Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Social and Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Social and Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 27 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 28 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Social and Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History"

Podolsky, Vadim. "History of the social policy in the United Kingdom". Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, nr 5 (2021): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086904990016102-4.

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In the XVII century Great Britain became the first country in the world with a full-scale system of social support, which was regulated at the state level. The “Old Poor Law” of 1601 and the “New Poor Law” of 1834 are well-studied in both foreign and Russian science, but the solutions that preceded them are less known. The aim of this study is to describe the development of social policy in Great Britain up to 1834, when the system of assistance to people in need was redesigned according to the liberal logic of minimal interference of the state. The article is based on comparative and historic approach and analysis of legal documents. It demonstrates the evolution of institutions and practices of social support in Great Britain. In this country social policy grew from church and private charity and developed at local level under centrally defined rules. Consistent presentation of social policy history in Great Britain is valuable for studies of charity, local self-government and social policy.

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BELL, JONATHAN. "SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE RISE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN CALIFORNIA, 1950–1964". Historical Journal 49, nr 2 (czerwiec 2006): 497–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005309.

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In the 1950s the Democratic Party in California grew from a struggling, rump organization into the major political party in the state. This was in large part due to the activities of a network of liberal activists in the California Democratic Council, a group formed in 1953 to encourage the creation of local Democratic ‘clubs’ across California in which those interested in left-of-centre politics could debate issues of the day and campaign for Democratic candidates in elections. This article argues that the rise of the Democrats in the Golden State was predicated on the espousal by both amateur activists and party politicians of an explicitly social democratic ideology that provided a bridge between the policies of the New Deal in the 1930s and the more ambitious goals of the Great Society at the national level in the 1960s. The article examines the ideas embraced by liberal politicians in the 1950s and looks at how those ideas underpinned a massive expansion of California's welfare state in the early 1960s.

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Bromund, Ted R. "Uniting the whole people: proportional representation in Great Britain, 1884–5, reconsidered*". Historical Research 74, nr 183 (1.02.2001): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00117.

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Abstract This article examines the ideological context and political role of proportional representation in the reform crisis of 1884–5. It demonstrates that proportional representation was part of a broader liberal project to promote social cohesion both at home and in the empire. As shown by the cross-bench support for the Proportional Representation Society, proportional representation roused unexpected enthusiasm in the Commons in 1884. It was rejected because single-member districts were more acceptable to Gladstone while promising to achieve the same narrowly political ends as proportional representation, though not its liberal purposes. This reconsideration of proportional representation revises the history of the reform crisis and lends support to the contention that Victorian liberalism emphasized not rights-based individualism but rather the building of voluntary communities.

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Lubenow, W. C. "Irish Home Rule and the Social Basis of the Great Separation in the Liberal Party in 1886". Historical Journal 28, nr 1 (marzec 1985): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00002247.

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Though Mr Gladstone was speaking of the opposition to home rule in the country, rather than in the parliamentary Liberal party alone in the statement quoted above, this has become the rather standard interpretation of the great separation in the Liberal party in 1886. As one modern historian of the Liberal disruption puts it, ‘a striking characteristic of modern British history has been the class alignment of political parties… The Liberal Unionist party (those who seceded on the home rule question) was a half-way house, which entertained for a time much of the wealth and territorial influence which had been Liberal and was to be Conservative.’ One of the most influential historians of late-nineteenth-century Britain puts the issue in broader terms. The origins of Conservative dominance as well as the leakage of the landed and business classes to the Conservative party, Sir Robert Ensor argues, are to be found in the undermining of English and Irish agriculture by the invasion of North American wheat. This produced, in turn, agrarian revolution in Ireland, the rise of violent nationalism in Ireland, the growth of social and political conflict, and, ultimately, the rejection of Irish political demands by the English. Yet another attributes the fall of Gladstone's third ministry to a general revolt against the Liberal party by railway directors and other businessmen who had been alerted to the dangers to property which the government's railway policies implied. This theme has been taken up and many have come to argue that class voting emerged in 1886 when the upper – and middle-class Liberals, taking home rule as an excuse, departed to the Conservatives in a reaction against growing social radicalism.

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Devlin, Carol A. "The Eucharistic Procession of 1908: The Dilemma of the Liberal Government". Church History 63, nr 3 (wrzesień 1994): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167537.

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In September 1908 the British Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith, offended Roman Catholics by cancelling the procession of the Blessed Sacrament, which was to have been the climax of the 1908 international Eucharistic Congress. This incident illustrates the persistence of religious extremism as a disruptive force in British politics and the muddled manner in which Asquith's government dealt with crises. As early as 1900 social and economic issues had become the dominant focus of British politics, and Great Britain had established a reputation for religious toleration. In spite of the growing trend toward secularism, militant Protestants continued to agitate against Catholicism by resurrecting archaic laws restricting Catholic rituals.

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Trentmann, Frank. "Wealth Versus Welfare: the British Left Between Free Trade and National Political Economy Before the First World War*". Historical Research 70, nr 171 (1.02.1997): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00032.

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Abstract The convergence of Free trade liberalism and radicalism was a central feature of British political culture after Chartism. This article explores the emergence of alternative visions of political economy on the left in the late Victorian and Edwardian period. Against the conventional view of a shared liberal Free Trade culture, it finds a plurality of languages. An interpretation of how Labour, social democrats, socialists and Fabians understood Britain's development under Free Trade reveals an alternative spectrum of popular ideas about society and economy. In the Independent Labour Party, opposition to protectionism was linked to support for some trade regulation and a more balanced economy. It was tied to a cultural and economic critique of competitive exchange, social dislocation and commercial dependence under Free Trade capitalism. The economic critique co‐existed with political internationalism and turned Labour's position into one of socialist‐radical dualism. This is compared to nationalist and imperialist socialist positions in Britain and abroad. The movement towards national political economy provided a link between older radical notions of moral economy and co‐operation and more collectivist notions of economic order and state regulation. It marked a step in the evolution from mid Victorian popular liberalism to social democracy and from Free Trade to the welfare state.

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Djordjevic, Srdjan, Milan Palevic i Milan Rapajic. "Coalition Government and Possible Course of UK Political and Electoral System Reform after 2010 Parliamentary Elections". Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 11, nr 2 (11.04.2013): 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/327.

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In this paper the authors analyse the current state of affairs of a political system in theory and constitutional practice popularly termed the Westminster system, which also played the role of a prototype to ex-British dominions and some other countries. Exceptional for its longevity, it is also an example of stability and social consensuality about fundamental values. However, although this state creation has a monopoly in expressive symbolism, some weaknesses have been identified when it comes to the symbols and main elements of this system. One of its weak points is a two - party system of government, devoid of liveliness in a political process with latent agreement of different generations, and, in essence, the same or cosmetically changed political establishment. Consistence of government of one or another party is caused by nature of the electoral system, whose main characteristics are the surplus of inequity and deficit of modernity. Discussing the recent elections in Great Britain, authors give them the label of elections with precedent, especially because of the new type of government – the coalition cabinet, and they also consider the new people in official politics and their voice in the system of political relations – members of the third party, Liberal – Democrats. The issue of electoral system and directions of its reform remains open, which will inevitably lead to introducing changes into the political system.

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Teichgraeber, Richard F. "‘Less Abused than I had Reason to Expect’: The Reception of The Wealth of Nations in Britain, 1776–90". Historical Journal 30, nr 2 (czerwiec 1987): 337–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021476.

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When Adam Smith set out to re-shape the dominant economic policies and assumptions of his time, he knew success in pressing for ‘free trade’ would depend on his ability to imprint his views on the minds of contemporary statesmen and legislators. But he was never confident that this operation might take place during his lifetime. In the Wealth of Nations, he declared that to expect freedom of trade to be accepted entirely in Great Britain was ‘as absurd as to expect that an Oceana or Utopia should ever be established in it’, and this was by no means an offhand remark. Much of the massive book was coloured by Smith's awareness that liberal economic doctrines, whatever their considerable intellectual merits, ran far ahead of actual political and social attitudes in eighteenth-century Europe. In the first half of the nineteenth century, a variety of political and economic developments of course refuted Smith's view that ‘free trade’ was an unattainable ideal. But the historical verification of his economic thinking was a slow, difficult, and limited process.

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Neima, Anna. "Dartington Hall and the Quest for ‘Life in its Completeness’, 1925–45". History Workshop Journal 88 (2019): 111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbz029.

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Abstract In the wake of the First World War, reformers across the Western world questioned laissez-faire liberalism, the self-oriented and market-driven ruling doctrine of the nineteenth century. This philosophy was blamed, variously, for the war, for industrialization and for urbanization; for a way of life shorn of any meaning beyond getting and keeping; for the too great faith in materialism and in science; and for the loss of a higher, transcendent meaning that gave a unifying purpose to individual existence and to society as a whole. For many, the cure to these ills lay in reforming the liberal social framework in ways that made it more fulfilling to the whole person and that strengthened ties between individuals. This article looks at Dartington Hall as an outstanding practical example of this impulse to promote holistic, integrated living – exploring the project as an interlinked constellation of experiments in education, the arts, agriculture and social organization; and also looking at how Dartington’s philosophy and trajectory matched those of other such enterprises begun in interwar Britain and further afield, making it a bellwether of changes in reformist thinking across the century.

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Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War". International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (kwiecień 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.

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For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Social and Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History"

Häusler, Clemens Albert Josef. "The transatlantic exchange between American liberals, British Labourites, and German social democrats from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609089.

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Redman, Lydia Catherine. "Industrial conflict, social reform and competition for power under the Liberal governments 1906-1914". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708257.

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TURNER, VOAKES Lucy. "English liberal culture and the Italian question, c. 1850-1918". Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/26094.

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Defence date: 30 January 2009
Examining board: Prof. Martin van Gelderen (European University Institute)-supervisor ; Prof. Sebastian Conrad (European University Institute) ; Prof. Lucy Riall (Birkbeck College, University of London) ; Prof. Norman Vance (University of Sussex)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The years between 1850 and 1918 in Britain saw the ascendancy of political Liberalism. The same period in Italy included the central years of the Risorgimento, a process of economic, social and cultural revival during which foreign rulers were expelled from the Italian peninsula, and the various Italian states unified. The aim of the thesis is to trace the Victorian debate on the Italian Question – the question of whether, if and how Italy might be united as a single nation – in order to shed new light on English Liberal culture, understood both as a system of governing values and as the common languages and media through which these were communicated.

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Książki na temat "Social and Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History"

Winfield, Rif. Liberals in Parliament: An electoral history 1924-1994. Llanrhystud: R. Winfield, 1994.

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John, Stevenson. Third party politics since 1945: Liberals, Alliance and LiberalDemocrats. Oxford: Blackwell, 1993.

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Duncan, Brack, i Little Tony, red. Great Liberal speeches. London: Politico's Pub., 2001.

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1962-, Dale Iain, i Liberal Party (Great Britain), red. Liberal Party general election manifestos, 1900-1997. London: Routledge, 2000.

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Joyce, Peter. Realignment of the left?: A history of the relationship between the Liberal Democrat and Labour parties. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1999.

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Desai, Radhika. Intellectuals and socialism: "Social Democrats" and the British Labour Party. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1994.

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Stefan, Berger. The British Labour Party and the German Social Democrats, 1900-1931. Oxford [England]: Clarendon Press, 1994.

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Emy, Hugh V. Liberals, radicals, and social politics, 1892-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Kushner, Tony. The Holocaust and the liberal imagination: A social and cultural history. Oxford, UK: B. Blackwell, 1994.

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Cultivating Victorians: Liberal culture and the aesthetic. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004.

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Części książek na temat "Social and Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History"

Torrance, David. "The ‘Strange Death’ of Liberal Scotland: 1922–1946". W A History of the Scottish Liberals and Liberal Democrats, 71–84. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399506380.003.0005.

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Although the Liberals in Scotland (as in the rest of Great Britain) remained a sizeable political force until the late 1920s, by the following decade the party was riven by splits and moribund organisationally. With Labour now one of two parties of government, Scottish Liberalism struggled to articulate its arguments in a vastly altered political landscape. This chapter looks at the Scottish Liberal Federation’s attempts to regain relevance, often as part of the various coalitions which characterised British politics during this period.

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McKibbin, Ross. "Great Britain". W Twisted Paths, 33–59. Oxford University PressOxford, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199281855.003.0003.

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Abstract Of all the major European powers, Britain’s history between 1914 and 1945 is probably the most exceptional. Alone of these powers she fought in both world wars from their beginning to their end. In 1914 she was one of five (six if we include Italy) European states of roughly comparable power. In 1945 she was one of only two; and much weaker militarily than the other, the Soviet Union. But undefeated she remained. She was the first European state to be affected by mass unemployment; but the international depression of the 1930s struck her comparatively lightly. For a substantial part of the population the 1930s meant steadily rising living standards and ‘modernity’ in social and economic life. Despite real class tension in the early 1920s, the decline of the great Liberal Party, and the rapid growth of a mass working-class party, the Labour Party, Britain’s political institutions— unlike those of the other major European states— retained a high degree of legitimacy and supported a remarkably stable political and social structure.

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