Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Segregation in education – serbia – kosovo”

The paper analyzes modern rural household in Yugoslavia, both by region and at the level of the country as a whole. The author begins by providing a statistical and sociological definition of basic terms, and proceeds with a combination of social and demographic analysis. The basic criterion used is the residential status of the population (permanent residence) based on the administrative distribution of settlements with the non-city ("other") population treated as part of rural population. The descriptive basis was formed on the basis of two types of sources: population census data and relevant studies, on the one hand, and comprehensive researches of rural family in the 1990s, on the other. The modernization theory has provided the basic framework for the analysis of the state and movement in rural households in Yugoslavia since the beginning of the 20th century, but the paper deals mainly with social and economic developments following the Second World War. The following components of the rural households are analyzed: dynamics and average size, as well as composition of households. With reference to the level of the social change they had undergone and some demographic special features, rural households are classified into four main types: 1) purely agricultural; 2) mixed (with income earned from agricultural and non-agricultural activities); 3) non-agricultural; and 4) households of elderly people. The appearance and growth of mixed households during the pest-war period, following adoption of the socialistic command economy, came as a result of objective contradictions in transformation of an individual agricultural household into a modern market-oriented holding, and its cooperation with the state-owned cooperative sector. Since early 1980s, however, with deterioration in its position, agricultural production is gradually given up or maintained at the subsistence level, while most family members earn their living from the non-agricultural sector. These tendencies were most rapidly observed in Vojvodina, which is the most fertile region of the country, and most slowly in central Serbia. As a result of the above social and economic transformation the village was also exposed to a strong demographic transformation, which was most readily observed in ageing and feminization of population and its labor force and narrowing down of family structure to conjugal family united through marriage, which is made up of aged parents without an heir. The rural household and/or family have undergone crucial changes in respect of three main segments: 1) size; 2) structure; and 3) position and role of family members. This last aspect has been the subject of numerous comprehensive studies into the way of life in villages. The analysis of family relations in a village was conducted in two segments: intra-generation (between spouses and between children, especially of different gender) and inter-generation (parent - children relations). Segregation of roles by gender is still characterized by male domination, husband - head of the family, and son - the heir. Housework, parenthood, and the homestead itself (due to the increased engagement of the husband in non-agricultural activities) are the main sources of self-realization of women. Marriage and bearing children (especially male children) represent the main social promotion channel for young girls in a village environment, while education and earning income from work outside the village do not ensure a significant role in making decisions on family life in general, children's future or even personal destiny. Incidence of conflict in marriage is rare. Satisfaction with a twofold role of the mother and housekeeper is very high as well as understanding for tl1e difficulties of the social position of a man - the "bread winner" in the current social crisis and disintegration. The author points to the lack of data on rural households in Kosovo and Metohia caused by the boycott of the latest census by the majority, ethnic Albanian population. An attempt was hence made to compensate for the lack of quantitative information by presenting results of representative investigation of Albanian zadrugas in Kosovo and Metohia.

The historical and geographical notion of Old Serbia originated in the 19th century and almost does not exist today and the Serbian people do not use it, although it included the territories of Old Raška, Kosovo and Metohi and Vardar Serbia (nowadays Northern Macedonia). The Serbian people have always believed that learned people are the initiators of the people and national ideas of unification of all territories where they live, the small Principality of Serbia realized early and tried to educate and tried to develop education, tried to establish those sciences. Thus, supporting them, a seminary was formed in Prizren, with the primary role of educating both priests and teachers. From that germ, the idea of further development was formed with further development, and a special teacher's school was formed, later the pedagogical academy, the Higher Pedagogical School and finally the Faculty of Teacher Education (1994).

Abstract In this article, the author argues that political actors in Kosovo and Serbia, together with international actors from the UN, NATO, and the EU, have developed strategies of political communication in which the threat or promise of external intervention in Southeast European processes of state-building and state consolidation have been deeply inscribed. Based on a critical security studies theoretical framework, especially pragmatist securitisation, the author illustrates such “securitised state-building” with speech acts on interethnic violence, the Kosovo army, and NATO intervention commemorations. While securitised language does not necessarily lead to violence, actors with communicative strategies of segregation, confrontation, and even violence have proven more likely to be favoured by the governing mode of “securitised state-building”. Such a mode thereby may shape regional processes of de- and re-territorialisation in the future, too.

The research in the paper is directed towards the study of gender equality in science and education, with a focus on science and research activities in Serbia. The aim of the research conducted is to identify certain anomalies indicating the presence of a gender gap in education and science and to compare the trend in the domain of gender inequality with the one detected in Europe. Descriptive statistics is used in the research. The data is collected from various sources and the relevant literature that explores the gender gap in education and science, primarily focusing on the publications of the Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia (SORS). The research proved the presence of gender inequality in science and research activities in Serbia. In fact, the gender segregation that is present in the education system is also reflected in the field of science. The research also confirmed the existence of vertical segregation, manifested through women's extremely modest participation in management positions of institutes and faculties.

This paper discusses the importance of traditional folk lullabies in the education of preschool children and their representation in music education literature and practice. Scientific research indicates the development potential and importance of folk lullabies in early childhood. Serbian folk lullabies are not sufficiently represented in preschool education in central Serbia and Kosovo and Metohija, which is the starting hypothesis of the research presented in this paper. This research aims to determine the extent to which Serbian folk lullabies, as music content, are used in preschool education in central Serbia and Kosovo, and Metohija. The research included a total of 692 participants – preschool teachers and parents. It was found: 1) that Serbian folk lullabies are insufficiently represented in music education literature for preschool age; 2) that preschool teachers and parents are not sufficiently informed about the educational benefit and importance of folk lullabies. The paper contributes to the actualization of Serbian traditional folk lullabies, and their greater representation in music education literature and practice. The descriptive method was used in the research, as well as the analysis and synthesis method.

As a result of striving accession to the EU, all states in southeast Europe have as precondition to solve inter ethnic conflicts and to balance the system in a way that makes the relations between dominant group and minorities one of the mutual respect, based upon the principle of non discrimination. In Western Balkans some of the most controversial issues in the past decade have revolved around the educational rights. The fragile society of Kosovo faces many challenges, and the system of education is just one of them. The ongoing dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo and painful process of state building often overshadows important educational issues. The educational system of Kosovo is segregated, extremely divisive and highly politicized. It is widely accepted that education has strong impact on individual’s identity formation. In this context ethnicity, nationality and citizenship constitute just a few of the possible identities within the individual’s self-conception being the most relevant to the relationship between citizen and the state. In the analyses of the theoretical foundations of multiculturalism the role of education in a culturally diverse society is very important for identity formation based on the concept of the citizenship as identity. By constitution Kosovo is a multicultural society but the meanings and expressions of this are contested both within the dominant Albanian majority and Serbian minority. Conceiving comprehensive discussions if Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo in the future could potentially accept to identify themselves through the citizenship of the new state before their ethnic and national based identities (cross linked with Albania respectively Serbia), it is a broad topic and beyond the scope of this paper, but for the purpose of this study the concept of the citizenship as identity is considered only in a narrower context - that of the role of education in identity formation

This paper discusses gender equality concerns within higher education, politics and examines the gender related policies introduced in Kosovo. Gender differences emerge in primary and secondary education partly because traditional gender roles and stereotypes tend to be reproduced in schools. These differences are then reflected in and further strengthened by the choices made and opportunities open to women and men at the higher levels of education and vocational training. Therefore, it is important to examine whether and how Kosovo attempt to combat these inequalities. Kosovo have designed policy and have supported projects targeting gender inequalities in education and incorporate specific gender equality provisions in legislation or in governmental strategies and make it compulsory for political parties to create their own gender equality policies. In politics are obliged 30% quotas for female places in Assembly, but in other Higher management positions are mostly males, for example in 6 public Universities all rectors and most deans are male. In Higher Education Institutions are two main concerns in Kosovo with respect to gender inequality in higher or tertiary education: horizontal and vertical segregation. Firstly, it is concerned about horizontal segregation, that is, the problem that women and men choose different fields of study in higher education, with women being under-represented in engineering and science. Secondly, it is also concerned about vertical segregation. This problem is related to the currently existing 'glass ceiling' in tertiary education: while women outnumber men amongst higher education graduates. They participation in Higher Education its slightly increased at the doctoral level, and there are even fewer women amongst academic staff in universities, or none of them as Rector but few of them as Vice-Rector at the managerial level in universities. These two issues and the policies intended to deal with them will be discussed in this paper. 1)University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina” since 1970, University “Ukshin Hoti” Prizren since 2010, University “Haxhi Zeka” Peja, University “Isa Boletini” Mitrovica, University “Kadri Zeka” Gjilan und University “Fehmi Agani” Gjakova since 2011

The application of the concept of asymmetry in the domain of security enables a comprehensive overview of the strategic relations between the opposing parties, as well as the methods used by the adversaries in an effort to turn this type of inequality into a permanent strategic advantage. As a process, asymmetry can most often be reduced to the creation or exploitation of power inequality between adversaries, with the ultimate goal of generating strategic or political asymmetry. By skilfully exploiting the political and security asymmetry that arose after the NATO aggression in 1999, Pristina and its allies constantly constantly built statehood of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". At the same time, they undertook various political, security and economic activities in order to reduce the effectiveness of the instruments of power of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija and neutralize Serbia's influence in the southern Serbian province. In addition to building institutions and developing various instruments of power, the Albanian political elite in Kosovo and Metohija worked intensively on building internal and external legitimacy. The key results of such activities of Pristina certainly represent: the extortion of the international community foreign policy attitude on the irreversibility of Kosovo's independence, the support of the USA, the EU and NATO members to the self-proclaimed independence, the relocation of Belgrade-Pristina negotiations outside the UN and the mediation of the European Union, the pressure of its international allies on Belgrade to "normalize" relations and stop the "de-recognition" campaign, in order to maintain the foreign policy asymmetry in international relations. In the domain of internal politics, Prishtina constantly exploits Serbia's key weakness, which is its inability to ensure security and normal living conditions for the local Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija. A large part of the concessions that the Albanian side received, through a series of agreements with Belgrade, were achieved with combination of US and EU pressure on Serbia and internal political, security and socio-economic pressure on the Serbian population in the southern Serbian province. The above-mentioned activities of Pristina were especially intensified after the beginning of the war in Ukraine. Increasingly frequent instrumentalization of violence and demonstration of force and the undertaking of unilateral and provocative moves are evident. The authorities in Pristina are obviously counting on the preoccupation of the USA, the EU and NATO with the war in Ukraine. Albanian political elite from Kosovo and Metohija are actively exploiting US and EU efforts to prevent the aforementioned conflict from spilling over into the Balkan region. The analysis of Prishtina's actions so far, shows the implementation of the their's attrition strategy towards the USA, the European Union and Belgrade. At the same time they are gradually strengthening the institutions of the new Albanian state and establishing the new political order in the entire territory of the Kosovo and Metohija, with intention to strengthen the internal and build external legitimacy of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". In this long-term process, violence is skilfully used to exploit the weaknesses of the policies of the European Union and the USA in the region and to reduce and neutralize the influence of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija. The strategy of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" is not basically different from the rebel strategies of other non-state actors. The longterm goal of Pristina's strategy is to gradually build its own legitimacy and state institutions, while at the same time reducing the legitimacy and destroying political order of its opponents. In the last phase of this strategy, from the second half of 2023, the so-called "Kosovo Government", following Western counterinsurgency models, openly engaged on the complete dismantling of the "parallel" political system in the north of Kosovo and Metohija, using various instruments of political, security and economic coercion. Considering the weak reaction of the USA and the European Union, even more robust and energetic action by the government of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" can be expected in order to completely remove any presence and influence of Serbia in the north of Kosovo. On the other hand, in the short term, Prishtina strives to make the concessions to the Serbian side as small and symbolic as possible. The formation of the Community/Association of Serbian Municipalities in Kosovo and Metohija with symbolic powers and responsibilities for them is a condition for the de-facto recognition of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". In the long term, the constant and irreversible outflow of the Serbian population from Kosovo and Metohija, indicates that the actions of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" on the ground are gradual assimilation, constant segregation and narrowing of the socio-economic and cultural space for Serbs, so that they would "voluntarily" leave Kosovo and Metohija and thus solve the Serbian problem according to the "Croatian model".

The paper carefully deals with the constitutional aspect and the development of education in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis - Albanians. After the Second World War, Yugoslavia faced numerous problems both politically and economically. The first reforms that this country had to undergo initially required help from countries such as the Soviet Union. Among the first steps to be taken were the legislative reforms undertaken in 1946 by adjusting the Yugoslav Constitution. This constitution sanctioned important aspects of the political, economic, educational and cultural life of the country. The political life after the Second World War in Yugoslavia had undergone radical changes making it possible for countries like Macedonia to become independent states or to be created from scratch. The only country which was politically eliminated in this aspect was Kosovo, which was left under Serbia from 1945. By oppressing Kosovo politically in all aspects of life, Serbia exercised a segregationist policy towards the Albanian people of Kosovo. Harsh measures were exercised against the Albanian minority, including their relocation to Turkey through various Yugoslav-Turkish agreements, the imprisonment of many political personalities, etc. Political rights of expression were denied and political pressure continued at the national level. These forms were present continuously and did not stop until 1968 when the political situation began to change. Indeed, the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia made good use of the political circumstances after 1968 when, in general demonstrations in all the cities of Kosovo, they opted for more national rights and requested the establishment of the University of Prishtina. Non-Albanian minorities were included in the Yugoslav republics in all spheres of life. Since they were not in large numbers, their presence was not revealed apart from the Hungarians. The Hungarian minority also began to enjoy greater rights with the amendment of several articles of the constitutions of 1946, 1953, 1963 and 1974. The presence of Hungarian schools was evident with several such schools and a lot of students who were allowed to use and be instructed in their mother tongue. Other small minorities such as Russians, Bulgarians, Germans and others were few in number. The Albanian population in Yugoslavia was distributed across several republics such as Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and to a lesser extent Croatia and Slovenia. Political power in Yugoslavia which was largely led by Serbs until 1966 through the iron hand of Alexander Rankovic did not allow the Albanians to even use their national flag and to express any kind of dissatisfaction through various demonstrations or manifestations. The period between 1966-1974 was decisive for Albanians in Yugoslavia, especially since many important steps were taken in political terms, such as the replacement of Serbian politicians with Albanians, the establishment of many different schools and the massification of higher education in general. The Yugoslav constitutions with their reforms changed the direction of comprehensive development of political, social, economic and cultural life for all non-Albanian and Albanian minorities in Yugoslavia. The author has followed the descriptive and analytical scientific methods for dealing with this important issue for general historiography. A serious Yugoslav and Albanian literature covering this socially and scientifically important study has been used.

Basic education and training of female children in Serbia has a long tradition. It turned out that the institutional education of female children, which began in 1846, could not be kept only at the elementary level, because the overall development of the society and its requirements demanded the establishment of women?s vocational schools. Women?s vocational schools began operating back in 1863, and with interruptions during the wars, worked until 1948. Female society of Belgrade and many women?s societies across the country had an important role in the establishment and work of the women?s vocational schools, as well as the Ministry of Trade and Industry in the period between the two world wars. In the Ottoman period, the position of Christian women in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija was very difficult. They were mainly engaged in activities related to the family and household management. The neglect of women was the result of patriarchal relations and conservative views on their role and place in the society of the then Ottoman Empire. On the other hand, it was difficult to change the perception of parents that female children should also be educated. However, despite such perceptions and systemic problems, there were established in private homes in many cities in Kosovo and Metohija elementary schools for female children. Before the First World War, women?s elementary schools in Kosovo were established in Prizren, Pec, Pristina, Kosovska Mitrovica and Gjilan. Until the beginning of the World War I, women?s vocational schools also worked in Prizren, Kosovska Mitrovica and Gnjilane.

Sesame Street has a global reach, with more than thirty co-productions that are viewed in over 150 countries. In recent years, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has provided funding to the New York-based Sesame Workshop to create international versions of Sesame Street. Many of these programs teach children to respect diversity and tolerate others, which some hope will ultimately help to build peace in conflict-affected societies. In fact, the U.S. government has funded local versions of the show in several countries enmeshed in conflict, including Afghanistan, Kosovo, Pakistan, Jordan, and Nigeria. Can Big Bird Fight Terrorism? takes an in-depth look at the Nigerian version, Sesame Square, which began airing in 2011. In addition to teaching preschool-level academic skills, Sesame Square seeks to promote peaceful coexistence-a daunting task in Nigeria, where escalating ethno-religious tensions and terrorism threaten to fracture the nation. After a year of interviewing Sesame creators, observing their production processes, conducting episode analysis, and talking to local educators who use the program in classrooms, Naomi Moland found that this child-focused use of soft power raised complex questions about how multicultural ideals translate into different settings. In Nigeria, where segregation, state fragility, and escalating conflict raise the stakes of peacebuilding efforts, multicultural education may be ineffective at best, and possibly even divisive. This book offers rare insights into the complexities, challenges, and dilemmas inherent in soft power attempts to teach the ideals of diversity and tolerance in countries suffering from internal conflicts.

The migration is one of the constitutive features of Western Balkans’ historical specificity, which significantly changed Balkan societies in the last two centuries. One crucial effect of intensive emigration is high remittances. Cross-country analyses and evidence from household surveys suggest that migration and remittances reduce poverty in the origin communities. In addition, remittances lead to increased investment in education, health, and small businesses. The diaspora can be a source of capital, investment, knowledge, and technology transfer. The inflow of remittances can contribute to the economic development of the remittance-receiving country, provided that the country can use these funds to finance investments that will enable it to produce export or investment goods to replace imports. This paper examines the impact of remittances on economic growth in the Western Balkans (North Macedonia, Serbia, Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina) last two decades. The relationship between economic growth, remittances, final household consumption, domestic investments, and trade is examined through a panel approach. The paper uses annual data obtained from the World Bank World Development Indicators. The results of the empirical analysis help determine the relationship between remittances and economic growth and provide a solid base for policymakers to direct remittances into productive investments. The general conclusion for the region is the need to implement policies that will strengthen the financial system to enable a more significant positive impact of remittances from migrants on economic growth.

The most important innovation for Western Balkan countries is combining social, labor and economic development policies, together with sustainable development focus on increasing and sustaining the welfare and wellbeing of the people in this countries. The purposes of this study is to investigate current social economy in the Western Balkans countries (Albania, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina). To give an answer to the research question whether the socio-economic situation in Western Balkan countries is improving, we have firstly revise the literature to find out what different authors have found in recent researches concerning this area and the methods, models used in collecting, processing and analyzing data. The processing of the data of the above-mentioned has been done by the STATA software program, specifically using Linear Regression, Fixed Effect, Random Effect, Hausman Taylor Regression and Correlation & Covariance. Based on the empirical results of this study, we conclude that the R Square designation coefficient indicating a higher relationship between dependent variable (Social Development) and independent variables (economic growth, education, climate change, environment, health, poverty, social protection and labor). Economic growth, education, climate change, social protection and labor, environment, health and poverty force explain and have an impact on increase/decrease the social development of the Western Balkan countries during for the period 2009-2019. This research paper highlights an empirical analysis based on real data, statistical reports of the World Bank of the Western Balkan Countries. Given that these results are evident, economic situation in Western Balkan countries have to improve with establishing social economy exactly in key area for the rapid grow of this countries.

In the post-socialist period, there were many changes in the post-Yugoslav region. The dissolution of the state and the civil war were just some of the most important events. The successor states went through the post-socialist transition at a different pace. The political and economic transition had a significant impact on the social status of the population. According to numerous international urban studies, there is a causal relationship between the social status of the population and the housing situation. Looking at the social status of the population in Belgrade, it is obvious that the social status decreases from the centre to the periphery. The housing situation in Belgrade is very heterogeneous. First, there is a historical centre filled with buildings from different eras: from the pre-World War II period, from the socialist period and from the post-socialist period. Secondly, there are socialist neighbourhoods that surround the historic core of the city. Finally, there are the neighbourhoods on the periphery, which are mostly informally built. The withdrawal of the state and the reintroduction of market mechanisms in the housing sector, drastic proportions of owner-occupied housing, the expansion of illegal construction activity, international isolation during the 1990s and the subsequent reconnection to the global economy, albeit with extremely weakened institutions, characterised post-socialist housing and urban development in Belgrade. Added to this was another wave of demographic pressure from the former Yugoslav republics and Kosovo. Through the lens of social status and housing situation, we observe the patterns of residential segregation in the post-socialist period. Due to the incomparability of statistical data from different periods, we use a combination of sources and research approaches. The first two decades of the post-socialist period were analysed at the level of census units, using data on the education of the population as a proxy for their social status.

Countries in the Western Balkans have engaged in various transitional justice and reconciliation initiatives to address the legacy of the wars of the 1990s and the deep political and societal divisions that persist. There is growing consensus among scholars and practitioners that in order to foster meaningful change, transitional justice must extend beyond trials (the dominant international mechanism in the region) and be more firmly anchored in affected communities with alternative sites, safe spaces, and modes of engagement. This rapid literature review presents a sample of initiatives, spanning a range of sectors and fields – truth-telling, art and culture, memorialisation, dialogue and education – that have achieved a level of success in contributing to processes of reconciliation, most frequently at the community level. It draws primarily from recent studies, published in the past five years. Much of the literature available centres on Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), with some examples also drawn from Serbia, Kosovo and North Macedonia.