State Autonomy and American Political Development: How Mass Democracy Promoted State Power". Studies in American Political Development 19, nr 2 (październik 2005): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x05000088.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the 1980s, many scholars of both comparative and American politics argued that states often act autonomously from social demands. Rejecting reductionist assumptions regarding the primacy of social groups for public policy, both groups of scholars examine how government actors and preexisting institutional constraints influenced policy implementation. Since then, however, while the state has been retained as the primary unit of analysis for most studies of American political development, interest in the autonomy of the state has dwindled, and scholars have increasingly focused on how social groups and electoral outcomes explain state formation and public policy, especially in the nineteenth century. In some instances, scholars have even denied that state autonomy is a relevant concept for the study of American political development.
47
TAIRA, KOJI. "Japan, an Imminent Hegemon?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 513, nr 1 (styczeń 1991): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716291513001013.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Japan has been thrust into a leading role in world affairs by its own economic success and by the confluence of two powerful global trends: (1) hegemonic cycles that anticipate the rise of a new hegemon as a consequence of the relative decline of the United States, and (2) the end of history itself, which revolutionizes the meaning of hegemony and international order. Japan's hegemonic qualifications are examined with respect to economic resources by which to finance hegemony and its ability and will to lead the world. Japanese-style hegemony is inferred from the known characteristics of government-business relations in Japan and evaluated in the context of U.S.-Japanese relations. It is concluded that the Pax Americana is hardly dead and that Japan finds it more advantageous to fit into modified American hegemony than to go it alone by replacing America as a new hegemon.
48
Garland, David. "Penal controls and social controls: Toward a theory of American penal exceptionalism". Punishment & Society 22, nr 3 (25.11.2019): 321–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474519881992.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article argues that to explain American penal exceptionalism, we have to consider America’s exceptional levels of punishment together with America’s exceptional levels of violence and disorder, while understanding both of these as outcomes of America’s distinctive political economy. After specifying the multiple respects in which American penality is a comparative outlier, the article develops a new theorization of modes of penal action that reveals the extent to which the US has come to rely on penal controls rather than other kinds of punishment. This over-reliance on penal controls is viewed as an adaptation to the weakness of non-penal social controls in American communities. These social control deficits are, in turn, attributed to America’s ultra-liberal political economy, which is seen as having detrimental effects for the functioning of families and communities, tending to reduce the effectiveness of informal social controls and to generate high levels of neighborhood disorganization and violence. The same political economy limits the capacity of government to respond to these structurally generated problems using the social policy interventions characteristic of more fully developed welfare states. The result is a marked bias toward the use of penal controls.
49
Weir, Margaret. "States, Race, and the Decline of New Deal Liberalism". Studies in American Political Development 19, nr 2 (październik 2005): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x05000106.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
There is no escaping the New Deal's pivotal place in studies of twentieth-century American politics. Social scientists have vigorously debated the causes of the New Deal's distinctive features and continue to argue about its consequences for subsequent American political development. The predominant perspective advances a coherent linear history in which the central features of New Deal reform shape the understanding of political developments both before and after the 1930s. The era of Progressive reform is viewed as a precursor to the expanded public power and the practice of activist government that was consolidated in the 1930s. The Great Society is the effort to extend the benefits of liberal reform to African Americans, who had reaped only scant benefits from the central achievements of New Deal reform. When this effort went “too far,” it resulted in a far-reaching backlash against activist government. The “rise and fall” of a New Deal order that had the creation of active government at its core has thus provided a central narrative for the study of twentieth-century politics.
50
Graham, Hugh Davis. "Legacies of the 1960s: The American “Rights Revolution” in an Era of Divided Governance". Journal of Policy History 10, nr 3 (lipiec 1998): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005686.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Scholarship on the political development of the United States since the 1960s is dominated, not surprisingly, by social scientists. Such recent events fall within the penumbra of “contemporary history,” the standard research domain of social scientists but treacherous terrain for historians. Social scientists studying American government and society generally enjoy prompt access to evidence of the policy-making process–documents from the elected and judicial branches of government, interviews with policy elites, voting returns, survey research. Historians of the recent past, on the other hand, generally lack two crucial ingredients–temporal perspective and archival evidence–that distinguish historical analysis from social science research. For these reasons, social scientists (and journalists) customarily define the initial terms of policy debate and shape the conventional wisdom. Historians weigh in later, when memories fade, archives open, and the clock adds a relentless and inherently revisionist accumulation of hindsight.