Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Self-determination, national – serbia – kosovo

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Self-determination, national – serbia – kosovo”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 25 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Self-determination, national – serbia – kosovo"

Mladenovich, M., i M. Tomic. "The unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo and Metohija is a precedent in international politics". Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, nr 1 (2023): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.1.10.

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The attempt to secede from Kosovo, which began in the nineties of the twentieth century, ended with NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia, which formally usurped the southern Serbian province by the most powerful Western countries. The threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia by the armed aggression of the NATO Pact is a unique example of the violation of all existing international legal norms prohibiting aggression against a sovereign and independent state. It is emphasized that even with the introduction of the Interim International Administration (UNMIK), the security situation has not stabilized. The political decisions of the representatives of the international community were framed in the paradigm of “absolute independence” of Kosovo and Metohija, despite the dissatisfaction of the then top officials of the Republic of Serbia. The illegal attempt to secede from Kosovo and Metohija through the adoption of the Declaration of Independence in 2008 by representatives of the Albanian national minority raised a number of political, economic and social questions about the strategy of the subjects and forces of the national security system of the Republic of Serbia. It is indicated that the ongoing dialogue between representatives of the Provisional Kosovo Institutions and representatives of the Republic of Serbia contributed to the signing of agreements in various fields. However, their implementation has a negative impact on the sovereignty, i.e. the jurisdiction of the institutions of the Republic of Serbia. The international administration created to date has failed to ensure the implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1244. The article analyzes the dynamics of events that led to the unilateral declaration of independence in violation of all norms of international law, including the right to political self-determination. The results of the work indicate an uneven interpretation of some norms regulating the status of national minorities (in this case, Albanians), as well as an attempt by Western countries to impose a solution to the Kosovo problem on the Republic of Serbia exclusively through various forms of recognition of the so-called independence.

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Glišin, Vanja, i Ljubiša Despotović. "The geopolitical and security aspects of the Kosovo-Metohija knot". Vojno delo 74, nr 3 (2022): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203003g.

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Due to the intertwined and parallel interests of the great powers in Kosovo and Metohija, a kind of geopolitical knot has been created, as a field of aggressive geopolitical actions by non-Balkan and Balkan neighbouring political factors, which is reflected in current events, making them politically and security complex. After 2008, we have witnessed the unilaterally recognized so-called independence of Kosovo, which continued the process of internal transition and territorial fragmentation of Serbia that is clearly marked as a challenge and threat even in the current geopolitical and security context. Therefore, the paper has tried to show and explain the importance of the southern Serbian province, first of all emphasizing its geographical and geopolitical importance as a central area on the Balkan Peninsula, which makes it very important for the control of traffic, economic, communication, strategic and other corridors. The second part of the paper presents a geopolitical analysis of the current events in the south of Serbia and the consequences for the country's internal political structure and international position. In addition, the security aspects of the Kosovo-Metohija knot have been analysed, with a focus on national security and security problems caused by the violent exclusion of the Serbian territory and the self-proclamation of the so-called independence of Kosovo, in order to find sustainable solutions for the security situation in the south of Serbia.

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Dimitrijevic, Dusko, Ivona Ladjevac i Mihajlo Vucic. "The analysis of un activities in resolving the issue of Kosovo and Metohija". Medjunarodni problemi 64, nr 4 (2012): 442–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1204442d.

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After the Security Council had established the international administration in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self- Government in Kosovo, which defined the status of the Serbian southern province as a whole and indivisible territorial entity under the interim international administration. The Constitutional Framework is regulated as a substantial transfer of state responsibilities by the peoples of Kosovo and Metohija to the provisional institutions of self-government and it should ?enjoy substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia?. This institutional development is aimed at establishing constructive cooperation among various ethnic communities in order to build a common democratic state. Since this solution is not quite legally balanced, it could not go without any negative consequences in terms of national sovereignty. The suspension of sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija has eventually contributed to creating of the conditions for the socalled unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Kosovo. The analysis of the activities undertaken in the field of resolving the status issue after the unilateral declaration of independence of 17 February 2008 suggests that the solution for the Kosovo and Metohija should be primarily sought within the United Nations system.

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Kastrati, Ardian. "The Role of Education for Identity Formation Among Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo: the Application of the Difference-Blinded Approach for Establishing Citizenship Regime in a Multi-Cultural Society". European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 6, nr 1 (30.04.2016): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i1.p146-153.

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As a result of striving accession to the EU, all states in southeast Europe have as precondition to solve inter ethnic conflicts and to balance the system in a way that makes the relations between dominant group and minorities one of the mutual respect, based upon the principle of non discrimination. In Western Balkans some of the most controversial issues in the past decade have revolved around the educational rights. The fragile society of Kosovo faces many challenges, and the system of education is just one of them. The ongoing dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo and painful process of state building often overshadows important educational issues. The educational system of Kosovo is segregated, extremely divisive and highly politicized. It is widely accepted that education has strong impact on individual’s identity formation. In this context ethnicity, nationality and citizenship constitute just a few of the possible identities within the individual’s self-conception being the most relevant to the relationship between citizen and the state. In the analyses of the theoretical foundations of multiculturalism the role of education in a culturally diverse society is very important for identity formation based on the concept of the citizenship as identity. By constitution Kosovo is a multicultural society but the meanings and expressions of this are contested both within the dominant Albanian majority and Serbian minority. Conceiving comprehensive discussions if Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo in the future could potentially accept to identify themselves through the citizenship of the new state before their ethnic and national based identities (cross linked with Albania respectively Serbia), it is a broad topic and beyond the scope of this paper, but for the purpose of this study the concept of the citizenship as identity is considered only in a narrower context - that of the role of education in identity formation

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Munn, Jamie. "Gendered Realities of Life in Post-Conflict Kosovo: Addressing the Hegemonic Man*". Nationalities Papers 34, nr 3 (lipiec 2006): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766552.

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In 2005, years after an enforced peace was constructed between Serbia and its Albanian-majority province Kosovo, the outcome of a better life for ordinary citizens seemed yet to be fulfilled. However, this was not the most important change in the lives of Kosovars. I will argue that the lives of Kosovars are characterised by a lack of economic growth and the increased importance of the normative concept of the hegemonic man. Kosovars, like many “traditionally” patriarchal societies, have constructed identities of the patriotic man and the exalted childbearing woman as icons of national survival. These designated identities often negate the realities of war-affected communities. The gendered places of man and woman in political reality are marred by the traumatic events of life. Within this framework, I analyze interviews with people who have developed “alternative” identities or, as phrased by Carver, “bonded” senses of self-esteem as a result of viewing themselves as somewhat unable to live up to the iconic emblem. In the context of a continued occupation of the province by both the international bodies assigned to the province and the Serbian state (Kosovo is not yet independent from Serbia), one of the main questions asked by many Kosovars today remains: “What was the war about if not independence and where are the spoils of victory?”

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Kagramanov, A. K. "Right to Self-Determination of Peoples and the Emerging World Order". Actual Problems of Russian Law 18, nr 4 (27.01.2023): 154–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2023.149.4.154-163.

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In the paper, the author attempted to reveal the influence of the idea of self-determination on the emerging (in the historical and legal context) world order, taking into account the rapidly developing political and legal processes in the 18th-21st centuries. Attention is given to the use of the relevant law by certain states in their national interests, which, in the conditions of instability of the international system, makes self-determination an object of numerous influences, interpretations and restrictions. Considering cases from international practice and documents, the author concludes that over the centuries the concept of self-determination has undergone many transformations and was considered as a tool for redrawing the borders of Europe in the early and middle of the 19th century, after the end of the First World War and before the collapse of the USSR and Yugoslavia. As a mechanism of decolonization, and at the turn of the 20th–21st centuries — as a tool for fragmenting the political map of the world using the ethnic factor as a basis. Quite interesting are the conclusions about the impact of the institution of human rights, remedial secession, external and internal forms of self-determination, globalization processes on the development of the relevant law. The paper, along with other examples, examines the impact of real politics and the existence of double standards when considering issues of international legal recognition of Kosovo in the event of secession from Serbia and the annexation of Crimea to the Russian Federation.

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Brändle, Fabian, i Christian Koller. "The Swiss Connection: Football, Migration, and Kosovar Diaspora Nation-Building". STADION 46, nr 1 (2022): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2022-1-74.

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Departing from the “double-eagle affair” at the World Cup 2018, this article analyses several dimensions of the “Swiss connection” between football, migration and Kosovar diaspora nation-building in the early 21st century. After a massive influx of Kosovar refugees during the 1990s, the Kosovar community in Switzerland included around 200.000 people in the early 21st century. Some of them founded migrant football clubs, and a number of players with Kosovar roots even pursued international careers as professionals. Two of them, Granit Xhaka and Xherdan Shaqiri, caused quite a stir when celebrating their goals as Swiss national players against Serbia at the 2018 World Cup with the hand gesture of the Albanian double-eagle. Yet, the Kosovar “Swiss connection” in football has several other dimensions: The admission of Kosovo to FIFA and UEFA wasn’t only supported by the Swiss Football Association (and indirectly by the Swiss government’s favourable stance regarding Kosovar independence), but even more so by Swiss national players with Kosovar roots. The newly established national team of Kosovo profited from players brought up in Switzerland as well as a Swiss coach, whilst on the other hand several key players of the Swiss national team of the early 21st century were of Kosovar extraction. This, together with the good performance of immigrant teams such as FC Kosova Zurich helped to change the hitherto rather negative image of Kosovar migrants in Swiss society, whilst at the same time initiating processes of self-reflection about Switzerland’s quality as a multicultural immigrant society.

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Radovanovic, Snezana, Dragan Vasiljevic, Sanja Kocic, Svetlana Radevic, Mirjana Milosavljević i Nataša Mihailovic. "The Prevalence of Alcohol Consumption by Adolescents in Serbia and Its Correlation with Sociodemographic Factors – A National Survey". Serbian Journal of Experimental and Clinical Research 17, nr 3 (1.09.2016): 241–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjecr-2016-0022.

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AbstractThe aim of this study was to determine the prevalence of alcohol consumption among adolescents in Serbia and its association with sociodemographic characteristics. This paper is based on data from a national health survey of the population of Serbia in 2013 (no data for Kosovo and Metohija), conducted by the Ministry of Health of the Republic of Serbia. For the purposes of this study, data on households and individuals over 15 years of age were used; thus, the final sample for analysis included 858 patients (aged 15 to 19 years). Researchers used demographic characteristics (age, gender, type of home, region) and socio-economic characteristics (income per household member, the index of well-being, self-assessment of health, cigarette smoking, tendency towards psychological and physical violence) as the independent variables. A χ2 test was applied to test the differences in the frequencies of categorical variables. The correlations between alcohol consumption, as the dependent variable, and the independent variables (mentioned above) were tested by logistic regression. All results less than or equal to 5% probability (p ≤ 0.05) were considered statistically significant. The prevalence of alcohol consumption among adolescents in Serbia is 51.6%. Alcohol consumption is significantly associated with sex, type of home and the index of well-being (p < 0.05). The prevalence of alcohol consumption is higher in males (57.1%), in adolescents who come from urban areas (59.3%) and in adolescents who, according to the index of well-being, belong to the wealthiest financial category (23.9%).

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Stojanovic, Miodrag, Dijana Musovic, Branislav Petrovic, Zoran Milosevic, Ivica Milosavljevic, Aleksandar Visnjic i Dusan Sokolovic. "Smoking habits, knowledge about and attitudes toward smoking among employees in health institutions in Serbia". Vojnosanitetski pregled 70, nr 5 (2013): 493–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/vsp1305493s.

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Background/Aim. According to the number of active smokers, Serbia occupies a high position in Europe, as well as worldwide. More than 47% of adults are smokers according to WHO data, and 33.6% according to the National Health Survey Serbia in 2006. Smoking physicians are setting a bad example to patients, they are uncritical to this habit, rarely ask patients whether they smoke and rarely advise them not to smoke. These facts contribute to the battle for reducing the number of medical workers who smoke, as well as the number of smokers among general population. The aim of the study was to determine the smoking behavior, knowledge and attitudes and cessation advice given to patients by healthcare professionals in Serbia. Methods. A stratified random cluster sample of 1,383 participants included all types of health institutions in Serbia excluding Kosovo. The self administrated questionnaire was used to collect data about smoking habits, knowledge, attitudes and cessation advice to patients given by health professionals in Serbia. Results. Out of 1,383 participants, 45.60% were smokers, of whom 34.13% were physicians and 51.87% nurses. There were 46.4% male and 45.4% female smokers. The differences in agreement with the statements related to the responsibilities of health care professionals and smoking policy are significant between the ?ever? and ?never? smokers, and also between physicians and nurses. Twenty-five percent of nurses and 22% of doctors claimed they had received formal training. However, only 35.7% of the healthcare professionals felt very prepared to counsel patients, while 52.7% felt somewhat prepared and 11.6% were not prepared at all. Conclusions. According to the result of this survey, there are needs for more aggressive nationwide non-smoking campaigns for physicians and medical students. Experiences from countries where physicians smoke less and more effectively carry out smoking cessation practices need to be shared with Serbian physicians in order to improve their smoking behavior and smoking cessation practices.

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Dimitrova, Maria, Dragana Lakic, Guenka Petrova, Semir Bešlija i Josip Culig. "Comparative analysis of the access to health-care services and breast cancer therapy in 10 Eastern European countries". SAGE Open Medicine 8 (styczeń 2020): 205031212092202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050312120922029.

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Aim: The aim of this study is to compare the differences in breast cancer therapy, health-care service practices, and their availability in ten European countries—Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Kosovo, Montenegro, Republic of North Macedonia, Croatia, Romania, Slovenia, and Republic of Serbia. Methods: An inquire survey was conducted among oncologists in the participating countries. The questionnaire was of qualitative character and focused on several key areas as screening practices, diagnosing, treatment, and health-care procedures utilization. The results were processed through comparative and percentage analysis. Results: All of the observed countries have national registries for breast cancer, but only in five, a mechanism of controlled action of early detection is implemented. Ninety percent of the countries have implemented in the national guidelines the European Society of Medical Oncology recommendations, while National Comprehensive Cancer Network is considered in only 50%. In all countries, digital mammography is a universal diagnostic method. Pathohistological analysis, including HER2 receptor expression and determination of the level of progesterone and estrogen receptors, is routinely performed in all countries prior to therapy. Some differences are observed in terms of FISH/CISH methods, determination of Ki-67 volume, and prognostic molecular assays. Trastuzumab is used as neo-adjuvant therapy in HER2-positive disease in all countries, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, only pertuzumab is used. Psychological support is integrated into the professional guidelines for treatment and monitoring in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, and Serbia. Conclusions: The international guidelines should be followed strictly, and some improvements in the health policies should be made in order to decrease the differences and inequalities in the availability of the breast cancer (BC) health services in the Central and Eastern European countries.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Self-determination, national – serbia – kosovo"

MARUSICH, BLANCARTE DE GRGIC Paola. "Kosovo's juridical status". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/17296.

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Culaj, Gjon. "La création d’une nouvelle nation au XXIème siècle : l’exemple du Kosovo de 1974 à 2008, au lendemain de l’éclatement de la Yougoslavie". Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020074.

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Nombreux sont ceux qui pensent que la dissolution de la Yougoslavie commence et finit au Kosovo. Il s’agit d’une suite logique de l’éclatement yougoslave une fédération fragile composée des différentes nationalités. Province autonome sous l’ère de Tito de 1974 - 1989, le Kosovo avait des prérogatives similaires à une république. Le régime de Milosevic supprima cette autonomie déclenchant ainsi des violences et des tensions. Face aux incessantes violations de leurs droits fondamentaux, les Albanais du Kosovo ont d’abord opté pour une résistance pacifique, toutes en boycottant les institutions serbes et yougoslaves. Ils ont réussi à crée une véritable société parallèle, une sorte d’Etat dans l’Etat. Les guerres yougoslaves ont initié la création des nouveaux Etats, il s’agit d’un processus de redéfinition des identités nationales de l’ex-Yougoslavie qui met en relation plusieurs conceptions de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la naissance d’un Etat du Kosovo peut amener la création d’une nouvelle Nation, cependant la création de cette nation suppose une conscience partagée et des circonstances politiques favorables. L’objectif de cette recherche était d’argumenter les causes de l’effondrement violent de l’ex-Yougoslavie et de tirer les enseignements d’une accession mouvementée et parfois tragique du Kosovo à l’indépendance et consistait aussi à analyser les difficultés, pour une société composite et fragmentée, d’accéder au XXIème siècle à la souveraineté nationale. Il ressort de cette thèse que la cause principale de l’effondrement violent de l’ancienne Yougoslavie était le programme national serbe qui cherchait à créer la Grande Serbie et que l’indépendance du Kosovo, au lendemain de la désintégration yougoslave, était la seule solution possible qui pouvait assurer la paix et la stabilité dans la région
Many people believe that the dissolution of Yugoslavia begins and ends in Kosovo. This is a logical continuation of the Yugoslav breakup a fragile federation composed of various nationalities. Autonomous province under the Tito’s era of 1974 - 1989, Kosovo had similar powers to a republic. Milosevic 's regime abolished Kosovo’s autonomy triggering violence and tensions. Faced with constant violations of their human rights, Kosovo Albanians opted for a peaceful resistance, all by boycotting Serbian and Yugoslav institutions. They managed to create a real parallel society, a kind of State in the State. The Yugoslav wars initiated the creation of new States, it is a process of redefining of the national identities of the former Yugoslavia which connects several conceptions of nation and citizenship. There are good reasons to belive that the birth of Kosovo State can cause the creation of a new nation, however, the creation of this nation requires a shared awareness and favorable political circumstances. This thesis aims to argue the causes of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia and to learn of a turbulent and sometimes tragic accession of Kosovo to independence and also to analyze the challenge and difficulties for a composite and fragmented society, to access in the 21st century to national sovereignty. This research showed that the main cause of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia was the Serbian national program that sought to create a Greater Serbia and that Kosovo's independence after the disintegration of Yougoslavia was the only possible solution that could ensure peace and stability in the region

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Battaglia, Antonia. "Du droit des peuples non étatiques à se constituer en Etat souverain". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210207.

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La présente thèse veut fonder le droit moral à faire sécession, en analysant le principe de souveraineté nationale, le concept de peuple, celui de nation et de nationalisme, pour arriver à considérer la sécession en tant que phénomène inévitable suivant la dissolution de l'Etat en tant que principe absolu, et en tant que conséquence parfois souhaitable dans les conflits inter-ethniques qui n'arrivent pas à être résolus. Notre point de vue ne sera pas celui de qui veut forcer une minorité ou un groupe à demeurer dans une situation de status quo, afin de ne pas déranger les équilibres politiques internationaux ou de ne pas trahir le principe de la souveraineté d’un État sur son territoire ou celui de la non-ingérence. Nous aurons plutôt à cœur d’établir la réalité des faits derrière le mouvement sécessionniste, pour garantir au peuple demandeur de sécession une impartialité de traitement et l’avènement de meilleures conditions de vie pour sa population. Nos considérations seront pragmatiques, réalistes, marginalisant les fondements de droit international comme le principe de non-ingérence et le respect de la souveraineté étatique ainsi que les considérations d’ordre politique et stratégique.

Ce qui nous intéresse est la fondation d’un droit moral qui puisse se révéler capital dans la résolution de conflits et crises interethniques, et qui puisse faciliter les prises de décisions dans les crises sécessionnistes – quand la sécession en cours sera justifiable – pour aboutir à la création d’un nouvel État pour des raisons biens fondées, raisons qui n’ont pas pu être accommodées à travers des instruments tels quels l’octroi de droits spéciaux, les tentatives de pacification, la cohabitation forcée, l’autonomie, le fédéralisme.

Les événements qui portent une minorité ou un groupe national à contempler une solution sécessionniste sont en général marqués par une tension politique plus ou moins forte, des problèmes d’ordre social ou économique, parfois des violations de droits collectifs ou, pire, des conflits armés, violence de masse, génocide. Ce n’est jamais, ou seulement dans de très rares cas, une situation de bien-être qui génère une demande d’indépendance, et ce sera donc avec une encore plus grande humanité et de sentiments d’impartialité et de bienveillance qu’on devra considérer la situation en question.

Le droit à faire sécession existe parce qu’il appartient à chaque peuple de pouvoir se donner l’organisation politique et juridique de son choix. La référence juridique ne tournera plus autour des droits de l’homme (les droits fondamentaux des individus) mais autour des droits des gens (les droits fondamentaux des peuples) :ce droit, dans lequel ont cru aussi des philosophes comme Walzer, Livingstone, Boykin et Sandel, est une priorité éthique très forte pour la communauté internationale. C’est un droit fondamental et inaliénable, et comme tel il appartient à la sphère de la praxis humaine qui a à faire avec le comportement social, l’organisation politique et l’action civile pour une meilleure survie anthropologique du groupe.

La norme qui devrait sanctionner la fondation du droit moral à faire sécession est l’application effective du droit des peuples à choisir librement leur organisation politique et à poursuivre leur développement économique, social et culturel. Cette norme est reconnue à l’article 1er du Pacte international sur les droits politiques et civils, et à l’article 55 de la Charte des Nations Unies. Mais notre interprétation est très utopiste et elle se place très loin de la pratique de la politique internationale, qui veut voir dans le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples la seule autodétermination politique des peuples avec un État national bien défini :ce magnifique droit collectif est ainsi réduit à la seule possibilité de choisir son régime politique par les élections.

Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Chuang, Ling-Yang, i 莊令暘. "Different Attitude in International Community toward Separatism and National Self-Determination: Cases of Crimea and Kosovo". Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/8b7hpp.

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碩士
國立政治大學
外交學系
107
The right to self-determination was after the first World War proposed by former American president, Woodrow Wilson. Its subject, which was derived from the concept of natural rights, expresses that people should possess the right to freely determine their international political status without interference. However, development in past decades, including resolutions of United Nations, practices of nations, judgements of ICJ and national courts, have been imposing limitations and conditions upon this right. Thus, many ethnic groups attempting to become independent have been considered separatism and forcibly suppressed. Actors in international society have been differently reacting toward implementation of the right to self-determination and national practices. Therefore, the author looks forward to scrutinizing the iconic cases of Crimea and Kosovo, and analyzes attitudinal differences between United States, Russian, and other strong powers. By doing so, it can be possible to summarize the criteria of decisions made by these nations. Data gathered and analyzed in this thesis include the development of the right to national self-determination, the effectiveness and necessity of plebiscites, the fundamental causes of these two cases, violations of international laws, and different attitude of strong powers. In conclusion, international regimes concerning the right to national self-determination are still unspecific. It sums up that the paradox of national acknowledgement in different cases represents international relations still resorts to supremacy of interests, derived from realism. As for international regimes promoted by neoliberalism, it turns out only countries that are capable of affording the costs would dare to confront them.

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Książki na temat "Self-determination, national – serbia – kosovo"

Escaping the self-determination trap. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2008.

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Kosovo: The politics of identity and space. London: Routledge, 2005.

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Gewaltverbot, Menschenrechtsschutz und Selbstbestimmungsrecht im Kosovo-Konflikt. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 2002.

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Das Kosovo-Gutachten des IGH vom 22. Juli 2010. Leiden: M. Nijhoff Pub., 2012.

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1949-, Ramet Sabrina P., i Lyon Philip, red. Sovereign law vs. sovereign nation: The cases of Kosovo and Montenegro. Trondheim, Norway: Norwegian University of Science and Technology, 2002.

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Rauert, Fee. Das Kosovo: Eine völkerrechtliche Studie. Wien: Braumüller, 1999.

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Kosovo i Metohija: Četiri pravno-politička eseja. Beograd: Pravni fakultet, 2013.

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Dugard, John. The secession of states and their recognition in the wake of Kosovo. [The Hague]: Hague Academy of International Law, 2013.

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Summers, James. Kosovo - a precedent?: The declaration of independence, the advisory opinion and implications for statehood, self-determination and minority rights. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2011.

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Leisse, Olaf. Die Republik Kosovo, der jüngste Staat Europas: Eine politische Bestandsaufnahme seit der Unabhängigkeitserklärung. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2013.

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Części książek na temat "Self-determination, national – serbia – kosovo"

Smith, David J. "‘Living the Same Full Life’? A Critical Assessment of Non-Territorial Autonomy Practice in the Vojvodina and Sápmi Contexts". W Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy, 25–42. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19856-4_3.

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AbstractPolitical theorists frequently hail non-territorial autonomy (NTA) as a modality of governance that allows national minorities and indigenous peoples substantive rights to cultural self-determination without linking this to authority over a given territory. What, though, does the actual practice tell us about the possibilities for ‘deterritorialisation’ of minority identities as well as the ability of NTA to ensure their protection and longer-term reproduction? This paper addresses these questions by critically analysing two forms of contemporary NTA that are frequently portrayed as good practice examples—the Hungarian National Minority Council (HNMC) in Vojvodina, northern Serbia, and the Sámi parliaments established in the Nordic countries. Although the contexts in which these two NTA arrangements were established are very different, I argue that they highlight common issues and challenges that call into question some of the core assumptions surrounding NTA.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Self-determination, national – serbia – kosovo"

Živojinović, Dragica. "IZJAVE VOLjE ZA SLUČAJ POTONjE NESPOSOBNOSTI ZA SAMOSTALNO ODLUČIVANjE: ANTICIPIRANO ODLUČIVANjE PACIJENATA U EVROPSKIM PRAVIMA". W XV Majsko savetovanje: Sloboda pružanja usluga i pravna sigurnost. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xvmajsko.621z.

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The subject of this paper is the analysis of the methods of regulating the advance decision of patients at the level of the Council of Europe and in the countries of German legal tradition in order to underline the significance of this institute and the predispositions for its validity and applicability in concrete medical situations. In the first part of the paper, the author presents and assesses the regulations related to advance decision making adopted under the auspicies of the Council of Europe, mostly with the aim of its recoginition as the expression of people's autonomy and the right to self- determination, but then, also, with the aim of establishing the principles on which the member countries base this institute in their national legislations. The second part is devoted to the analysis of the methods of regulating the advance directives and advance powers of attorney in Switzerland, Germany and Austria. In the conclusion, the author underlines the value of this institute and the need of the Republic of Serbia, the member of the Council of Europe, to harmonize its regulations on this matter with European standards. In that context, Serbia needs to acknowledge and establish the conditions under which a patient may in advance, in case of his subsequent incapacity, refuse or accept to be the subject of a certain medical treatment or designate a person who will make decisions on his behalf and under certain instructions related to his health. Here the author points to some issues that need to be adequtely solved , such as: the validity of declarations of consent, their registration, the monitring of their execution, etc.

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