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1
Lankina, Tomila. "Local self-government and ethnic mobilisation in the Russian Federation, 1990-1999". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365629.
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Kosygina, Larisa Vladimirovna. "The Russian migration regime and migrants' experiences : the case of non-Russian nationals from former Soviet republics". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/650/.
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This thesis explores how the Russian migration regime is reflected in migrants' experiences and identities. The conceptual framework developed in the thesis is informed by the theory of structuration. On the basis of this theory and the analysis of primary empirical data, the thesis seeks to refine the understanding of the concepts of 'migration regime', 'social exclusion' and 'territorialisation' of identity. The empirical research conducted for the thesis focuses on the period 2002-2009 and on the experiences and identities of a particular group of migrants, namely, former Soviet citizens from former republics of the USSR, who are currently living in post-Soviet Russia without Russian citizenship. The thesis explores and analyses, on the one hand, the structures which constitute the Russian migration regime and, on the other, the stories told by interviewed migrants about their lives in Russia. The thesis argues that the current migration regime of the Russian Federation represents 'a differentiated system of othering' and shows that this system is informed by two processes - nation-building and racialisation. It also argues that differentiations institutionalised in the Russian migration regime affect the social exclusion of migrants and through this the 'territorialisation' of their identities.
3
Üre, Pınar. "Byzantine heritage, archaeology, and politics between Russia and the Ottoman Empire : Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople (1894-1914)". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1005/.
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This dissertation will analyse the history of the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople, which operated between 1895 and 1914. Established under the administrative structure of the Russian Embassy in Constantinople, the institute occupied a place at the intersection of science and politics. Focusing nearly exclusively on Byzantine and Slavic antiquities in the Ottoman Empire, the activities of the institute reflected the imperial identity of Russia at the turn of the century. As was explicitly expressed by Russian diplomats, bureaucrats, and scholars, the establishment of an archaeological institution in the Ottoman capital was regarded as a foreign policy tool to extend Russia’s influence in the Near East, a tool of “soft power” in modern parlance. On the Ottoman side, foreign archaeological activities were regarded with suspicion especially in the later part of the 19th century. In an attempt to preserve its vulnerable sovereignty, Ottoman Empire closely monitored foreign archaeological activities on its territories. For the Ottoman Empire, archaeology was also a way of projecting its image as a modern, Westernised empire. For both Russian and Ottoman archaeologists, European scholarship was regarded as an example that should be followed, and a rival at the same time. Russian archaeologists had to close down their office with the outbreak of World War I. The complications that arose with the disintegration of the institute were solved only in the late 1920s between the Soviet Union and Republican Turkey, under completely different political circumstances.
4
Kahn, Jeff. "A federal facade : problems in the development of Russian federalism". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300727.
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Duncan, Peter John Stuart. "Russian messianism : a historical and political analysis". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1989. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6873/.
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This is an analysis of the nature and political significance of Russian messianism: the idea that the Russian people or the Russian State is the `chosen people' or the `chosen instrument'. I outline the genesis of the theory of Moscow, the Third Rome and discuss the ideas and activities of the nineteenth-century Slavophils, the pan-Slavists, Dostoevsky and Vladimir Solovyov. I examine the influence of messianism on Russian Communism, considering Berdiaev's views. The main part of the work investigates the rebirth of interest in Russian messianism in the Brezhnev period. I try to investigate the links between this cultural movement and the Russian nationalist elements within the political éite. My main sources for this are samizdat journals and articles, in particular the journal Veche, cultural journals such as Novyi mir, Molodaia gvardiia and Nash sovremennik, Party documents and éigré/ journals. I find that Russian messianism has been especially important at times when the country is in crisis: Russia is in Golgotha, but where there is suffering there is also redemption, not only for Russia but for humanity. It has by no means been always dominant in intellectual thought. It has had little influence (under either tsars or Communists) on the fields of nationality policy, policy towards religion or foreign policy. Today, as in the nineteenth century, its adherents can be opponents or supporters of the existing State structure. The growth of non-Russian nationalism under Gorbachov, combined with glasnost', has fuelled Russian nationalism. This is unlikely to be co-opted into the official ideology, because it would increase the dissatisfaction of the non-Russians.
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Croll, Neil Harvey. "Mikhail Tukhachevsky in the Russian Civil War". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1577/.
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Much has been written about Mikhail Nikolaevich Tukhachevsky. His development of the “Deep Battle” military theory in the late 1920s and 1930s, the attendant mechanisation of the Red Army and his role in the development of the Soviet military/industrial complex have been well-researched. The “Tukhachevsky Affair”, the discussion surrounding his execution in the military purge of 1937, continues to attract interest. However, a detailed analysis of his early life and Civil War command career has never been completed. This gap is filled by this thesis. Tukhachevsky’s early life is explored to provide background, but also to provide a biographical account and to illustrate who he was when he joined the Red Army and Bolshevik Party in 1918. The thesis demonstrates that he was not a communist at this stage. However, his command experiences during the Civil War, combining military tactics of continuous manoeuvre warfare with constant frontline mobilisations, political agitation and repression, allowed him to develop a theory of class warfare and saw his conversion to a belief in the efficacy of Marxist principles when applied to military methods. Tukhachevsky’s success in the Civil War is compared to his failure in the Polish-Soviet War and the basis for the latter is that his continuation of class warfare methods were unsuitable for the conflict in Poland. The success of Tukhachevsky’s class warfare methods is explained by their relevance to the situation and social fabric of Russia at the time. The retention of these principles to form the basis of the operational side of “Deep Battle” is argued, as is Tukhachevsky’s openness to innovation in weaponry and tactics gleaned during his Civil War command. Tukhachevsky’s role in the early Red Army formulation is detailed, as is his development of the concept of “unified command” involving the creation of Red Commanders. The Communist Party leadership’s use of Tukhachevsky as a “troubleshooter” to deal with prioritised areas during the Civil War, leading to his service on every major Front at crucial stages is highlighted, as are the connections he made on the Civil War battlefields, friendly and hostile. It is shown that during his Civil War commands he met with those with whom he would later work and that their collaboration and experimentation began almost immediately.
7
Opdahl, Ingerid Maria. "Mutually supportive? : the Russian state and Russian energy companies in the post-Soviet region, 1992-2012". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6548/.
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This thesis investigates relations between five Russian energy companies – RAO UES/Inter RAO (electricity), Minatom/Rosatom (nuclear energy), Lukoil (oil), Transneft (oil pipelines) and Gazprom (gas) – and the Russian state from 1992 to 2012, with particular regard to state-company interaction over Russian foreign policy and companies’ activities in the post-Soviet region. The argument is that, due to the institutional legacies of the Soviet system, state-company interaction over foreign policy and energy operations abroad was part of their interaction over the Russian state’s institutional development. The study is based on the conceptual framework of social orders developed by North, Wallis and Weingast (NWW). State-company relations are seen to vary according to their informality and formality, and how closely the companies, and their rent streams, are tied to the state and the ruling coalition, or regime. The thesis concludes that the institutions that structure companies’ relations with the Russian state at home make them more or less available as foreign policy tools. In particular, domestic state-company relations influence the companies’ role in maintaining post-Soviet energy dependence on Russia. The thesis highlights the energy companies’ importance for state infrastructural power, and for the durability of Russia’s authoritarian regime.
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Phillips, James Peter. "The Eastern Crisis, 1875-1878, in British and Russian press and society". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13629/.
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This thesis of 84,616 words uses the Eastern Crisis of 1875-78 to consider the Press in Great Britain and Russia. 5 case-study chapters consider respectively the reaction to the Bosnian and Hercegovinian revolt of 1875, the Bulgarian 'Atrocity Campaign' of 1876, the outpouring of public sympathy in Russia for the cause of the Serbs in 1876, the involvement of Greece in Eastern crisis, and the British 'Jingo' movement. For each case study, the relationship of the mass activity to the newspaper and periodical press is considered, as well as tracing the interplay between government and Press, and examining whether the Press was able to act as an intermediary between people and government. As this is a comparative study, these movements are considered not only through their own national Press, but through that of the other nation. A recurring theme throughout, is the running current of suspicion existing between Britain and Russia throughout this period, which is analysed in some detail, and shown to have been a highly significant factor in much of what was undertaken by both governments and individuals in Britain and Russia at this time.
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Kim, Seongjin. "Regionalism in the Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR and Russia : a case study of Siberia and the Russian Far East". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2447/.
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This study is concerned with the influence of regionalism in the Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR and Russia between 1989 and 1993 and its implications for future reform including the development of federal relations in Russia. In particular, emphasis will be placed on regionalist tendencies developed in Siberia and the Russian Far East. After perestroika, the discussion of federal relations showed varieties of possible developments, ranging from a unitary system to a confederation. Despite these varieties, it appears to be generally perceived that stable and 'genuine' federal relations are required in Russia. However, little attention has been paid to the role of the newly re-emerging political actor, the deputies of the central legislature, who are directly engaged in the establishment of such federal relations. This study reaches three main conclusions. First of all, regional socio-economic disparities affected the attitudes of deputies towards reform, including changes in centre-periphery relations. Secondly, the analysis suggests that at least two main streams of regionalism were developed during 1989-1993: one developed in the Congress by the regional deputy groups, and the other outside the Congresses by regional political leaders. Thirdly, despite growing regionalist tendencies in Russia at that time, regional political actors were not strong enough to initiate a federal structure of their preference, lacking horizontal and vertical coordination. This discussion of regionalism in the Congress leads us to a further conclusion that regional interest articulation was rather chaotic, hampering legislation of policies and thus facilitating the regionalisation of reform. Despite strong regionalist tendencies in some sub-national units, particularly based on ethno-nationalist sentiments, such a development may erode the legacy of reform as well as regional autonomy itself.
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Wright, Alistair S. "The establishment of Bolshevik power on the Russian periphery : Soviet Karelia, 1918-1919". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3105/.
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Using an array of original materials from Russian regional and central archives this detailed study of Soviet Karelia from 1918-1919 is the first to appear in English after the fall of the Soviet Union. It adds to the still limited number of regional studies of the civil war period and using the Karelian districts as a case study discusses how the Bolsheviks consolidated power on the periphery, what factors hindered this process and what were the sources of resistance. Karelia is unique for a combination of reasons. First, it is a grain deficit region and so was always in need of help with the supply of grain from the Volga and other parts of central Russia. Second, the political influence of the Left Socialist Revolutionary party (Left SRs) continued for a considerable time after the events of July 1918. The thesis explores how power was transferred in the region following the October revolution and how the planned political objectives of the Bolsheviks were stalled by the lack of political control in the districts not least of all, for most of 1918, because of the influence of the Left SRs. However, despite political, economic, social and military crises the Bolsheviks gained more experience in power as the civil war progressed and a semblance of order emerged from the chaos. They gained enough control over the food supply shortages for the population to subsist and increased their control in key Soviet institutions, such as the provincial security police (the Cheka) and the Red Army, which ultimately ensured the survival of the Bolshevik regime and victory in the civil war.
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Marshall, Alexander Graham. "Dar Al-Harb : the Russian general staff and the Asiatic frontier, 1860-1917". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4077/.
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The present thesis aims to examine how the Russian General Staff observed and assessed the Russian Empire’s Asiatic frontier during the period of its greatest extent (between 1860 and 1917). By providing an overview of the entire length of the Asiatic frontier it aims to provide an original addition to the existing historiography. Through analysis of the original records of the Asiatic Department of the Russian General Staff, it furnishes insight into areas of response by the Russian General Staff towards crisis situations where previously little or no scholarly work has been carried out. Thus, to cite just two examples, the thesis contains the first detailed coverage on the posting of the first Russian military agents to China during the so-called ‘Ili Crisis’ of 1881, and of the response of the General Staff to the revolt of Ishaqu Khan in northern Afghanistan in 1888. These new additions are complemented by detailed analysis of more conventional aspects of the existing historiography. For example, by studying the prelude to the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05 it provides for the first time in English a detailed analysis of the specific difficulties experienced by Tsarist military intelligence in the Far East in the years immediately preceding that conflict. The overall form of analysis is in the main geographically determined, but with the sections examining individual sections of the Russian Asiatic frontier preceded and followed by more general chapters surveying the development of doctrinal, organisational and ideological currents within the General Staff as a whole at both the beginning and end of the period under review. Chapter one in its first par surveys the development of the General Staff system itself in the Russian army. It provides in addition an analysis of available sources alongside a basic military history of the expansion of Russia’s Asiatic frontiers across this period. The first part of chapter two provides an overview of the instruments and ideas that had evolved and that were available to the Russian General Staff in its study Asia on the eve of the major Central Asian conquests of the 1860s. The second section of chapter two analyses how some of these currents, both cultural and doctrinal, intermingled and responded between approximately 1859 and 1873, with the characters of Prince Bariatinskii, Viceroy of the Caucasus during this period, providing a central focus and case study. Chapters three examines how some of the purely tactical and technical tools employed by the Russian army in its Asiatic conquests evolved over time and again looks at the role of individual thinkers in this evolutionary process. Chapter four, the main body of the work, in three major sub-sections analyses the fully developed use of all these instruments and trends in the Russian General Staff’s plans and threat-assessments for the three major areas of their Asiatic frontier - the Far East, the Caucasus, and the region of Central Asia-Afghanistan. The conclusion seeks to contribute a new perspective to current levels of analysis by setting the Tsarist military’s orientalist activities within the context of the current debates regarding European colonialism and the nature of orientalism in general. In doing so it also seeks to draw together the three underlying themes running throughout the work - the development of the General Staff’s analysis of Asia by 1917, the still unresolved conflict of centre-periphery relations that afflicted every aspect of Russian Asiatic policy, and the growing consciousness of a ‘knowledge crisis’ that afflicted the Tsarist General Staff as a whole, a crisis reflected in the press and academic organs of the day. This last phenomenon, along with many of the tools and approaches to tackle it, would form one of Tsarist Russia’s largest legacies to the Soviet Union. The thesis will prove useful to students of military history, Russia-Asia diplomatic relations, and those interested by the development and evolution of the ‘knowledge-state’ between the late eighteenth and early twentieth centuries. Above all it seeks to provide a prism through which the reader can appreciate many of the difficulties attached to the development of military intelligence and the modern ‘knowledge economy’, difficulties that continue to afflict many states, not least Russia, even today.
12
Matz, Johan. "Constructing a post-Soviet international political reality Russian foreign policy towards the newly independent states, 1990-95 /". Uppsala : [Uppsala University], 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/46401841.html.
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Turton, Katy. "Forgotten lives : the role of Anna, Ol'ga and Mariia Ul'ianova in the Russian revolution 1864-1937". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2004. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2594/.
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Anna, Ol’ga and Mariia Ul’ianova hold a place in history as Lenin’s sisters, his supporters and helpers, but they played a far greater role in the Russian revolution and the Soviet regime as revolutionaries and Bolsheviks in their own right. However, this aspect of their lives has been consistently overlooked by English-language historians for decades. This thesis aims to redress this imbalanced portrayal of the Ul’ianov women. Although not solely biographical in nature, it traces Anna, Ol’ga and Mariia’s lives from their childhood and education, through their work in the underground revolutionary movement to their careers in the Soviet regime. It also investigates the personality cults that arose around the Ul’ianov women and their portrayal in history since their deaths to the present day. The thesis uses extensive unpublished primary documents from the GRASPI and GARF archives in Moscow and contemporary publications such as Pravda and Proletarskaia revoliutsiia to build a picture of Anna, Ol’ga and Mariia’s lives and to interrogate secondary sources about the sisters. The thesis draws various conclusions about the Ul’ianov women. Ol’ga died when she was twenty, so she features only in two chapters of the thesis. Nonetheless it is clear that like Anna and Mariia she was an intelligent and well-educated young woman, who devoted herself to the study of revolutionary ideas. Anna and Mariia joined the underground movement in the early 1890s and, alongside Lenin, established themselves as competent, dedicated social democrats. Although the sisters have been portrayed as little more than Lenin’s helpers, this thesis shows that Anna and Mariia had independent revolutionary careers before 1917, acting as party correspondents, newspapers workers and agitators. It is also apparent that during the underground years the Ul’ianov family as a whole acted as a mutual support network, exchanging political information, advice and instructions.
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Keçeci, Serkan. "The grand strategy of the Russian Empire in the Caucasus against its southern rivals (1821-1833)". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3512/.
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This dissertation will analyse the grand strategy of the Russian empire against its southern rivals, namely the Ottoman empire and Iran, in the Caucasus, between 1821 and 1833. This research is interested in explaining how the Russian imperial machine devised and executed successful strategies to use its relative superiority over the Ottomans and the Qājārs and secure domination of the region. Russian success needs, however, to be understood within a broader context that also takes in Ottoman and Iranian policy-making and perspectives, and is informed by a comparative sense of the strengths and weaknesses of all three imperial regimes. In this thesis, the question of why Russia was more successful than the Ottoman state and Iran in the Caucasus between 1821 and 1833 is explained in three main ways: the first and most important factor in this process was the well-functioning fiscal-military machine of the Russian empire; the second factor was the diplomatic and military skill of the Russian leadership which helped to avert any effective political and military alliance between the Ottoman empire and Iran and defeated its rivals in two separate and successive wars; the last main factor in Russian success was its geopolitically superior position.
15
Swain, Alison. "The development of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 1993 - 2008". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1839/.
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This thesis considers the development of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), from its foundation in 1993 to the Presidential election of 2008. The study begins with a discussion of the context of change for the CPRF in the post-Soviet world from the perspective of political transitions of other communist parties and their development in the post-Soviet world. The final years of the party’s predecessor, and that predecessor’s collapse contribute a sense of perspective to the party’s development and this is followed by a consideration of the need for ideological change in order to transform the party, the electorate’s support for the CPRF in recent parliamentary elections and the political views of members of a branch of the party with particular emphasis on the opinions of younger members: those who may be guiding the party’s development in the future. How does the transformation of the CPRF compare with that of other communist parties in the region? Organisational change, including the inheritance of political control and resources by former communist parties in some countries where they were in power, has greatly aided some parties in their return to government while the lack of such advantages has hindered others. The ban on the party in Russia adversely affected the unification of communists in Russia from 1991 to 1993 while the CPRF’s counterparts in other countries faced no such difficulties. The electoral successes of other communist and former-communist parties serve to highlight the increased problems the CPRF faces after the splits the party has undergone in recent years. Ideological change across the post-communist world has been very varied in terms of moves towards social democracy, towards nationalism or the retention of a more orthodox communism depending on the local circumstances in individual countries. How has the legacy of the CPSU influenced the formation and development of the successor party? The origins of the CPRF can be seen in the divisions that formed in the CPSU in its final years. The scale of ideological change in the final years of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union can be seen in the radical differences between the 1986 Party Programme and 1991 draft Programme. Documents from the era reveal a failure to understand the depth of the reaction against communism in Eastern Europe and what it could mean for the Soviet Union as well as concern about the effects of glasnost’ on support for the regime and the thinking behind attempts to use electoral change to increase the party’s legitimacy. These changes did not have the anticipated effect for the CPSU and resulted in the loss of party control over those elected and over electors with the formation of platforms in the CPSU and parties outside the CPSU leading the way to the demise of the party. When the ideology a party represents appears to have been comprehensively rejected, how does that party reposition itself in the political landscape in order to survive? With the election of a new leader prepared to lead the party in a new direction, the CPRF has recast itself as a nationalist party that sees communism as a Russian tradition. Zyuganov’s repositioning of the party has been characterised by the acceptance of democracy, which has arguably kept the CPRF in the public eye as the party has been represented in every Duma since 1993, and the search for means of uniting various political groups under a broad ‘patriotic’ banner in order to return the party to power at the head of a coalition. Zyuganov’s reworking of communist theory includes a heavy reliance on geopolitics to argue for the re-establishment of the Soviet Union and support for the Russian Orthodox Church and Russian culture as cornerstones of the patriotic cause. Which members of the Russian electorate now define themselves as communist? The party’s relationship with the electorate is examined through the results of public opinion surveys conducted just after the 1999 and 2003 Duma elections to see what views communist voters hold in common and whether it is possible to determine what political opinions can be said to predict a vote for the CPRF. A CPRF supporter could be predicted to be older and with more strongly held political views than the average Russian citizen. As many previous studies have found, age is clearly one of the most significant factors in predicting support for the CPRF but this factor is outweighed in these surveys by party identification and ideological conviction. If a voter identified with a political party and an ideology, there was a greater probability that that voter supported the CPRF than any other political party. Are members of the party able and willing to defend the change in direction of the party leadership? Interviews with members of the St Petersburg branch of the CPRF indicated that members were willing to accept the nationalist stance of the party as a temporary necessity to extend electoral support for the party. In view of the fact that party membership has fallen drastically in recent years, members were asked what was drawing them to join the CPRF or remain in the party when others had left. With an ageing and falling membership, the Komsomol is playing an important role by recruiting young people to the party. Members were asked for their views on the possibility of the party changing course and their attitudes to Zyuganov’s leadership. However, with support for the party from the electorate in decline, party members were divided about what they felt needed to change. This thesis concludes that the party remains popular with a minority of voters who were impoverished by the transition and that the current strategies of democratic participation and a nationalist stance have been accepted by the membership as the achievement of communism is seen as a very distant prospect. The party, however, still believes that communism is inevitable.
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Hudson, Victoria Ann. "A study of the civilisational aspects of Russian soft power in contemporary Ukraine". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5134/.
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This thesis contributes to an in-depth understanding of the concept of soft power, which according to Joseph Nye indicates the ability to achieve foreign policy goals through cultural attraction. For the purposes of this study of Russian cultural influence in Ukraine, soft power is rearticulated to highlight the ability to engage in mean-making and cultural-ideational leadership on the international stage. A critique of Nye justifies a reframing of soft power, which is supplied by drawing on the analytical power of post-Marxist hegemony and discourse theory. The methodology through which this concept is operationalised empirically emphasises outcomes over inputs, thus appraisals of soft power must account for whether the discourses promoted by mean-making initiatives resonate favourably with target audiences. Desk-based and field research supports an argument that Moscow acknowledges the need for soft power, understood here in terms of ‘sovereignty of spirit’. This civilisational approach is explored further, and the target narratives advanced by significant proponents of the discourse, namely the Russkiy Mir Foundation, the Russian Orthodox Church and foreign policy officials, are identified. Insights into the activities of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate to promote spiritually-infused discourses are provided, and new developments observed. Finally, the extent of Russian ‘civilisational’ soft power is estimated through surveys and focus groups gauging audience reception to the ideational narratives promoted.
17
Gross, Robert D. "Convergence and divergence in the “Islamic” republics of the Soviet Union and the Russian Empire : 1913-1988 /". The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487687115926063.
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Nygaard, Christian A. B. "The Russian oil industry in transition : institutional and organisational reform". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6936/.
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This thesis analyses institutional and organisational reform in the Former Soviet Union and Russia in order to examine the effects and existence of path dependency and institutional competition in the development of the Russian oil industry. Based on a New Institutional Economics and Transaction Costs Economics framework the thesis establishes a link between the evolution of the oil industry and the institutional matrix associate with the structure of state power. In the post-Soviet setting path dependency is created by the state's continued reliance on a patrimonial structure of state power. Resource and time pressure and the lack of a popular reform consensus resulted in the domination of the former mode of state power over the constitutional-bureaucratic system favoured by the International Financial Institutions. The transaction cost premium associated with the constitutional-bureaucratic structure and the appropriation of income and resources created a bias towards the historic structure of state power. Thus state survival was an important factor in creating path dependency. However, the thesis reveals that due to the less ideologically based political foundation there is greater room for institutional competition. While such competition has remained low at the state administrative level the thesis finds there is some evidence of institutional competition at the industry level. Two corporate strategies (the Soviet Styled Company and the Western Styled Company) have emerged from the original Holding Type Company. These two strategies display different approaches to income extraction, development strategy and ownership structure. The two strategies constitute the basis from which potential institutional competition in the oil industry may develop.
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Nordberg, Mats. "State forest management reforms in three ex-Soviet republics : reforms, reasons and differences /". Uppsala : Dept. of forest products, Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, 2007. http://epsilon.slu.se/200767.pdf.
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Meadowcroft, Jeff R. "The history and historiography of the Russian worker-revolutionaries of the 1870s". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3079/.
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In March, 1877, the radical worker Pëtr Alekseev gave his speech at the ‘Trial of Fifty,’ contributing to the social-revolutionary movement one of the founding documents in Russia’s fledgling, working-class history. In the decades that followed, many others of the workers’ circles of the 1870s would compose and contribute their own stories to this revolutionary, ‘workers’ history.’ It was understood that, for workers to ‘speak for themselves’ was one step towards a workers’ revolution, carried out by and for the working people. The ‘workers’ voice’ had been borne by Alekseev in 1877, and was shared by worker-memoirists and other worker-writers through the early twentieth century. Individual workers were called represent, embody, testify to and speak for the mass, or the working-class as a whole. Thus, the notion of the ‘workers’ voice’ tied together the propaganda, the historiography, and the philosophy of the Russian social-revolutionary movement. A study of the ‘workers’ voice’ in history and historiography reveals the connections between these areas of revolutionary thought and practice, and provides a better understanding of the role of individual workers - as activists and as writers - in the Russian socialist movement. Revolutionary historiography developed alongside and in concert with political theories of the social revolution, mass action, social law and social determination, individuality, and consciousness. For a small number of radical democrats-turned-‘rebels,’ anarchists, and social-revolutionaries – most, if not all, born into the educated elite, a few to the families of the high, landed nobility - adherence to the narodnik tenet that ‘the emancipation of the working class should be conquered by workers’ themselves’ made their own, committed or conscious choice of the ‘cause’ over the existing system of things marginal to the historical and social forces driving Russia towards revolution. The ‘going to the people’ movement was aimed at bringing ‘workers themselves’ into their movement. By developing certain working people into carriers of the socialist message, the movement hitherto limited to students, publicists, and the wayward sons and daughters of state officials, merchants and clergymen would become the ‘a working-class matter.’ Thus, a special place was allotted to the ‘self-educated’ or ‘self-developed’ workers who, like the self-styled ‘intelligentsia,’ were consciously committed, synthesising ‘consciousness’ with their own class experience and the social necessity behind it. The political and historical valorisation of the ‘workers’ voice’ extended this idea into the documentation and the history of the popular and workers’ movements. Just as the workers would have to ‘emancipate themselves,’ so too would they speak for themselves and write their own history. This history, it was thought, would eventually belong to the workers by right. Thus, historical writing and the documentation of a workers’ history, informed by judgments regarding individuality, society, class, history, and their relationships, became politically significant for the revolutionary movement as working people began to enter it and ‘speak for themselves.’ Late in the nineteenth century, the worker-revolutionaries of the 1870s began to write their own memoirs of events. Entering the documentary record as individuals, it was their task to testify to working-class experience. Thus, at the point where working people became ‘individuals’ for history and for future historians, marking themselves as different from the mass by leaving their own writings, and stories, and memoirs, they were also tied inextricably to a political viewpoint that identified every and any worker as practically identical. As political figures, ‘conscious’ radicals who had taken responsibility for their own actions, their lives were historically definite; as ‘working men,’ sharing in a victimhood that was common to millions, their lives were indefinite, unhistorical, alienated. In the attempt to explain one part of their lives by the other, in the juxtaposition of class experience with political experience, in the light of a political function that had workers become witnesses rather than writers, the worker-revolutionaries reproduced in their political and historical writings the class categories that their radicalism had contradicted. The awkward position of worker-intelligent – in one half unique, conscious, definite, historical, active, by the other: plural, instinctive, indefinite, and passive – was stamped into ‘workers’ writings.
21
Porteous, Holly. "Reading femininity, beauty and consumption in Russian women's magazines". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5775/.
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Western-origin women’s lifestyle magazines have enjoyed great success in post-Soviet Russia, and represent part of the globalisation of the post-Soviet media landscape. Existing studies of post-Soviet Russian women’s magazines have tended to focus on either magazine content or reader interpretations, their role in the media marketplace, or representations of themes such as glamour culture or conspicuous consumption. Based on a discourse analysis of the three Russian women’s lifestyle magazines Elle, Liza and Cosmopolitan, and interviews with 39 Russian women, the thesis interrogates femininity norms in contemporary Russia. This thesis addresses a gap in the literature in foregrounding a feminist approach to a combined analysis of both the content of the magazines, and how readers decode the magazines. Portrayals of embodied femininity in women’s magazines are a chief focus, in addition to reader decodings of these portrayals. The thesis shows how certain forms of aesthetic and cultural capital are linked to femininity, and how women’s magazines discursively construct normative femininity via portraying these forms of cultural capital as necessary for women. It also relates particular ways of performing femininity, such as conspicuous consumption and beauty labour, to wider patriarchal discourses in Russian society. Furthermore, the thesis engages with pertinent debates around cultural globalisation in relation to post-Soviet media and culture, and addresses both change and continuity in post-Soviet gender norms; not only from the Soviet era into the present, but across an oft-perceived East/West axis via the horizontalization and glocalisation of culture. The thesis discusses two main aspects of change: 1) the role now played by conspicuous consumption in social constructions of normative femininity; and 2) the expectation of ever increasing resources women are now expected to devote to beauty labour as part of performing normative femininity. However, I also argue that it is appropriate from a gender studies perspective to highlight Russian society as patriarchal as well as post-socialist. As such, I highlight the cross-cultural experiences women in contemporary Russia women share with women in other parts of the world. Accordingly, the research suggests that women’s lifestyle magazines in the post-Soviet era have drawn on more established gender discourses in Soviet-Russian society as a means of facilitating the introduction of relatively new norms and practices, particularly linked to a culture of conspicuous consumption.
22
Flynn, Moya. "Global frameworks, local realities : migrant resettlement in the Russian Federation". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2001. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1399/.
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The thesis explores the 'return' migration and resettlement experience of members of ethnic Russian and Russian speaking migrant populations who over the period 1991-2000 left their homes in the former republics of the Soviet Union to resettle on the territory of the Russian Federation, their 'historical homeland'. The study focuses upon individual experiences of resettlement in two regions of the Russian Federation, but locates these experiences within the context of the wider regional, national and global migration regimes. The thesis traces the development of the institutions and legislation of the Russian federal and regional migration regimes over the period 1995-2001. The study demonstrates that the way in which the migration process (the migration movement and subsequent resettlement) and the space of 'return' are constructed, through political and non-political discourse and practice, often conflicts with migrant experiences of the same process and their expectations of 'return'. It charts how migrants, despite displacement and the often constraining features of the surrounding migration environment, begin to re-construct their own sense of 'home' at the site of settlement. The study concludes that rather than the migration process of the Russian populations from the former republics being a 'return' to a 'homeland', for the individual migrant the process represents an attempt to re-create an immediate 'home', that is primarily achieved through a reliance upon personal networks of family and friends.
23
Gamblin, Graham John. "Russian populism and its relations with anarchism 1870-1881". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1401/.
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In both Soviet and Western historiography, Russian populism (narodnichestvo) has been studied more or less in isolation from the broader socialist movement in Europe. The aim of this thesis is to show that although it undoubtedly possessed characteristics peculiar to Russia, the populist movement should be understood as part of the Europe-wide revolutionary movement. To accomplish this, the thesis is structured around chapters discussing individuals who were involved in both the Russian revolutionary movement and the European anarchist movement, with which populism shared many ideas, ideologies tactics and internal disputes. These individuals are Mikhail Bakunin, Zemfirii Ralli and Petr Kropotkin. Around these chapters are studies of groups or movements connected with those individuals in Russia or Europe. Central themes include consistency, or the social groups which the revolutionaries hoped to address; organisational forms adopted by anarchists and populists; tactics to be used to rouse their constituencies to action and to organise and achieve revolution; relations of the revolutionaries to the masses; the differing concepts of political and social/economic revolution; and the rise of terrorism in both movements.
24
McDonald, Kristian P. "An investigation into the approach of modern Russian liberal thinkers towards nationalism". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2365/.
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The aim of this study is to show how liberal thinkers have responded to the problems liberalism as an ideology faces in Russia, and to the challenges which Russia is encountering as a country in transition. I will argue that liberals are constantly aware both of their marginalisation (which is seen as being cultural, historical and political) when they react to other ideologies and to those who hold political power, and also of the difficulty of shaping Russia's future along liberal lines. The liberal response to nationalism, therefore, provides a useful model in showing how liberals have reacted to ideologies which are typically regarded as being outside the liberal movement in Russia and also how they have sought to respond to many of the central questions relating to transition. I will show in this study that the response of liberals towards nationalism demonstrates a huge increase in the diversity of the liberal movement from the mid 1990's onwards, as the internal divides amongst liberals have become apparent under the impact of transition. Secondly, liberals have been torn between the possible strategic benefits of combining liberalism with non-liberal elements, weighed against the ideological problems these combinations cause. These dilemmas have left Russian liberalism as an essentially stagnant ideology which remains incapable of forming a united and coherent response both to its own marginalisation and to the challenges faced by Russia.
25
Yalcin, Deniz. "Federal Bargaining In Post-soviet Russia: A Comparative Study On Moscow'". Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606062/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine the nature of federal bargaining in post-Soviet Russia by comparing Moscow&rsquos negotiations with Russia&rsquo
s two oil-rich republics in the Middle Volga: Tatarstan and Bashkortostan. In particular, the thesis attempts to explain how Bashkortostan was able to gain autonomy from Moscow that is very close to the level of autonomy enjoyed by Tatarstan, despite the fact that Bashkortostan is clearly in a disadvantageous position when compared to Tatarstan and the Bashkorts form only the third largest ethnic group in the Republic after the Russians and the Tatars. The central hypothesis of this thesis is that sometimes the relatively disadvantageous party in federal bargaining might be given more autonomy not because of its bargaining power, but because of the general bargaining strategy of the federal center. Therefore this thesis is an attempt to understand how Moscow, fearing that Tatarstan might emerge as the hegemonic power in the Middle Volga, sought to strengthen the position of Bashkortostan against Tatarstan, and how the success of the Bashkort political elite to manipulate the weaknesses of Moscow in the post-Soviet arena provided Bashkortostan with more or less same degree of autonomy compared to that of Tatarstan&rsquo
s.
26
Burke, David. "Theodore Rothstein and the Russian political emigre influence on the British labour movement 1884-1920". Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1997. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/6122/.
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This thesis examines the influence of Russian political emigrés on the British labour movement, 1884-1920, with particular reference to the career of Theodore Rothstein. It takes as its starting point Sergius Stepniak's comments on the impact of a small group of socialists on a Liberal- Radical demonstration in Hyde Park in 1884, and closes with the formation of the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1920 and the refusal to allow Th. Rothstein re-entry into Britain in August 1920. It takes issue with those historians who have argued that the Russian political emigré influence was essentially harmful, serving only to undermine natural developments already in evidence on the British Left and imposing new perspectives, which later made the CPGB subservient to the needs of Soviet foreign policy. This thesis, on the contrary, argues that the Russian political emigré community in Britain, predominantly Jewish, had become an integral part of the Left-wing of the British labour movement by the time of the formation of the CPGB, and as such formed part of the British socialist tradition that favoured Marxism. It looks specifically at the history of the Social-Democratic Federation, (SDF) which between 1884 and 1920 adopted the titles Social-Democratic Party and British Socialist Party before it merged itself with the CPGB in 1920. The SDF appealed particularly to the Russian political emigrés, as opposed to other groupings, because it saw itself as a Social-Democratic body and part of an international movement, to which the Russian Social- Democratic Labour Party was affiliated. The emigrés, therefore, felt that their activity within the British socialist movement was not something imposed upon a reluctant nativist body; but an integral part of that movement's development.
27
Main, Steven John. "Creation, organisation and work of the Red Army's political apparatus during the Civil War (1918-1920)". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8314.
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The main aim of this dissertation has been to examine the creation, organisation and work of the Red Army's Civil War political apparatus and assess its overall contribution to the Bolshevik war effort. To this end the dissertation itself consists of 4 main chapters and a number of appendices, detailing not only the work of the main political organs of the Red Army, but also the main personalities involved. The first chapter is an introductory chapter, examining the organ, which many Soviet historians have for a long time considered to be the Bolsheviks' first attempt at the creation of a centralised political organ for the Red Army, namely the Organisation-agitation department of the All-Russian Collegiate for the Formation and Organisation of the Red Army. The work carried out for the first chapter then leads to a discussion of the work of arguably the first real attempt by the Bolsheviks to create a properly functioning political organ specifically for the Red Army, namely the All-Russian Bureau of Military Commissars (VBVK). The chapter has been sub-divided into a number of sections, in order to allow a greater detailed examination of the work, personalities and difficulties that the central political apparatus faced in its attempts to exert some sort of control over the various constituent parts of the front political apparatus-the military commissars, the Party cells and the ever-increasing important political departments in the period 1918-1919. That VBVK was not to be a crowning success is revealed by the necessity that the Bolsheviks felt towards the beginning of 1919 to abolish VBVK and create arguably the centralised political organ of the Red Army during the Civil War period-the Political Administration of the Revolutionary Military Soviet of the Republic (PUR). Created in May 1919, PUR was to face many of the same problems that had beset VBVK a year or so earlier but, on the whole, coped with them better and political and cultural-educational work in the Red Army proceeded apace. The final, conclusive chapter brings all the threads together and assesses the claims made for the political work carried out in the front-line Red Army units during 1918-1920 and, whilst admitting that the Bolsheviks did spend much time on promoting the apparatus in a number of ways, the assertions made by generations of Soviet historians concerning the overall value of the political and cultural-educational work carried out in the Red Army are still too grandiose and that there is a lack of concrete evidence available, proving the worth of the political work carried out and its positive military consequences.
28
Begum, Anwara. "Inter-republican cooperation of the Russian Republic". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187183.
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The most important republic of the former Soviet Union, the Russian Republic, engaged in cooperative activities during the period June 1990-August 1991 with the fourteen other Union republics. It supported the demands of these republics for sovereignty and signed important treaties with them. This cooperation process is dissected in this dissertation through the use of a multi-method research approach. The theoretical orientation is derived from elite conflict theory and the literature on collapse of empires in the twentieth century. The collected evidence yield the following conclusions: Russia's cooperation with the other republics was the manifestation of a major elite conflict. It also epitomized the Russian government's effort to manage the uncontrolled breakup of the Soviet state in a manner ensuring Russian dominance in the post-Soviet space.
29
Prodromidou, Alexandra. "Russian foreign energy policy conduct in the oil and gas sectors : a case study of the Caspian region 1991-2008". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3151/.
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This thesis explores the continuities and change in the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region in the period 1991-2008 with the central focus set on the inclusion of energy both as a tool and one of the main targets of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration. More specifically it looks at the impact that the choice to establish Russia as an energy superpower based mainly on its oil and gas sectors during this period had on the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region. The central research question is how Russian oil and gas companies are used as foreign policy tools in the conduct of Russian foreign energy policy within the current foreign energy policy framework and to what end. The argument of this thesis is based on the hypothesis that the Russian state uses its oil and gas companies in order to infiltrate the Central Asian energy markets and assert its economic hegemony in the region through a web of legal and contractual monopolies aiming at maintaining Russia’s economic hegemony in the Caspian and contributing to one of Russia’s main energy policy priority of becoming an influential player in the global energy markets.
30
Anders, Rainer-Elk. "Global change, regional response : the (trans)formation of Russian borders : a case study of the Republic of Karelia and Khabarovskiy kray, 1992-2006". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2266/.
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This thesis is about the renegotiation of Russia’s Far Eastern and Northwestern borders as political and economic spaces. The disintegration of the Soviet Union was accompanied by the opening of these formerly closed borders which provided Russia’s border-regions with opportunities to develop links within the post-Soviet, as well as international political and economic landscapes. From 1992 onwards, their ability to cope with unfolding economic crisis and political uncertainty, which characterized the process of transition in Russia, was considered to be tied to establishing economic and political cross-border links with neighbouring European and Northeast Asian countries. Using the Republic of Karelia and Khabarovskiy kray as case studies, their development and that of their borders as political and economic spaces is analysed, applying the analytical framework developed in this thesis, according to which the complexity of borders can be best grasped by assessing the activities of border actors and institutions at all levels of governance, as well as the interaction of factors pertaining to the border’s spatio-infrastructural, economic, political and socio-cultural dimensions. The findings show that both regions’ borders have been renegotiated to different extents, but that neither the Republic of Karelia nor Khabarovskiy kray have been able to utilise their borders as opportunity structures to the extent originally anticipated. Main problems have been the distinct lack of scope for regional and local state and non-state actors to get sufficiently involved in the governance of their borders as well as the imbalance between the Asian and European vectors in Russian policy-making. The thesis concludes by proposing a system of multi-layered, heterarchic political and economic governance on both regions’ borders with the development of border-spanners and border-spanning institutions at the centre of such a strategy.
31
Polach, Miroslav. "Komparace právní úpravy akciové společnosti v České republice a Rusku". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197597.
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The aim of this thesis is to provide the reader with basic information about doing business in Russia and about options of entering this market (entering in cooperation with a local partner, establishment of commercial representation, a subsidiary, a company and about specifics of joint ventures in Russia). The second and the main aim of this thesis is to compare the Czech and Russian regulation of the joint-stock company and this way to draw the attention of the people interested in establishment of this type of corporation to main differences compared to a well-known Czech law. After a general introduction the main part of this thesis if focused on comparison of the most important parts of the regulation which determine the functioning of the joint-stock company -- regulation of the shared issued by the company, rights and duties of the shareholders, bodies of the company.
32
Dedova, Inna. "Rusko jako strategicky významný trh pro české exportéry". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-81868.
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The work deals with trade relations between Czech republic and Russia. The aim is to analyze Russian market, to assess its potential from the point of view of opportunities for Czech products on Russian market and to evaluate the overall market significance for Czech exporters. The researching part of the work begins with an analysis of the economic development of Russia since the Soviet Union collapse to the present. Then the work continues with an analysis of evolution of trade relations between Czech republic and Russia, which determines main directions and areas of cooperation. The next chapter presents an analysis of Czech pro-export policy and its functionality in relation to the Russian market in order to evaluate the significance of Czech pro-export institutions for domestic entrepreneurs. The last part of the work is devoted to analzying the Russian business environment in order to identify opportunities and possible risks of doing business in this market. This work may serve as a useful material for students and teachers of universities and experts of economic institutions.
33
Grishaeva, Sofiya. "Trade and investment relations between Czech Republic and Russian Federation". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-79536.
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This Master Thesis examines cooperation between Russia and the Czech Republic in the spheres of foreign trade and investment relations. The analyzed period is primarily over the last decade with the concentration on the current trends. The analysis is carried out through evaluation of present level of trade volumes and investment flows between countries, search of obstacles and incentives for mutual cooperation in these areas, countries' governmental and other sources of support, etc. The Thesis considers trade and investment perspectives for relation development and mutual cooperation between Russia and the Czech Republic as well. One of the study's purposes was to provide recommendations for improvement of the business environment in Russia and making its national economy attractive for foreign capital. The study shows that, even though the share of the Czech Republic in the total trade volume between the EU and other non-EU member states makes up about 1%, the trade volumes in relations between this country and Russia remain significant. The largest category of Czech exports to Russia are machines and means of transport; Russian exports to the Czech Republic are energetic commodities, raw materials and mineral oil. As a matter of fact Russia's economic growth in later years has largely been driven by its energy exports. The country's dependency on energy sector demands structural changes in the national economy, modernization is critical for its long-term economic growth. The analysis emphasizes that Russia should adopt experience of the Czech Republic, as a highly industrialized country, use Czech innovative technologies and equipment, enter into joint projects with the Czech Republic, and so on in order to ensure future growth in today's competitive world. This is necessary especially in the light of the fact that Russia close to gaining membership to WTO, which can potentially facilitate trade and investment flows between the country and the EU, including the Czech Republic.
34
Kuha, Irina. "Perspektiva česko-ruské obchodní spolupráce s přihlédnutím ke kulturním odlišnostem". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15922.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Aims of this work are to provide comprehensive information on the development of cooperation between the Czech Republic and Russia in recent years, to assess the results achieved in bilateral trade exchange, to describe the perspective of Czech business entities in the Russian market, taking into account cultural differences.
35
Barnovi, Andro. "Russian stance in the Caucasus and the national security strategy of Georgia". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FBarnovi.pdf.
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36
Grynovetská, Valeriya. "Vývoj vzájemného cestovního ruchu mezi Ruskou federací a Českou republikou po roce 1993". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113283.
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The thesis brings complex view on the development and current situation of the tourism between Russian Federation and the Czech Republic after 1993. It proceeds from the analysis of the conditions for development of this industry in each region of both countries and from current position of their tourism. After defining of these countries as the destinations of tourism, the thesis looks into the development and current situation of the mutual tourism between them. It describes the events, which could influence the development during the observed period. Last but not least the thesis brigs questionnaire survey made in the RF and CR in order to find out the opinion of the respondents of observed countries or their previous and alternatively future visits.
37
Svrčková, Miroslava. "Vývoj obchodných vzťahov medzi Českou republikou a Ruskom". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162280.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The thesis describes the development of trade relations between the Czech Republic and Russia. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the development of trade relations between the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation in the period of 1993-2011, and to assess the potential of mutual trade partnership for the future, based on the analyses performed. First chapter describes the contractual provision of trade relations between the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation. Second chapter analyzes the bilateral trade relations between the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation in quantitative terms, and provides a summary of trends in trade in goods and services. Third part is devoted to the most important state institutions within the export policy of the Czech Republic (Ministry of Industry and Trade, Czech Export Bank, EGAP, CzechTrade) and highlights the importance of these institutions in supporting czech exports to the Russian Federation. Due to the high energy dependence of the Czech Republic on import of energy resources from Russia, the last fourth chapter is devoted to the energy relations between the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation.
38
Veselka, Miroslav. "Aspekty a vývoj konkurenceschopnosti na pozadí česko-ruských ekonomických vztahů". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197231.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Master thesis is focused on economic problems that are linked to economic transformation and competitiveness of the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation. The mutual cooperation and economic level are monitored in this work during last three decades. Macroeconomic figures of two countries -- of the Czech Republic and of the Russian Federation have been studied as well. This work presents the development of commercial and innovation activities and participation of the Czech Chamber of Commerce. There is practical experience included describing the position of the Czech companies operating on Russian market. Finally, the commentary of the future trade development cooperation with the Russian Federation is investigated.
39
Thames, Frank Critz. "Improbable allies : patronage, presidentialism and coalition building in the Russian second republic /". Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004385.
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40
Biletska, Yuliya. "Factors Shaping Ethnic Identity Among Crimean Tatars, Russians And Ukrainians In Crimea". Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611099/index.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The aim of this thesis is to define factors that are influential in the ethnic identification process of Crimean Tatars, Russians and Ukrainians in Crimea. To better understand the current ethnic situation in Crimea, Soviet nationality policy as well as Soviet ethnos theory are reviewed. The divergence of the definitions in Soviet and Western traditions is shown. Crucial historical events that took place in Crimea are examined from the viewpoints of Russian, Ukrainian, Crimean Tatar, Soviet and Western historiographies. The influence of the historical myths on shaping ethnic boundaries of these ethnic groups in Crimea is shown. Main factors such as the cultural, political, economic, and global ones which are shaping the ethnic self-consciousness of Crimean Tatars, Russians and Ukrainians in Crimea are studied. Therefore the thesis helps us to understand the meaning of being a Russian, an Ukrainian and a Crimean Tatar in Crimea.
41
Karjalainen, T. P. (Timo P. ). "The environment in contexts:environmental concern in the Komi Republic (Russia)". Doctoral thesis, University of Oulu, 2006. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9514282507.
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Abstract This study analyses environmental concern in the Komi Republic from the contextual perspective. The main research data consisted of thematic interviews of industrial workers (n = 114), teachers (n = 30), administration staff (n = 33) in the towns of Usinsk and Vorkuta in the Northern Komi Republic. In addition, the in-depth thematic interviews of state administrators, scientists and NGO actors are analysed as well as the survey study conducted in several regions in the republic. As a broad theoretical frame the study uses the context model, in which environmental concern in everyday life is interpreted at five closely connected levels. The study consists of four previously published articles, one submitted manuscript and a concluding chapter. As the major theoretical and methodological idea the study presents two different environments: a life-world of the individual, where environmental changes are perceived and experienced in a framework of everyday life, and secondly, global environmentalism’s Environment, which is nowadays in Western discourses viewed as a globe. This study focuses on the life-world perspective, and asks how these two environments communicate with each other in the particular contexts of the Komi Republic. In general, environmental issues hold a low profile compared with other social problems in the Komi Republic. However, the citizens of the Komi Republic are concerned about so-called ’brown‘ environmental issues; that is issues of pollution and waste disposal in their immediate environs. The public’s environmental concerns are mostly about ’ecological risks‘ – the health and well-being implications of environmental degradation. Environmental problems are regarded as part societal transformation. This ’brown‘ environmentalism is understandable in Russia since approximately 60 million Russians now live in zones with adverse environmental situations. Green or global issues are not much discussed among the public of Russia. The findings stress that engagement with the surrounding environment, local conditions and socio-political contexts shape perceptions and framings of environmental change. Local perceptions and local knowledge are still a crucial basis for concernTiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan ympäristötietoisuutta ja -huolta Komin tasavallassa kontekstuaalisesta näkökulmasta. Tärkein osa tutkimusaineistosta koostuu teollisuustyöntekijöiden (n = 114), opettajien (n = 30) ja yritys- ja julkisen hallinnon edustajien (n = 33) teemahaastatteluista Usinskin ja Vorkutan kaupungeissa tasavallan pohjoisosassa. Lisäksi työssä on analysoitu valtion virkamiesten, tutkijoiden sekä kansalaisjärjestöjen toimijoiden teemahaastatteluja sekä tasavallan eri alueilla tehdyn kyselytutkimuksen tuloksia. Tutkimuksessa hyödynnetään kontekstimallia, jossa ympäristötietoisuutta tarkastellaan viiden toisiinsa limittyvän tason kautta. Tutkimus koostuu neljästä julkaistusta artikkelista, yhdestä käsikirjoituksesta ja yhteenvetoluvusta. Tutkimuksen tärkein teoreettinen ja metodologinen idea jakaa ympäristön kahtia: ensimmäinen on yksilön elämismaailma, missä ympäristömuutokset havaitaan ja koetaan arkielämän kehystäminä, ja toinen, globaalin environmentalismin ympäristö, minkä nykyisin ajatellaan käsittävän koko maapallon. Tämä tutkimus keskittyy elämismaailmanäkökulmaan ja kysyy, kuinka nämä kaksi ympäristöä kommunikoivat toistensa kanssa eri konteksteissa. Yleisellä tasolla tarkasteltuna ympäristöongelmat ovat taustalla kansalaisten elämässä verrattuna muihin sosiaalisiin ongelmiin. Komin tasavallan asukkaat ovat kuitenkin huolissaan niin kutsutuista ’ruskeista’ ympäristökysymyksistä eli lähinnä saastumiseen ja erilaisiin jätteisiin liittyvistä ongelmista. Kansalaisten ympäristöhuoli kytkeytyy ennen kaikkea ekologisiin riskeihin – ympäristön pilaantumisen terveydellisiin ja hyvinvointiin liittyviin seuraamuksiin. Näin ympäristöongelmat limittyvät muiden sosiaalisten ongelmien kanssa ja koetaan osaksi yhteiskunnallista muutosta. Tämä ’ruskea’ ympäristöhuoli on ymmärrettävä ilmiö Venäjällä, missä noin 60 miljoonaa kansalaista asuu terveydelle haitallisissa ympäristöoloissa. ’Vihreitä’ tai globaaleja ympäristökysymyksiä ei juurikaan käsitellä Venäjän julkisessa keskustelussa. Tutkimuksen tulokset painottavat lähiympäristöön sitoutumisen ja elämismaailman merkitystä ympäristömuutosten havainnoinnissa sekä yhteiskunnallisten kontekstien vaikutusta ympäristökysymysten kehystämiseen. Paikallisella havainnoinnilla ja tiedolla on edelleen suuri rooli ympäristötietoisuuden muotoutumisessa
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Lazouski, Anton. "Product placement v České republice a Rusku". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-163045.
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The goal of this Master's Diploma Thesis was to compare the use and perception of the product placement promotion technique in the Czech Republic and in Russia. It focuses mainly on the use of this technique in films and TV shows. First of all, the term product placement is defined, its history and measuring of its effectivity are described briefly, plus some examples of successful and unsuccessful product placement are presented. Subsequently, the legal framework regulating product placement in the Czech Republic and in Russia is compared, together with examples of the use of product placement and with available data from public opinion polls. The practical part presents the results of an online survey among 190 Czech and 190 Russian respondents / viewers. It appears that there are no great differences -- although Czechs watch TV more (and domestic TV shows), and Russians go to the cinema more. However, it does seem that Russian respondents tend to buy promoted products more often. Still, the survey only had a form of a tentative probe.
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Majáková, Dominika. "Česko-ruské hospodářské vztahy se zaměřením na vzájemný obchod". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201675.
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The thesis deals with the mutual trade relations between the Czech Republic and the Russian federation focusing on bilateral trade in goods. The aim is to describe the development of export and import of goods, their structure and the influence of the Ukrainian crisis and sanctions on those relationships. In the context of flow of goods it mentions the risks of the entry to the Russian market. The work also includes general and economic profile of Russia's cultural specifics in business negotiations, but also the general framework of relations. At the same time it marginally mentions services trade and mutual investment cooperation.
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Linden, Corina Herron. "Power and uneven globalization : coalitions and energy trade dependence in the newly independent states of Europe /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10775.
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Faltýnek, Jan. "Problematika mezinárodní kamionové dopravy v relaci ČR - Rusko". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193811.
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This Master's thesis deals with the conditions and limitations in performing the services of international road transport carrier. Its aim is to summarize the most important international agreements, valid in this area, and also the most important restrictions imposed on the carrier, the transport vehicle and the drivers, who operate there. Using the example of a small carrier, it will be demonstrated their use in the transportation of cargo between Czech Republic and Russia. At the end, there will be identified the most fundamental problem areas and their possible solution.
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Welker, Lauren ELizabeth. "Rural Inequality in the Republic of Karelia: Considering Nonfarm Communities in Russian Rural Studies". The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1293723070.
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Terbish, Baasanjav. "State ideology and its context in the Republic of Kalmykia, Russia". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608232.
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Karjalainen, Timo. "The environment in contexts : environmental concern in the Komi Republic (Russia) /". Oulu : University of Oulu, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy1002/2007385920.html.
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Lojanová, Jana. "Prítomnosť Ruska v zahraničnej politike Slovenska a Českej republiky". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-196998.
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The main objective of the thesis is to analyse different presence and perception of Russia in discourse of political figures in Slovakia and the Czech Republic since accession of both countries to European Union till 2013. First part of the work is theoretical and introduce main methodological foundations of the thesis, i.e. basics of discoursive analysis and selected approaches to discoursive analysis. In second part of the work, the author identifies main individual discourses intepreting Russia in various positions, which can be found in public discourse in selected countries. Third part of the work provides chronological overview of development of discourse on Russia in relation to various historical events explicitly or implicitly concerning Russia. Final chapter then provides comparative analysis between the discourse in Slovakia and the Czech Republic.
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Sumner, Laura Marie. "Ideology and identity : 'knowing' workers in early Soviet Russia, 1917-1921". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/48484/.
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The period 1917-1921 provides an insight not only into the policies of the new Soviet state but the mindset of its leaders. These four years were a time of intense political struggle and socio-economic disruption, which exposed the tension between ideology and practice in Bolshevik discourse and policy making. Workers, specifically metalworkers, were a focal point of Bolshevik ideology and policies in this period. This thesis will explore how the Soviet state conceptualised metalworkers, through ideology, and how this informed their engagement with workers, through policy. This will be done through an examination of state statistical data and how prominent state polices, cultural policy and treatment of dissent, and discourse changed over this period. It will also focus on a case study of Sormovo Metalworks, a suburb of Nizhnii Novgrorod, and use local sources to investigate how the tension between ideology and practice played out on a local level. It will explore how local Bolsheviks conceptualised and engaged with Sormovo workers and how this was shaped by three things: Bolshevik ideology, the context of the Civil War and the specific local conditions of Sormovo and its workforce. The Civil War period witnessed a change in the discourse and policies of the Soviet state, which became more coercive, interventionist and repressive as the war progressed. Sormovo Metalworks was a large metalworking complex in a largely rural province; it had a skilled workforce with a tradition of labour activism through striking and was dominated by the Socialist Revolutionary Party. The move towards an increasingly centralised state was utilised by local Bolsheviks in Sormovo in an attempt to end the labour activism of its workforce and crush political opposition. However, despite the increasingly assertive discourse about the identity of metalworkers and the state’s drive for economic, political and cultural centralisation, Sormovo workers had the ability to challenge, subvert and negotiate state labels and even policies. This case study reveals that although Sormovo workers suffered repeated challenges to their identity by the state, local government and the economic crises of the Civil War, they continued to utilise self-identification based on their skill and shared socio-economic experience. This in turn shaped their vertical and horizontal social, economic and political relationships with those around them. Although the central state became politically and economically centralised and authoritarian, the identity of the grassroots in Sormovo remained diverse and fluid.