Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Scandals”
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Nagar, Komal, i Paramdeep Kour. "Measuring Young Consumers’ Response to Brand Scandals: A Brand Love Perspective". FIIB Business Review 7, nr 4 (31.10.2018): 304–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2319714518806712.
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In the past few years, brand scandals have become increasingly common in the global marketplace, resulting in significantly declining consumer preferences and purchases for the brand implicated in a scandal. However, the nature of brand scandal and brand love has scarcely been explored. The present study experimentally investigates the effect of type of brand scandals on consumers’ attitude and purchase intentions towards a scandalous brand and examines the impact of brand love on consumer responses towards the scandalous brand. Results suggest that consumers having high brand love have positive attitude and purchase likelihood, while the nature of brand scandals and brand love does not influence consumers’ response for the scandalous brand. Furthermore, results of the study indicate that the two-way interaction effects with the types of brand scandals (intrinsic and extrinsic) and brand love (high/low) on consumer’s behavioural intentions are insignificant.
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Hamel, Brian T., i Michael G. Miller. "How Voters Punish and Donors Protect Legislators Embroiled in Scandal". Political Research Quarterly 72, nr 1 (16.06.2018): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918781044.
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Previous studies have largely overlooked three key components of a scandal that could determine how it shapes election outcomes: the extent to which it is covered in the media, the potential that donors respond differently than voters, and the likelihood that the impact of scandals have changed over time. Examining U.S. House scandals between 1980 and 2010, we find that while scandal-tainted politicians receive fewer votes and are less likely to win than otherwise similar legislators not embroiled in scandal, donors actually contribute more money to their campaigns after the scandal’s revelation. Both of these effects, however, are limited to financial and sex scandals that garnered national media attention. Moreover, we find that voters are less punitive and donors are even more supportive in the post-1994 period of nationalized electoral politics.
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von Sikorski, Christian. "Scandalous?! Examining the Differential Effects of News Coverage About (Non-)Severe Political Misconduct on Voting Intentions and News Source Evaluations". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 97, nr 3 (11.03.2020): 762–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699020911081.
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Scandal severity may affect public perceptions of both scandalous political actors and news sources reporting political misconduct. Yet, research that has empirically tested these assumptions is lacking. Drawing from theory on anchoring effects, the results of two experimental studies conducted using mediation analyses revealed that severe scandals hurt politicians (candidate evaluation) and weaken voting intentions. Although non-severe scandals have no such effects, they increased news consumers’ exaggerated scandalization perceptions and indirectly degraded news source evaluations. Severe scandals had no effect on the news source. Implications for the coverage of political scandals are discussed.
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Lipsett-Rivera, Sonya, i Verónica Undurraga Schüler. "Scandal and Gender in Colonial and Nineteenth-Century Latin America - Introduction". Anuario de Historia de América Latina 60 (2.02.2024): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.60.2184.
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Violating the norms of gender frequently provoked scandal. This section presents the connections between scandal and gender by introducing the articles that are included in this special issue. Scandals may not seem worthy of scholarly work, but they provide an entry into the interstices of gender performance and the ways that people disrupted social norms. Scandals have three components: the transgression, its dissemination, and the receptive public. Gossip about individuals was often at the heart of scandals but it was also an important social force that established community values. The news of scandalous conduct was often spread by murmurings but also by pasquines and in later periods, in newspapers. The definition of the word “scandal” has changed over time as have the elements that seem shocking have evolved. In this special issue, the authors show how space of honor such as convents, recogimientos, and the family home could be violated. Institutions such as the Church and the State tried to enforce a gender binary but many cross-dressed for their own amusement in dramas or as a disguise. Single women were often the most vulnerable to accusations of scandalous behavior, but young men also were the target of accusations of vagrancy when they surpassed their families’ tolerance for youthful antics.
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Kumlin, Staffan, i Peter Esaiasson. "Scandal Fatigue? Scandal Elections and Satisfaction with Democracy in Western Europe, 1977–2007". British Journal of Political Science 42, nr 2 (19.09.2011): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341100024x.
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Elections involving a major scandal were unusual in the late 1970s, but today nearly half are so affected. Multilevel analyses of Eurobarometer data reveal that scandal elections once had negative net effects on satisfaction with democracy. However, as scandals have become more common, the negative effect has withered away. This ‘scandal fatigue’ process appears driven by changes in scandal material, rather than by changes in citizens’ reactions to a given type of material. Scandals involving several politicians and parties still really matter, but these have not become markedly more common. The possibility that the increasing incidence of scandals has created a more critical approach to scandal material is discussed. As scandals accumulate, citizens may become more prone to ponder the relevance of a story and the motives of the messenger.
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Long, Nicholas. "The Impact of Incumbent Scandals on Senate Elections, 1972–2016". Social Sciences 8, nr 4 (5.04.2019): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8040114.
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In recent decades, a growing body of literature focused on the effects of scandals on congressional elections. The studies concluded that scandals decrease candidates’ vote totals, and that certain types of scandals have a more deleterious effect than others. Virtually all of these studies focus on House elections. The obvious differences between the two chambers calls into question the applicability of these findings for Senate elections. This study examines the impact that incumbent scandals had on senatorial elections from 1972 to 2016. Scandals are categorized based on the nature of the transgression in order to determine if the type of scandal made a difference. The results reveal that senators seeking reelection while confronting a scandal suffered a 4% decrease in the popular vote. Scandals involving political misdeeds, financial improprieties, and controversial statements hurt incumbents the most. Scandals also attracted challengers who spent more money against the incumbents.
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Burkhardt, Steffen. "Scandals in the Global Village". Medijske studije 14, nr 28 (9.01.2024): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/ms.14.28.2.
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The specific characteristics of political scandals in a global context follow the historical evolution of international communication technologies and media systems. This article examines the development of political scandals through selected cases in a global context. The global scandal evolution took place in three phases: (1) the written duplication of morals created the conditions for international reports on political scandals; (2) the establishment of an international media system transformed political scandals into an integral part of global public spheres; (3) the digitization of scandals on the Internet put moral pressure on global politics – resulting in permanent and omnipresent international scandal discourses. The digitization of political scandals comes, on the one hand, along with the loss of journalistic gatekeepers, post-truth manipulation of public spheres, influence from abroad and the risk of social unrest. On the other hand, it provides the chance to better understand the chances and limits of globalization.
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Herkman, Juha. "Old patterns on new clothes? Populism and political scandals in the Nordic countries". Acta Sociologica 61, nr 4 (10.11.2017): 341–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699317737816.
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The paper analyses political scandals connected to the contemporary populist parties of Denmark, Finland and Sweden. The dramaturgies of these scandals repeat the general patterns of political scandals identified in previous studies, but they also share special characteristics that make them a specific type of neo-populist scandal. The starting point of the typical neo-populist scandal occurs due to the moral transgression of a member of a populist movement, usually through the use of unacceptable language or behaviour, insulting non-native inhabitants or other minorities within the population. However, provocation and playing the role of the underdog are common strategies employed by populists, and a populist movement may even benefit from a scandal, though the consequences of the scandal depend on the life phase of the movement and on the status of the member involved in the scandal. The moral transgressions and political consequences of neo-populist scandals may serve as an indicator of the condition liberal democracy enjoys, but also reveal contextual differences in particular societies and their moral order.
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Bellucci, Marco, Diletta Acuti, Lorenzo Simoni i Giacomo Manetti. "Restoring an eroded legitimacy: the adaptation of nonfinancial disclosure after a scandal and the risk of hypocrisy". Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 34, nr 9 (23.07.2021): 164–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-12-2019-4359.
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PurposeThis study contributes to the literature on hypocrisy in corporate social responsibility by investigating how organizations adapt their nonfinancial disclosure after a social, environmental or governance scandal.Design/methodology/approachThe present research employs content analysis of nonfinancial disclosures by 11 organizations during a 3-year timespan to investigate how they responded to major scandals in terms of social, environmental and sustainability reporting and a content analysis of independent counter accounts to detect the presence of views that contrast with the corporate disclosure and suggest hypocritical behaviors.FindingsFour patterns in the adaptation of reporting – genuine, allusive, evasive, indifferent – emerge from information collected on scandals and socially responsible actions. The type of scandal and cultural factors can influence the response to a scandal, as environmental and social scandal can attract more scrutiny than financial scandals. Companies exposed to environmental and social scandals are more likely to disclose information about the scandal and receive more coverage by external parties in the form of counter accounts.Originality/valueUsing a theoretical framework based on legitimacy theory and organizational hypocrisy, the present research contributes to the investigation of the adaptation of reporting when a scandal occurs and during its aftermath.
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Żemojtel-Piotrowska, Magdalena Anna, Alison Marganski, Tomasz Baran i Jarosław Piotrowski. "Corruption and Sexual Scandal: The Importance of Politician Gender". Anales de Psicología 33, nr 1 (28.12.2016): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/analesps.32.3.229171.
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<p>The current experimental study analyzes individuals’ reactions to politicians involved in scandals as a function of scandal type and politician sex (<em>N</em> = 798). Corruption and sexual scandals were considered. The results indicate that female politicians were judged more harshly than male politicians involved in scandals regardless of the type of scandal. Scandal affected not only assessment of their morality but also competence, contrary to assessment of men. The results were discussed in reference to expectancy violations theory and shifting standards theory which predicts more negative evaluation of women involved in immoral behavior despite lack general prejudices toward women in politics.</p>
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Ares, Macarena, i Enrique Hernández. "The corrosive effect of corruption on trust in politicians: Evidence from a natural experiment". Research & Politics 4, nr 2 (kwiecień 2017): 205316801771418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017714185.
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Empirical studies do not provide a univocal answer about the effects of corruption on political attitudes and behaviour. Focusing on the relationship between corruption and political trust, in this article we explore whether real-world corruption scandals have a negative causal effect on trust in politicians; whether the impact of scandals decays over time; and whether corruption scandals have a weaker impact among the supporters of the party involved in the scandal. We address these questions through a natural experiment generated by the coincidence of the uncovering of a corruption scandal in Spain (the Bárcenas scandal) and the fieldwork of the European Social Survey. Given that the day at which survey interviews were conducted is as-if random, the uncovering of the scandal represents a unique opportunity to assess the causal effect of corruption on individuals’ trust in politicians. The results indicate that: (i) the corruption scandal had a substantial negative effect on trust in politicians; (ii) the effect of the scandal was stronger in the days following its disclosure; (iii) the effect of the scandal was independent from individuals’ partisan preferences.
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Andrews, Dia Jade, James Connor i Ben Wadham. "The Military Scandal: Its Definition, Dynamics, and Significance". Armed Forces & Society 46, nr 4 (24.07.2019): 716–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19864136.
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Military scandals are disruptive episodes that can have long-lasting organizational consequences for military institutions. Recently, scholars who study military institutions have sought to understand this phenomenon and its significance. However, given their complexity and empirically opaque nature, military scandals are difficult to study, and a general account of this phenomenon has remained elusive. This article addresses this problem by drawing upon the growing field of scandal research to present a definition and account of the military scandal. We argue that military scandals are episodes of mediatized public moral conflict concerning transgressions involving the military institution, its members, and/or associated actors. We employ Ari Adut’s theory of public attention as a core explanation of scandal dynamics and effects and use this to argue that the military scandal phenomenon can be employed to simultaneously examine interactions and relationships between the military, the state, news media organizations, and civil society.
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Simonaitytė, Živilė. "Didžiausių finansinių audito skandalų analizė ir įtaka reglamentavimo pokyčiams". Buhalterinės apskaitos teorija ir praktika 28 (13.03.2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/batp.2023.59.
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The first company collapse followed by an auditor misconduct scandal occurred in 1925. Since then, until the global economic crisis (2009), similar cases have led to changes in audit regulation and clearer or stricter responsibilities for auditors. Recently, however, the regulatory framework has not changed in the face of new audit scandals. The aim of this paper is to analyse audit scandals and their impact on audit regulation. In order to identify the changes in audit regulation as a result of financial audit scandals and the recent trends in audit regulation, the article analyses the oldest and most significant audit scandals that have led to regulatory changes, the impact of financial audit scandals in companies operating in different countries around the world, and reviews the major financial audit scandals in Lithuania. The analysis of literature, financial, court decisions and regulatory legislation identifies the oldest financial audit scandals in history, identifies the scandals that have led to regulatory changes, and examines the largest regional and national scandals and their impact on regulatory changes.
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Ludwig, Mark, i Inga Oelrichs. "More than a marginal phenomenon: Relevance and content-related aspects of mediated sport scandals". Sport und Gesellschaft 17, nr 2 (26.08.2020): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sug-2020-0011.
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SummaryThe salience of mediated scandals today is deeply linked with the formation of norms and values in our society. This is a particular challenge for the field of sport as the compliance with norms and values is of particular relevance in this social area. The paper shows the extent of scandalization in sport reporting and discusses possible implications for sport. Therefore, it offers a definition and typology for sport scandals. It indicates why sport scandals might have a fundamental share of overall scandal reporting today in comparison to other fields of society. The paper further emphasizes content-related aspects such as celebrity status, sport discipline and type of sport scandal. In the empirical portion, a quantitative content analysis of all reported scandals in three German newspapers over a period of one year is provided. Implications of the findings for athletes, organizations, and society are discussed.
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Clemente, Marco, i Claudia Gabbioneta. "How Does the Media Frame Corporate Scandals? The Case of German Newspapers and the Volkswagen Diesel Scandal". Journal of Management Inquiry 26, nr 3 (1.02.2017): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1056492616689304.
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Despite the importance that the media has in regard to influencing people’s perceptions of wrongdoing, organizational scholars have paid little attention to how the media reports wrongdoing. This article starts to address this gap by considering how the media frames corporate scandals. We empirically examine how four different German newspapers reported on the Volkswagen diesel scandal. We inductively identify the constitutive elements of a general corporate scandal frame. Then, we analyze how each newspaper framed the scandal through combinations of different elements. We identify from our dataset four frames of corporate scandals that newspapers applied: legalistic, contextual, reputational, and scapegoating. Our article testifies to the importance of cross-fertilization between research on mass communication and political science on one side, and organizational research on the other side and, more generally, it calls for more attention to be given to the media in the study of scandals and organizational wrongdoing.
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Hannis, Grant. "The Len Brown Affair: The roles of new and old media in a New Zealand political sex scandal". Pacific Journalism Review 22, nr 2 (31.12.2016): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v22i2.63.
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The power of online media to influence New Zealand local government politics was made clear in 2013 when a blogger revealed that Len Brown, the popular mayor of Auckland, had conducted a two-year, extramarital affair. The mainstream media picked up the story, Brown’s popularity collapsed and in late 2015 he announced he would not stand again for mayor. This media scandal was, in part, driven by the fact that Brown was a celebrity. Unlike several high-profile sex scandals involving politicians overseas, Brown’s career did not survive the controversy, perhaps because the public came to regard him as a practised liar. The media itself engaged in self-serving scandalous activity during the controversy. Today’s shock bloggers are similar to the proto-journalists of the 17th century. Members of new and old media researching the scandal treated their secret sources very differently. The existence of the internet means such scandals can now exist in perpetuity. If the Len Brown Affair was an example of the media fulfilling its watchdog role - by exposing a lying politician - it was also an example of journalists furthering their own ends - political and commercial - by appealing to their audiences’ purient interests.
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Nyhan, Brendan. "Media Scandals Are Political Events". Political Research Quarterly 70, nr 1 (10.01.2017): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912916684034.
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When political scandals erupt in the press, we usually blame misconduct by public officials, but these episodes are political events whose occurrence and severity also depend in part on the political and media context. Using data on U.S. governors, I show that several key factors affect the likelihood and intensity that alleged misconduct will be politicized by the opposition and publicized by the press. First, lower approval ratings, which decrease the cost of politicizing and publicizing an allegation, are generally associated with more frequent and intense media scandals. By contrast, competing news events can crowd potential scandals off the news agenda. However, no evidence is found that opposition control of state political institutions leads to more media scandal. These results suggest that the occurrence of media scandal depends more on circumstance than we typically assume.
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Nieuwenhuis, Ivo. "From mocking pastors to roasting politicians". European Journal of Humour Research 12, nr 1 (26.04.2024): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr.2024.12.1.887.
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In this article, I argue that humour scandals are less a product of the changing media landscape of the last thirty years than recent studies seem to suggest. Instead, I point to the structural continuities that can be observed in Dutch humour scandals over the past seventy years. Although stemming from various sociocultural and media contexts, these scandals roughly follow the same ‘script’. I also show that humour scandals are not just mediated events, but markers of cultural conflict as well. Behind every scandal, a substantial moral, cultural, and often also social divide can be recognised, and the study of humour scandals can be used to better understand such divides. I substantiate both of these claims through a qualitative, contextual analysis of two Dutch humour scandals: the mocking of Catholic pastors by comedian Wim Sonneveld in a TV performance from 1963, and the roast of far-right politician Thierry Baudet by comedian Martijn Koning in a popular late night talk show from Spring 2021.
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Mawby, Rob C. "A question of scandal? The police and the phone-hacking business". Criminology & Criminal Justice 17, nr 4 (15.11.2016): 485–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895816677315.
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Scandals have featured consistently in the development and operation of public policing in England and Wales. However, criminologists have rarely explored scandal as a concept or its attempted management by criminal justice organizations. This article contributes to the filling of this gap with the intention of initiating debate on the utility of scandal as a conceptual tool for the analysis of policing and criminal justice. It identifies the core components of a scandal using an analytical framework informed by scandal research undertaken across disciplinary areas. Taking a case study approach, this framework is applied to the Leveson Inquiry which explored a combination of potentially scandalous episodes within the overarching scandal of phone-hacking. The article concludes that phone-hacking was a scandal at macro and micro levels under this framework yet damage to the reputation of the police was mitigated through active impression management and enduring characteristics of the police image.
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Vänskä, Annamari, i Olga Gurova. "The fashion scandal: Social media, identity and the globalization of fashion in the twenty-first century". International Journal of Fashion Studies 00 (1.07.2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/infs_00045_1.
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During the latter part of the 2010s, many fashion brands – e.g., Gucci, Burberry, Dolce & Gabbana, Prada, Dior – have been caught up with scandals and called out for racism, cultural appropriation and other types of insensitivity towards vulnerable groups. This article will unpack, through critical analysis of some of these examples, the changing landscape of the ‘fashion scandal’ in the late-2010s. We understand fashion scandals as the fuel of fashion. They are debated in social media and they are controversial actions, statements or events that cause strong emotional responses. Even though scandal has been proven effective in fashion marketing for decades, and despite it is still frequently used, there might be a change on the way. Our examples suggest that with the rise of social media and its so-called ‘citizen journalism’ the tactics of creating scandals may have lost their lustre and can easily turn against the brand. We will also discuss new tactics that brands have adopted to escape undesired scandals by establishing new roles such as the ‘diversity consultant’.
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Anirban, Gupta-Nigam. "How Systems Cohere: Niira Radia in 2017". BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies 8, nr 2 (grudzień 2017): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974927617728137.
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Why do mediatized political scandals fail to effect discernable transformations of a systemic kind? This article offers one possible answer to this question by revisiting the media event known as “the Radia tapes scandal” to think through the reasons why, despite its explosive contents, the scandal changed little in the day-to-day workings of Indian political life. I argue that the noneventful temporality of mediatized political scandals is important to attend to because it is in the sphere of the everyday that we might be able to discern how corruption mediates relations between states and publics. That is to say: scandals do not change systems because systems rely on corruption, leaks, and information flows to render themselves stable. By fixating on leaks as a political tool, we run the risk of taking a system’s self-representation of disorder at face value. In making these points, I historicize the Radia affair within a longer arc of mediated corruption scandals in India and then juxtapose the leaks themselves to an artwork by the collective, CAMP.
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Smith, Garry. "Tangled web: investigating Canadian lottery scandals". Journal of Gambling Issues, nr 28 (1.12.2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.4309/jgi.2013.28.7.
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This commentary examines the major lottery scandals in Ontario and British Columbia that broke in 2006, with particular emphasis on the precipitating conditions, sustaining factors, consequences, lessons learned, and resolutions. The aim of this article is to identify fundamental causes and common threads so that future lottery scandals might be averted. The scandals discussed here resulted from a combustible mix of easy-to-circumvent rules, profit-seeking agendas, and light-touch self-regulation. Although tighter controls were imposed on the two provincial lottery corporations after the scandals, neither organization appears to have markedly altered its pre-scandal culture or business plan. Various gambling regulatory styles are noted in the paper and because the current governmental practice of self-regulation is thought to have contributed to the two Canadian lottery scandals, a system of independent gambling oversight is recommended.
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Patkauskaitė-Tiuchtienė, Inga. "The Impact of Political Scandals on Trust in State Institutions: Lithuanian Case Analysis". Politologija 98, nr 2 (24.08.2020): 8–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.98.1.
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This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania’s state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.
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Carlson, Matthew M. "Sontaku and political scandals in Japan". Public Administration and Policy 23, nr 1 (10.04.2020): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-11-2019-0033.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explain a new scandal ingredient in Japanese politics called sontaku. This word refers to cases when officials grant special treatment to a project because they believe they are acting in accordance with the wishes of an associated powerful person.Design/methodology/approachThis paper describes the specific construction of major scandals involving sontaku from 2017 based primarily on newspaper accounts, examines the consequences of these scandals for politicians and bureaucrats, and discusses their implications for combating corruption in Japan.FindingsThe scandals after 2017 damaged to some extent the public support for the current Japanese administration and influenced the prime minister's decision to call a snap election. The scandals also highlighted systematic problems in the bureaucracy and motivated the government to reform laws concerning the management of public documents.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful to scholars and policy makers interested in studying the causes and consequences of scandals and political corruption in Japan.
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Prémont, Karine, i Alexandre Millette. "‘Accidental Celebrities’". Medijske studije 14, nr 28 (9.01.2024): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/ms.14.28.5.
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Using quantitative analysis, we analyzed the coverage of women indirectly involved in four major U.S. presidential scandals (Watergate, Iran-Contra, Clinton-Lewinsky affair, Ukraine quid pro quo) through 258 articles published in six magazines (The Atlantic, The New York Times Magazine, Time, The New Yorker, Newsweek, Rolling Stone) to assess how they are described by journalists. Three assumptions guided our analysis. First, women are covered in a negative way even if they are not responsible for the scandal. Second, they are covered by the magazines in a stereotypical way to describe their behavior, their character, or their role in the scandal. Finally, the coverage of women involved in more recent scandals is less stereotypical and less negative. While the literature shows that women receive more negative coverage than men when they are responsible for political scandals, our results show that this is also the case for these “accidental celebrities”.
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Sass, Jensen, i Thomas Crosbie. "Democracy and Scandal: A Research Agenda". Comparative Sociology 12, nr 6 (2013): 851–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341285.
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Abstract In a recent edition of this journal, Scott Brenton (2012) announced a refreshing perspective on the relationship between political scandal and liberal democratic institutions: though scandals are often thought anathema to democratic politics, a cause of public distraction or a sign of institutional degradation, their effect may actually be to reinforce and rejuvenate the polity. We consolidate and then challenge this perspective. We begin by reconstructing Brenton’s observations on scandal as a process model which we term the “scandal reform cycle”. We then suggest a raft of challenges to the model to reveal the complexity of scandals and their uncertain institutional effects. Our larger ambition is to articulate the relationship between scandal and democracy not as a simple question but rather as an ambitious and timely research agenda.
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Choi, Manseek, i Soonwook Hong. "A Study on Corporate Social Responsibility and Corporate Scandals of Chaebol". Korea International Trade Research Institute 19, nr 5 (31.10.2023): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.16980/jitc.19.5.202310.39.
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Purpose - This study reviews the corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities of Korea Composite Stock Price Index (KOSPI) companies involved in scandals. Additionally, we study Chaebol companies’ CSR activities of involved in the scandal and analyzes how much Chaebol companies with scandals spend on charitable donations.
Design/Methodology/Approach - We exploit 11,975 firm-years listed on the Korea Exchange from 2001 to 2021, using the KOSPI firms as samples. We estimate the multiple regression model to test hypotheses. Also, we construct a one-to-one matching sample using the propensity score matching method to overcome endogeneity problems and to check the robustness.
Findings - The analysis finds that companies with scandals donate more than those without. In addition, among these companies, Chaebol companies with scandals tend to spend less on donations.
Research Implications - When corporate scandals occur, listed companies in Korea Exchange try to improve their image by actively engaging in CSR activities. However, Chaebol companies are not likely to engage in vigorous CSR activities even during scandals. The ethical level of a company can be inferred through its donation activities, depending on the situation.
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Grove, Hugh, i Maclyn Clouse. "Corporate Governance Principles and Sustainability". Corporate Governance and Sustainability Review 1, nr 2 (2017): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cgsrv1i2p2.
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With 21st century U.S. frauds destroying well over one trillion of market capitalization and now with Valeant’s 2016 market cap destruction of $86 billion, the question must again be asked: where were the gatekeepers (boards of directors, regulators, sell-side financial analysts, and auditors) to protect investors? Many of these frauds were caught only by short sellers, such as Jim Chanos (shorting Enron in 2000 and Valeant in 2014), Andrew Left (shorting Valeant in 2015), and buy-side financial analysts. Sir David Tweedy, the former chair of the International Accounting Standards Board, has commented: “The scandals that we have seen in recent years are often attributed to accounting although, in fact, I think the U.S. cases are corporate governance scandals involving fraud” (Tweedy, 2007). This paper is a case study using the Valeant $86 billion market cap destruction in 2016 to emphasize the timeless nature of such corporate governance scandals. This scandal was even larger than the infamous $78 billion market cap destruction scandal of Enron which occurred 15 years earlier in 2001. These scandals appear here to stay as the new normal so these gatekeepers should be doing everything they can to analyze the ongoing fraud problems. Accordingly, as a case study, this paper develops lessons learned from this $86 billion Valeant scandal to emphasize the importance of sustainable corporate governance principles as a pathway to avoid malpractices in the future.
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Jimenez-Andrade, Jesus, i Timothy Fogarty. "Skin in the game? Experimental reactions to prospective reputational damage by corporate personnel". Corporate Governance and Sustainability Review 3, nr 2 (2019): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cgsrv3i2p6.
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All organizations confront the possibility of scandal; however, the reputational threat caused by scandal is exacerbated when these events are not properly addressed. Since scandals also have the potential to adversely affect organizational personnel, dilemmas arise regarding traditional ideas of employee agency. In this study, we conduct an experiment manipulating the severity of the reputational threat and its financial consequences for decision-makers, using actual corporate officers and internal auditors. One key question is this: “Are corporate decision-makers’ responses to potential scandals affected by whether they, as incentivized individuals (via stock options), have “skin in the game?” Findings indicate that corporate personnel believe corporations should respond aggressively to scandals having potential reputational consequences; however, they prefer not to proactively respond to reputational threats when expected personal gains are likely to be jeopardized. Internal auditors, by contrast, are less sensitive to personal gains. An archival supplementary analysis supports these findings by suggesting that equity compensation was 17.7% higher before a severe reputational event.
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Fisiak, Marta. "Assessing the Impact of Communications Strategy and Ethical Positioningon the Resilience of a Political Career Facing Scandal: Critical Analysis of Sexual Scandals within American Politics". International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, nr 1 (9.11.2018): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.11.
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Throughout the evolution of public political discourse we have repeatedly seen the effects of scandals on the careers of many politicians. Although the cultural and societal norms that have traditionally dictated the results of such scandals have changed dramatically within the last two centuries, I believe that the aftermath of these scandals may be better understood by analyzing and comparing the politician’s previously established public image to the scandal at hand. I will argue that a negative impact only occurs if and when there is a clear contradiction of character that presents the politician as a deceitful or hypocritical person in the media sphere and therefore the eyes of the public.
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Lloyd, Liz, Albert Banerjee, Charlene Harrington, Frode F. Jacobsen i Marta Szebehely. "It is a scandal!" International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 34, nr 1/2 (4.03.2014): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-03-2013-0034.
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Purpose – This study aims to explore the causes and consequences of media scandals involving nursing homes for older persons in Canada, Norway, Sweden, the UK and the USA. Design/methodology/approach – This study uses a descriptive case-study methodology which provides an in-depth, focused, qualitative analysis of one selected nursing home scandal in each jurisdiction. Scandals were selected on the basis of being substantive enough to potentially affect policy. An international comparative perspective was adopted to consider whether and how different social, political and economic contexts might shape scandals and their consequences. Findings – This study found that for-profit residential care provision as well as international trends in the ownership and financing of nursing homes were factors in the emergence of all media scandals, as was investigative reporting and a lack of consensus around the role of the state in the delivery of residential care. All scandals resulted in government action but such action generally avoided addressing underlying structural conditions. Research limitations/implications – This study examines only the short-term effects of five media scandals. Originality/value – While there has been longstanding recognition of the importance of scandals to the development of residential care policy, there have been few studies that have systematically examined the causes and consequences of such scandals. This paper contributes to a research agenda that more fully considers the media's role in the development of residential care policy, attending to both its promises and shortcomings.
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Nyhan, Brendan. "Scandal Potential: How Political Context and News Congestion Affect the President's Vulnerability to Media Scandal". British Journal of Political Science 45, nr 2 (4.02.2014): 435–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000458.
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Despite its importance in contemporary American politics, presidential scandal is poorly understood within political science. Scholars typically interpret scandals as resulting from the disclosure of official misbehavior, but the likelihood and intensity of media scandals is also influenced by the political and news context. This article provides a theoretical argument for two independent factors that should increase the president's vulnerability to scandal: low approval among opposition party identifiers and a lack of congestion in the news agenda. Using new data and statistical approaches, I find strong support for both claims. These results suggest that contextual factors shape the occurrence of political events and how such events are interpreted.
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Bebić, Domagoj, Antea Boko i Daniela Dolinar. "Meming up the Scandals". Medijske studije 14, nr 28 (9.01.2024): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/ms.14.28.6.
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This research investigates the amplifying role of memes in political scandals. This study, therefore, begins with the hypothesis that political scandals originating from mainstream media extend to social networks through memes. Consequently, the duration and impact of a specific scandal are extended as it circulates within these online platforms. The case study examines three Croatian news portals – Večernji.hr, Index.hr, and Slobodnadalmacija.hr – and analyzes memes published on the Megatroll Split Facebook page in June 2022. Findings indicate that despite a smaller number of memes generated within a two-day timeframe, the Megatroll Split Facebook page received more user engagement than Večernji. hr, which published sixteen articles over eight days. This research confirms the significant role of memes in political scandals and underscores the need for further exploration in this area.
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Toepfl, Florian. "Managing public outrage: Power, scandal, and new media in contemporary Russia". New Media & Society 13, nr 8 (10.06.2011): 1301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444811405021.
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Over the past three decades, scholars studying the phenomenon of political scandal have mostly based their works on the premise that scandals can only occur in liberal democracies. Contradictory to this assumption, however, some of the most heavily discussed phenomena in contemporary semi-authoritarian Russia are scandals emanating from the new, vibrant sphere of social media thriving on a largely unfiltered internet. How are these ‘internet scandals’ impacting politics in the semi-authoritarian political environment? To address this and related questions, I juxtapose two case studies of police corruption scandals that erupted in the social media sphere in 2009/2010. Drawing on the findings, I argue that Russia’s ruling elites are presently very much capable of managing these outbursts of public outrage. Mainly with the help of the powerful state-controlled television, public anger is very swiftly redirected towards lower-level authorities and foreign, supposedly hostile powers.
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Brenton, Scott. "Commentary on “Democracy and Scandal: A Research Agenda”". Comparative Sociology 12, nr 6 (2013): 863–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341286.
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Abstract In my original article “Scandals as a Positive Feature of Liberal Democratic Politics: A Durkheimian perspective” (2012b), I argued that scandals are actually a positive feature of liberal democratic politics, and rather than representing a threat to political stability serve an important function. Scandals provide a “safety valve” for the expression of negativity towards political actors while reinforcing collective values and ultimately strengthening the system, consistent with Durkheim’s ideas. The response to this article certainly contains some thought-provoking examples, but they do not contradict my argument that scandal can only occur in liberal democracies due to the necessity of freedom of speech, an open and aggressive media and strong political competition.
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Bossetta, Michael. "Scandalous Design: How Social Media Platforms’ Responses to Scandal Impacts Campaigns and Elections". Social Media + Society 6, nr 2 (kwiecień 2020): 205630512092477. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120924777.
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Given the role of social media in the modern election, scholars should not only study how platforms function for political actors; we should also study how platforms function as political actors. This essay therefore introduces the concept of scandalous design, which refers to programmatic changes in how social media operate in response to scandal. On the one hand, scandals can encourage changes in the architectural design of social media as products—that is, how platform providers introduce or manipulate features to mitigate the consequences of scandal. On the other, the concept of scandalous design recognizes the agency of these platforms as companies, who alter their organizational protocols in pursuit of furthering their business interests and generating goodwill with governments. The essay’s main argument is that deconstructing platforms’ responses to scandal can provide an empirical glimpse into how social media companies position themselves as political actors. I break down scandalous design into four typological groups: the introduction and manipulation of platform features, and changes to platforms’ analog and digital protocols. The typology is buttressed by recent empirical examples from elections in the United States, European Union, India, Brazil, and China. Without cognizance of how platforms’ operation—both digitally as products and politically as actors—evolves in response to scandal, scholars risk overlooking a key mechanism that contextualizes social media’s role in contemporary elections.
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BROWN, PATRICK, RUBÉN FLORES i ANDY ALASZEWSKI. "Understanding Policy Scandals in Historical Context: A Longer-Term Lens for Policy Analysis". Journal of Social Policy 49, nr 1 (26.03.2019): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727941900014x.
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AbstractThe emergence of and reaction to policy scandals has been usefully studied through comparative case studies. Far less attention has been devoted, however, to the study of such scandals in long-term historical context. With the aim of illuminating longer-term social processes which shape the likelihood that (health)care scandals emerge, we delineate three areas where such changes are visible: a) changing formats of social relations and emotions within and around care provision, and thereby understandings of and demands for compassionate care; b) heightened organisational and political sensitivity to failings; and c) changes in media reporting on healthcare failings, as well as in policy-makers’ responsiveness to and manipulation of media. We consider the 2013 Mid Staffordshire scandal in the English National Health Service and the extant policy literature on this scandal to help illuminate the added analytical value of our long-term approach. In the final section we explore the interconnection of the three processes and how longer-term approaches open up new vistas for policy analysis.
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Juares, Wanda, i Estefanía Zjlistra. "#VaccinationVip. Approach to the study of corruption scandals on Twitter (now X)". Paakat: Revista de Tecnología y Sociedad 14, nr 26 (27.02.2024): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/pk.a14n26.832.
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In February 2021, Argentina became embroiled in a political corruption scandal known as #VacunatorioVip, which emerged in the context of the covid-19 vaccination campaign. This commotion became a focal point of public debate and engagement on Twitter (now X), highlighting the intersection between political scandal, corruption, pandemic, and the role of Twitter as a digital public-media space. Taking this case, we propose to study how Twitter has transformed the dynamics of corruption scandals in the public sphere by studying internet users, narratives, and network topology. Using a mixed methodological approach that incorporates digital methodologies, we aim to contribute to the reflection on the impact of Twitter in shaping and amplifying corruption scandals.
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Halladay, Peter Mark, i Charlene Harrington. "Scandals of abuse: policy responses in intellectual disabilities". International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 35, nr 1/2 (9.03.2015): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2013-0117.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to compare two scandals related to the care of individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities (I/DD) in the USA and the UK. Design/methodology/approach – A descriptive case study methodology was used to conduct an in-depth qualitative analysis of the two scandals to examine the process of scandal development, and to survey the policy response against policy trends and theories of abuse in each case. The two cases were systematically analysed against a theoretical framework derived from Bonnie and Wallace (2003) theoretical framework for understanding abuse based on its sociocultural context, the social embeddedness of organisations providing care, and the individual level characteristics and interactions of subjects and carers. Findings – In both cases the process of scandal construction was comparable, and each case offered confirmatory support to extant theories of abuse, and to wider policy trends within I/DD. Research limitations/implications – The study examines only the short-term policy responses to the scandals in two countries, based on published material only. Originality/value – This paper contributes an international comparison of the similarities and differences in the social construction of scandal and the policy responses to abuse and neglect of a vulnerable population using systematic analytical frameworks.
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Sharpe, Stacey. "Accounting-Based Brand Scandals and the Implications for Firm-Level Advertising Spending". Studies in Business and Economics 16, nr 2 (1.08.2021): 230–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sbe-2021-0036.
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Abstract This study examines strategic firm-level advertising behavior around accounting-based brand scandal events. This analysis is guided by propositions presented in the brand scandal and marketing-finance literatures regarding firm response to brand scandal events. While, recent findings from the marketing-finance literature show that managers tend to reduce advertising when anticipating the release of negative information, this response is contrary to the established support and recommendation from the extant brand scandal literature. This inconsistency suggests that firms treat product-based brand scandal events different from accounting-based brand scandal events. A sample of firms accused of financial misreporting by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and US Department of Justice between 1977 and 2010 is used to examine the central research question and hypotheses regarding the relationship between accounting-based brand scandals and firm-level advertising spending. The results of this analysis provide empirical support for the relevance of advertising expenditures to firm’s approach to reputation management strategies in the wake of accounting-based brand scandals.
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Greer, Chris, i Eugene McLaughlin. "Theorizing institutional scandal and the regulatory state". Theoretical Criminology 21, nr 2 (9.05.2016): 112–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480616645648.
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One by one, UK public institutions are being scandalized for corruption, immorality or incompetence and subjected to trial by media and criminal prosecution. The state’s historic response to public sector scandal—denial and neutralization—has been replaced with acknowledgement and regulation in the form of the re-vamped public inquiry. Public institutions are being cut adrift and left to account in isolation for their scandalous failures. Yet the state’s attempts to distance itself from its scandalized institutions, while extending its regulatory control over them, are risky. Both the regulatory state and its public inquiries risk being consumed by the scandals they are trying to manage.
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Paschall, Collin, Tracy Sulkin i William Bernhard. "The Legislative Consequences of Congressional Scandals". Political Research Quarterly 73, nr 2 (7.02.2019): 293–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919826224.
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We explore the consequences of involvement in scandal for members of Congress’ (MCs) success within the House of Representatives. Our analyses target all MCs who served in the 101st to 112th Congresses (1989–2012). Across this time period, we identify 253 discrete member-term observations of professional or personal scandal. Our results demonstrate that scandal stalls the upward trajectory of MCs’ careers in the chamber, affecting their levels of legislative effectiveness, their centrality to the congressional network, and their likelihood of gaining or losing prestigious committee assignments and leadership positions. Importantly, these effects can linger beyond the term following scandal, shaping MCs’ behavior into the future. Our findings demonstrate that in addition to negative electoral repercussions, scandals can have important legislative consequences for members.
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Gottschalk, Petter, i Michael L. Benson. "The Evolution of Corporate Accounts of Scandals From Exposure to Investigation". British Journal of Criminology 60, nr 4 (3.02.2020): 949–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azaa001.
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Abstract We extend research on how corporations respond to scandals by examining the evolution of the accounts that are developed by corporate agents after a scandal becomes public. Guided by the theory of accounts and a recently developed perspective on crisis management, we examine how the accounts developed by 12 corporations caught up in highly publicized scandals changed from the time of initial exposure to the issuance of an investigative report. Our analysis shows that denial of wrongdoing in several cases is replaced by admission of wrongdoing and scapegoating, while obfuscation of wrongdoing is replaced by denial or acceptance of responsibility and scapegoating. We conclude with a discussion of the broader managerial and social implications of our analysis and how it furthers our understanding of the ability of corporations to weather serious scandals.
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Neckel, Sighard. "Political Scandals An Analytical Framework". Comparative Sociology 4, nr 1-2 (2005): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569133054621950.
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AbstractScandals may seem to be unique events, and thus not comparable to each other. But closer analysis shows that scandals raise basic questions of power and legitimacy, and can play a role in clarifying the normative bases of mass-elite interaction and political rule in society. Scandals are a form of conflict, first visible in their present form in the bourgeois state; their origins and course of development depend upon both the normative commitments made by public figures and the consciousness and perceptions of the population at large. Bourdieu's theory of "delegation" is particularly useful for illuminating the dynamics of scandal, and their implications for political legitimacy.
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Zurnic, Marija. "Anti-corruption discourse and institutional change in Serbia: The money in Cyprus scandal". Filozofija i drustvo 24, nr 1 (2013): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1301119z.
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This paper focuses on the scandal that occurred in 2001 during the intensive investigation of the financial transfers from Serbia to Cyprus during the 1990s. The paper looks at the strategies employed by politicians, practitioners and civil servants to achieve their political agendas. The findings prove that most actors take one of the following positions. They either share information about corruption scandals with the public in order to gain legitimacy for anti-corruption action, or they coordinate their joint response and avoid talking about the scandals in order to reduce political costs.
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Sato, Shintaro, Akiko Arai, Yosuke Tsuji i Mark Kay. "When Should a Brand Cut Ties With a Scandalized Endorser?" Communication & Sport 8, nr 2 (30.01.2019): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479519826054.
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It is important for brands to appropriately respond when their athlete endorsers are involved in a scandal. The present study examines how consumer evaluations of endorsed brands are influenced by a brand’s response to an endorser scandal. A 2 (brand response strategy type: maintenance vs. termination) × 2 (endorser scandal type: competence-relevant vs. competence-irrelevant) between-subjects experiment is conducted. Specifically, the authors focus on the perceived appropriateness of the response strategy and consumer attitudes toward an endorsed brand. Subjects were recruited from Amazon Mechanical Turk ( N = 111). Consumers perceive that terminating an endorsement contract with a scandalized endorser is more appropriate than maintaining the relationship. This is particularly true when celebrity endorsers are involved in competence-relevant scandals. A further analysis provided support for the idea that perceived “appropriateness” mediates the relationship between competence-relevant scandal and consumer attitude toward an endorsed brand. A termination strategy was considered appropriate when scandalized endorsers engaged in competence-relevant scandals, which eventually lead to more favorable consumer evaluations toward an endorsed brand.
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McCormick, Lisa. "Pogorelich at the Chopin: Towards a sociology of competition scandals". Chopin Review, nr 1 (27.04.2023): 52–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.56693/cr.103.
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Controversies are a regular feature on the international classical music competition circuit, and some of these explode into scandals that are remembered long afterward. This essay draws from the sociology of scandal to identify the conditions that predispose classical music competitions to moral disruption and to examine the cultural process through which a scandal attains legendary status. The case considered in depth is the International Fryderyk Chopin Piano Competition and the controversy surrounding Ivo Pogorelich’s elimination from the 10th Competition in 1980. Through an analysis of media coverage in Polish and English, I show how the scandal was discursively constructed through two interpretive frameworks: the collective memory of previous controversies at the Chopin Competition, and a generational divide. I also trace the legacy of the scandal over the decades that followed. Following Durkheim, I argue that controversies at classical music competitions should not be taken as an indication of their decline. Rather, scandals – especially legendary ones – can have positive effects for competition organisations and the wider social world of classical music, as long as they do not become chronic.
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Lee, Francis L. F. "The Spillover Effects of Political Scandals: The Moderating Role of Cynicism and Social Media Communications". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 95, nr 3 (17.08.2017): 714–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699017723604.
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This study examines how political cynicism and social media communications moderate the spillover effects of political scandals, that is, the extent to which a scandal surrounding one political figure may influence people’s attitudes toward other political objects. Theoretically, spillover effects are understood as grounded in how people understand the interconnections among politicians and institutions. Analysis of a representative survey in Hong Kong documents the presence of spillover effects of scandals surrounding the Chief Executive of the government. The findings also illustrate the moderating role of political cynicism and, to a lesser extent, political communications via social media.
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Ruderman, Nick, i Neil Nevitte. "Assessing the Impact of Political Scandals on Attitudes toward Democracy: Evidence from Canada's Sponsorship Scandal". Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, nr 4 (grudzień 2015): 885–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915001055.
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AbstractSatisfaction with the workings of democracy seems to have declined in Canada, as it has in other established democracies. Political scandals are one frequently invoked explanation for that shift. But there is substantial scholarly disagreement about whether political scandals undermine democratic satisfaction. This paper uses evidence from a conveniently timed round of the CES (Canadian Election Study) from 2004, as well as the CES panel from 2004 and 2006, to explore this relationship more definitively than is usually possible. The results indicate that the scandal eroded satisfaction with the way democracy works but did not undermine support for democracy more generally.
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Taylor, Andrew J., i Michael D. Cobb. "The Individual-Level Origins of Congressional Corruption Scandals". American Politics Research 48, nr 4 (22.05.2019): 442–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19850093.
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To date, the literature on corruption scandals in Congress focuses exclusively on their consequences. Using theory that directs analyses of the causes of corruption scandals at the jurisdictional level in the American states and other countries, we test a variety of hypotheses about which kinds of members of the House are more likely to be caught in these episodes. We derive our hypotheses from three basic propositions about individual-level corruption—opportunity, culture, and target. There is evidence to support them all. Members with cultivated relationships, in positions of power, and elected from districts with traditions of or perceived tolerance for corruption are disproportionately scandalous. So, interestingly, are some potentially marginalized legislators, particularly racial minorities. We explore the finding that Black members are frequently associated with corruption scandals.