Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Russia (Federation) History Revolution”
Kliknij ten link, aby zobaczyć inne rodzaje publikacji na ten temat: Russia (Federation) History Revolution.
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 50 najlepszych artykułów w czasopismach naukowych na temat „Russia (Federation) History Revolution”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj artykuły w czasopismach z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
1
Naumov, Aleksandr. "The Position of the Russian Federation Regarding the “Bulldozer Revolution” in Serbia in 2000". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, nr 4 (2023): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640023664-8.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The authors examine the evolution of Russia's position regarding the “Bulldozer Revolution” in Serbia in 2000. The response of official Moscow to the 'colour revolutions' at the beginning of the twenty-first century is a blank spot in Russian scholarly discourse, and the issue is being analysed in Russian and international historiography for the first time. In the course of the study, the documents of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the Digital Library of B. Clinton (USA), the Federal Election Commission of Yugoslavia, statements by major Russian politicians and diplomats, materials from leading domestic and Western media, many of which are published for the first time in the academic literature. The authors come to the conclusion that the official reaction of the leadership of the Russian Federation to the crisis events of autumn 2000 in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was cautious and restrained, which excluded open support for one of the parties to the internal political confrontation. While the collective West openly advocated the removal of Slobodan Milošević from power, Russia sought to ensure that the president of the country was elected by the Yugoslav people legally, without foreign interference and internal unrest. That is why, during the elections and before the victory of the “Bulldozer Revolution”, Russian officials and diplomats did not speak out in favour of any candidate, but also did not succumb to the pressure of Western politicians who sought to use Moscow to put pressure on Milošević. Russia attempted to play the role of mediator between the authorities and the opposition, yet in the face of proactive action by Western countries to overthrow the ruling regime, this policy was doomed to failure.
2
Golechkova, Olga. "“The October Revolution is Still Shaking Our World”: Italians on the centennial anniversary of 1917". Исторический журнал: научные исследования, nr 6 (czerwiec 2020): 116–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.6.33754.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article analyzes an isolated case within the framework of trend of jubilee mania – recent centenary celebration of the Revolution of 1917 in Italy. The author believes that many historical events reappear on the horizon when assigned to play an important role in modern politics. The article describes how the Italians view the Revolution and how it helps to explain modern Russia. The research is carried out within the framework of methodology of public history. Having examined a wide variety of sources (online articles, articles in newspapers and magazines, scientific writings, information on the congresses and conferences, exhibitions, concerts, etc.), the author attempts to demonstrate how the Russian revolutions are reflected in the Italian public opinion. The conclusion is made that the Revolution plays an important role not only in modern Russia, in Italy as well. The latter believe that the Revolution is still present in their culture and politics, correlates with their own path of political history of the XX century, including the powerful Movement for the left that emerged in the country after the World War II. At the same time, Russia did not give due attention to celebration of the centennial anniversary, focusing rather on the victory over Hitler, since this event projects the glory of the Soviet Union onto the modern Russian Federation.
3
Golechkova, Olga. "“The October Revolution is Still Shaking Our World”: Italians on the centennial anniversary of 1917". SENTENTIA. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, nr 1 (styczeń 2021): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/1339-3057.2021.1.33782.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article analyzes an isolated case within the framework of trend of jubilee mania – recent centenary celebration of the Revolution of 1917 in Italy. The author believes that many historical events reappear on the horizon when assigned to play an important role in modern politics. The article describes how the Italians view the Revolution and how it helps to explain modern Russia. The research is carried out within the framework of methodology of public history. Having examined a wide variety of sources (online articles, articles in newspapers and magazines, scientific writings, information on the congresses and conferences, exhibitions, concerts, etc.), the author attempts to demonstrate how the Russian revolutions are reflected in the Italian public opinion. The conclusion is made that the Revolution plays an important role not only in modern Russia, in Italy as well. The latter believe that the Revolution is still present in their culture and politics, correlates with their own path of political history of the XX century, including the powerful Movement for the left that emerged in the country after the World War II. At the same time, Russia did not give due attention to celebration of the centennial anniversary, focusing rather on the victory over Hitler, since this event projects the glory of the Soviet Union onto the modern Russian Federation.
4
Fitzpatrick, Sheila. "Celebrating (or Not) The Russian Revolution". Journal of Contemporary History 52, nr 4 (październik 2017): 816–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417723975.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The Russian Revolution has long been a subject of controversy among Russian/Soviet historians, both in the West and Russia/the Soviet Union. Now that the centenary has arrived, conferences are being held widely in Europe and the Americas, but less widely in the Russian Federation. For Putin’s regime, with its ambiguous relationship to the Soviet past, the centenary of the Russian Revolution is something of an embarrassment. An attempt to celebrate under the slogan of ‘reconciliation’ may or may not succeed.
5
Zajda, Joseph. "Representing the Russian Revolution in Prescribed Russian School History Textbooks". Political Crossroads 24, nr 2 (1.11.2021): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.2.04.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article offers a new knowledge and insight into understanding the nexus between ideologies, the state, and nation-building—as depicted in transforming images of nation-building and historical understanding of the October 1917 Russian revolution in prescribed history textbooks in the Russian Federation (RF). Using discourse analysis, and historiography, the article examines critically the role of language and ideology in presenting historical narratives in explaining how do representations of the revolution by different historians, from diverse ideological backgrounds, compared to the depiction of the October Revolution of 1917, in Russian school textbooks. Classroom teachers and historians, using historiography, interpret the 1917 October revolution in Russia in different ways. These different interpretations reflect the way in which historical understanding and historical knowledge, influenced by dominant ideologies, are created in history. Current prescribed Russian history textbooks for senior secondary students, which are approved by the Ministry of Education and Science, now regard the Russian Revolution as a significant part of a foundation narrative, representing a re-invented new meta-narrative of nation-building in the RF.
6
Kumalagov, Valery A. "History of digital economy development". ACCOUNTING AND CONTROL 5 (2024): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/u.i.k.2024.05.01.002.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the context of globalization and increased competition, digitalization is the most important factor in economic growth. The emerging digital economy is an inevitable trend, which is determined by a new round of technological and industrial revolutions. Its development is one of the strategic priorities of the national policy of the Russian Federation for the coming decades. The development of the digital economy in the Russian Federation is hampered by the presence of economic and organizational problems. The experience of developed countries shows that the success of digitalization in Russia largely depends on the creation of a good institutional environment for the generation and implementation of digital innovations. The state plays an important role in regulating issues of digitalization of the economic and social spheres.
7
YAKOVLEV, Petr, i Nailya YAKOVLEVA. "Portugal: Post-Revolutionary Development and Dynamics of Relationship with Russia". Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, nr 2 (18) (2019): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-2-106-118.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
2019 occupies a special place in the history of the Portuguese Republic and Russian-Portuguese cooperation. The 25th of April marked the 45th anniversary of the Carnation Revolution, which abruptly changed the country's path of development and expanded the horizons of its external interactions. The Soviet Union, and then the Russian Federation became one of the most important partners of Portugal. Despite recent difficulties and problems, Russian-Portuguese relations, based on mutual interest, have been maintaining positive dynamics.
8
Krushanov, Alexander A. "Institute of Philosophy, Russian Academy of Sciences, 12/1, Goncharnaya str., Moscow, 109240, Russian Federation". Voprosy Filosofii, nr 11 (2022): 67–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2022-11-87-98.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The Artificial Intelligence systems have already become a reality. The work on their development is going very successfully, and therefore this reality requires monitoring and reflection, moreover, understanding not only how artificial intelligence can be developed, but also what the price can be, the consequences of the widespread use and applying of such technology. In the article, this theme is considered in the context of the work of K. Schwab, who put forward the idea that a new, Fourth, industrial revolution is beginning today. It is in this context that the phenomenon of AI and its applications is being raised and considered today. Therefore, the Fourth industrial revolution itself is considered in the row with other industrial revolutions that are singled out today. In the course of reviewing the history of industrial revolutions, the author shows that now Schwab’s concept looks somewhat unfinished. The first three industrial revolutions have some main distinguishing features, the Fourth industrial revolution so far looks like it consists of equivalent components. In accordance with this, it is shown that the dominant discovery in the Fourth industrial Revolution is still present, and these are developments in the field of AI. An important question of the article is how to save people in the context of the industrial expansion of AI. In this regard, the theme of universal basic income discussed today is considered. According to the author, this tool alone is not enough for people to go through the introduction of robots and AI painlessly. The author draws attention to the fact that people who are unemployed, but at the same time have a basic income, will be threatened by an overly comfortable home environment, leading to degradation.
9
Xu, Yiwei. "A Comprehensive Analysis of the Political Situation in Russia from the Perspectives of Thucydides, Max Weber, and Michel Foucault". BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 21 (15.02.2023): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v21i.3432.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
With the current situation in Europe regarding Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the political situation of Russia has generated high interest. The research topic of this paper is the political situation of Russia. To understand the current political situation, the historical situation of the Russian Federation must be explored first. Both historical and modern situations were explored from the three key aspects of authority, motive, and surveillance. Max Weber's theory on authority and domination was used to analyze the historical authorities within Russia leading up to the 1905 Revolution as well as in the 1917 Civil war and eventually the USSR. Thucydides' account of the Speech of the Athenians was used to explore the true motive behind Russia's various advancements in Europe. Lastly, surveillance throughout Russia's lengthy history was studied with references to Michel Foucault's theory of disciplinary power. The study found that throughout the history of the Russian Empire, ambition has been the main motivator behind its numerous advancements. Mass and extreme surveillance has also been a persistent trend in the nation as well as during the USSR. This may indicate that the modern political situation in Russia mirrors its past situations.
10
Ergunova, O., S. P'yankova i I. Mitrofanova. "Transformation of traditional agriculture as a condition for strengthening the food security of Russian regions". Scientific Research and Development. Economics 10, nr 6 (14.11.2022): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9111-2022-10-6-27-34.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In conditions of economic security and geopolitical turbulence, the expected need for food and the expected need of the population for food. The authors of the study dealing with digitalization in agriculture proposed as a solution, which made it possible to solve the problem of import substitution and increase the efficiency of the agro-industrial complex of the regions of the Russian Federation using new technologies and new approaches to the participation of market participants. Despite the positive correlation that exists between agricultural production and food demand in the regions of the Russian Federation, food systems cover. The article is devoted to the history of domestic and foreign experience in the formation of “Agriculture 4.0” in the regions of Russia to ensure a technological breakthrough, as well as an important problem and prospects for the development of digitalization of the heritage of the agro-industrial complex. In the study, the authors identified the prerequisites for the formation and development of a “smart developed economy” in the regions of the Russian Federation in the conditions of the agro-food revolution 4.0 in the Russian Federation and in the world, which is primarily associated with global climate problems, a shortage of agricultural products and minor urbanization processes, as well as rapid population growth while scooping. resources.
11
Modest, Kolerov. "World Revolution Against Russia: the Factor of the Ukraine in the Cause of Russia Fragmentation for the Sake of World Soviet Republics (1923)". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 1, nr 2014 (28.02.2024): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2024-0-1-127-136.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The history of Russia transforming into the USSR is the history of fragmentation of Russian into the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and other union republics of the USSR initiated by the Bolsheviks on the basis of their doctrine. In other words, the history of the Bolshevik project of world revolution, or the World Soviet Republics, that was supposed to be realized in the world mosaic of ethno national states. This concept was clearly evident in the process of USSR Constitution preparation in 1924 (it came into force in 1923)
12
Samarukha, Viktor I., Aleksei V. Samarukha i Ivan V. Samarukha. "To the question of national, economic and financial security of Russia". Siberian Financial School, nr 3 (20.12.2022): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.34020/1993-4386-2022-3-5-14.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article reveals the theoretical aspects of the national, economic and financial security of Russia before the Great October Socialist Revolution, in the period from the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) to its collapse and in the period of the modern history of the Russian Federation. the author's position of the activation of the global geopolitical crisis and geo-economic crisis (caused by the creation of new geo-economic centers for the development of the world economy) is given, which is an objective reason for the redistribution of the world caused by the next phase of the reproductive crisis and the global financial crisis in the world economy. the role of finance in economic development and ensuring economic and financial security at different historical stages of Russia, the USSR and the Russian Federation is shown. It is concluded that in the conditions of the global monocentric model of the functioning of financial capital, led by the United States, the countries of the economic "periphery" are forced to bear losses due to the monopoly dictate of the world financial centers of emission (primarily the dollar and the euro). the reasons for the destruction of the USSR are formulated, the main of which is: the destruction of the country's national security system by the top leaders of the USSR, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and other union republics of the Soviet Union. the principled character of the Soviet leadership in conducting a sovereign, national monetary policy is shown. the creation by the global financial system of conditions for overproduction of two world fully unsecured currencies (the dollar and the euro) and the formation of the potential of the global financial crisis are argued.
13
Timshina, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "The Historical Policy of the Russian Communists at the Present Stage." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, nr 5 (maj 2022): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38749.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Unified assessments of the past for mass political movements representing the extreme flanks of the political spectrum have become an integral part of party identity in modern society. The activity of political parties can have a significant impact on the memory of society, change collective memories of individual events and even entire historical periods. The author of the article analyzes the attitude of modern Russian communists to the key events of history, identifies the features of their party historical policy, compares approaches with other political parties and narratives of the Soviet era. The main sources were official documents of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the party "Communists of Russia", as well as speeches, interviews and publications of their leaders. The Communist parties turn mainly to the history of Russia, starting with the revolutionary events of 1917. Although Communists actively use formulations from Soviet narratives, their own attitude has been formed to a number of events and processes. The most important differences are related to the assessment of the February Revolution and its results, the perception of the policy of I. V. Stalin. Many historical events (de-Stalinization, the collapse of the USSR) of the party are explained by the presence of international conspiracies, not internal processes. The "Communists of Russia" and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation use their ideas about the past in different ways: the former actively propagandize them during election campaigns and build their election programs on them, the latter weakly use historical politics during electoral battles, making the programs as neutral as possible, but during the inter-election period they actively promote their vision of the past.
14
Kuzmicheva, Lyudmila V. "Russian Diplomats Nikolai V. Charykov and Vassili N. Strandtmann on the Reasons for the Failure of the Russian Plan to Create a Balkan Federation". Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, nr 1-2 (2021): 154–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.1-2.08.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century, a new strategic line in relations with the Ottoman Empire was being developed. The urgent task of Russian diplomacy was to prevent the participation of the Ottoman Empire on the side of Russia’s opponents in a possible war. Unfortunately, Russian diplomacy failed to cope with this task. Diplomatic documents attest to the existence of a Russian plan to create a Balkan Federation under the auspices of the Ottoman Empire. Russia’s efforts in this regard intensified after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. In 1910, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was developing a plan for the possible unification of the Balkan states into a single Balkan Federation led by the Ottoman Empire. Serbia played an important role in the implementation of this program. This idea was developed by Nikolai V. Charykov, the Russian ambassador to Constantinople from 1909 to 1911. Russian diplomacy sought to smooth out the contradictions in the Balkans and normalise the relations of the young states with the Ottoman Empire. In 1911, the Russian Envoy to Constantinople, Charykov, negotiated with the Turkish leadership on the Russian-Turkish treaty, which, in particular, included the question of the Balkan Federation. This episode in Russian-Turkish relations went down in the history of diplomacy as the “Charykov demarche.” The formation of the Balkan Union and the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 meant the failure of the Russian model of peaceful coexistence of the Balkan states as a confederation, including the autonomy of European Turkey. The reasons for this failure were discussed in their memoirs by two Russian diplomats Nikolai V. Charykov and Vassili N. Strandtmann, who gave years of diplomatic service in the Balkans, and who remained living there after escaping from revolutionary Russia.
15
Sobolev, Alexander, Alexander Kurakin, Vladimir Pakhomov i Irina Trotsuk. "Cooperation in Rural Russia: Past, Present and Future". Мир России 27, nr 1 (24.02.2018): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1811-038x-2018-27-1-65-89.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Alexander Sobolev – Doctor of Science in Economics, Professor, Russian University of Cooperation. Address: 12/30, V.Voloshina St., Mytishchi, Moscow Region, 141014, Russian Federation. E-mail: sobolev-alekc@mail.ru
Alexander Kurakin – Senior Researcher, Laboratory for Studies in Economic Sociology, National Research University Higher School of Economics; Senior Researcher, Center for Agrarian Studies, Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA). Address: 11, Myasnitskaya St., Moscow, 101000, Russian Federation. E-mail: akurakin@hse.ru
Vladimir Pakhomov – Doctor of Science in Economics, Professor, Russian University of Cooperation. Address: 12/30, V.Voloshina St., Mytishchi, Moscow Region, 141014, Russian Federation. E-mail: vmpahomov@yandex.ru
Irina Trotsuk – Doctor of Science in Sociology, Senior Researcher, Center for Agrarian Studies, Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration; Associate Professor, RUDN University. Address: 82, Vernadskogo Av., Moscow, 119571, Russian Federation. E-mail: irina.trotsuk@yandex.ru
Citation: Sobolev A., Kurakin A., Pakhomov V., Trotsuk I. (2018) Cooperation in Rural Russia: Past, Present and Future. Mir Rossii, vol. 27, no 1, pp. 65–89. DOI: 10.17323/1811-038X-2018-27-1-65-89
The authors consider cooperation as a specific, alternative form of economic organization to the standard business firm within a market economy, and focus on agricultural cooperation in Russia. First, the article engages with the key milestones of the history of cooperation in Russia: (1) the first attempts to establish cooperative organizations before the Russian Revolution (agricultural societies, agricultural partnerships and credit cooperatives) which gave the poor rural population a chance to improve living standards and ensured promising prospects for the long-term development of cooperation in all forms; (2) the dependent forms of consumer and production cooperation under the Soviet regime that deprived all collective forms of their true cooperative nature. In the second part of the article, the authors describe the current state of the cooperative movement in the Russian countryside and identify its basic features, such as opposition to family farming and the state capitalist tendencies of the concentration and vertical integration in the form of agroholdings; state rural cooperation policies which aim to promote and financially support small farming including the development of rural cooperatives; the number and types of cooperatives in the countryside; the reasons for debates on cooperation legislation; the viability of the main types of agricultural cooperatives (production, consumer, credit cooperation). Finally, the authors emphasize that cooperation in contemporary Russia does not fit the classic Western scheme of cooperative development and still has to overcome a number of substantial challenges (the soviet legacy, lack of bottom-up initiatives, the ideological and economic dominance of large-scale farming, poor academic expertise in the field of cooperation studies).
16
Frolova, Elena V. "Human Rights and Humanization of the Execution of Punishments in the History of Western Siberia". Historijski pogledi 7, nr 11 (6.10.2024): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2024.7.11.118.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The purpose of the study is to compare the Prison Reform of 1879 carried out in Russia with the requirements of the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners adopted by the United Nations in 1955. The study was conducted on the example of the Tobolsk prison complex of the late XIX – early XX centuries, based on practically achieved results. The sources of the study were the materials of the State Archives of the Tyumen, Omsk, Tomsk regions, as well as the State Archives of the Russian Federation. The methodological basis of the study combines two approaches: modernization and civilizational, using two methods: comparative historical and actualization. The scientific novelty of the work lies in a new look at the Prison Reform of 1879 through modern European standards of the rights of prisoners. The results of the Prison Reform of 1879 were compared with the requirements of the UN on the following grounds: prohibition of discrimination, protection of religious rights, compilation of a register of prisoners, their breakdown into categories, sanitary conditions and nutrition, education, libraries, recreation, work and work of prison inspections. The comparison showed that at the turn of the XIX – XX centuries, the Tobolsk prison complex (“Prison Castle”) was an advanced penitentiary institution of that time, not only generally conforming to European standards of the mid-XX century, but partly surpassing them. The Russian government planned to extend the achieved experience to other places of detention, but the process was interrupted by the revolution of 1905-1907. The results of the study showed that in Russia, the humanization of imprisonment was based not only on the principles of utility and rationalism, but in many respects – on Orthodox ideas of mercy, therefore, initially coincided with future European standards. Meanwhile, some reform measures turned out to be premature, as they were carried out in conditions of exceptional poverty of the rest of the Russian people and the absence of the concept of “human rights” in their lives. This contradiction became one of the links in the system of socio-economic problems that eventually led Russia to revolution.
17
Hordecki, Bartosz. "Rosyjskie jubileusze jako zjawiska retoryczno-ironiczne". Przegląd Politologiczny, nr 3 (2.11.2018): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.3.9.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The objective of the paper is to present Russian anniversaries that commemorate important historical events as phenomena with a dual, rhetorical and ironic character. Rhetoric and irony are used with reference to individuals as well as imagined communities, such as nations. The memory of some historical events, or the lack of such memory, as well as the manners of referring to these events or ignoring them, result in the transformation of what community members think about themselves and their entanglement in common existence and fate. Therefore, changes of remembrance and oblivion, recollection or forgetting can integrate or disintegrate, intensifying the pride or shame of one’s national identity, which eventually results in satisfaction or frustration, and sometimes in a sense of superiority or inferiority. Pride and satisfaction are produced by rhetoric, while shame and frustration – by irony. Sometimes rhetorical-ironic playing with the past assumes particular significance, becoming an exceptionally important factor in social and political life. This phenomenon strongly intensified in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century, becoming a veritable ‘anniver- sary-mania’, and in 2012, which President of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Medvedev, de- clared the Year of Russian History. The periods analyzed in the paper are around one hundred years apart. Russian society has totally changed over this period, mainly as a result of the revolution, two world wars and several decades of communist rule. In 1990, the Russian Federation was established, a state with an authoritarian-democratic hybrid of a political system. Despite these transformations, modern Russians repeat numerous set behavioral patterns from the beginning of the 20th century. These patterns are used by the advocates of affirmative as well as critical approaches to the history of Russia and the current social and political situation in the country.
18
SCHULZHENKO, YURY. "DOMESTIC POLITICAL PARTIES ON THE STATE STRUCTURE OF RUSSIA IN THE PRE-OCTOBER PERIOD". Sociopolitical Sciences 11, nr 1 (28.02.2021): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2021-11-1-38-44.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The purpose of the research. The choice of this topic is due to the fact that the issues of the state structure of Russia are constantly the subject of close attention of scientists. This is mainly due to the fact that there is a huge practical experience here, when virtually every period of Russian history represented something bright and new. These issues are the subject of close attention not only of domestic, but also of foreign scientists (Emons T., Thatcher I., etc.). The article is devoted to the analysis of the positions of all-Russian, national political parties in our country in the second half of the 90s of the XIX century. - October 1917. on the state structure of Russia. This period was filled with a number of important events that had a fundamental impact on them. For example, the economic renewal of the country in the capitalist direction, with an acute struggle against the remnants of serfdom; the Russian-Japanese War; the First World War; two bourgeois-democratic, one socialist revolutions; the transition from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy, a bourgeois republic, a Soviet republic; the emergence of various political parties. Results. The conclusion is presented that the overwhelming majority of all-Russian parties, the majority of national parties were supporters of a single, unitary state. Few people supported the federation, and even then very limited, carefully. Based on this, the position of almost all parties in relation to autonomy was also built. It was actually supported only in Finland, but with the emphasis on maintaining strong ties with Russia. Views on self-government, for or against, were actually equally divided. The evidence here, in particular, is that the program documents of seven of the 16 largest all-Russian parties do not actually contain any provisions on self-government. It is also important to conclude that the positions of the parties on the state structure have changed. Especially noted is the RSDLP, which after the October Revolution of 1917 became the leading, ruling party in our country, and chose for it a federal form of government. As you know, until February 1917 it advocated the right of nations to self-determination, a unitary form of Government, and broad self-government. Since February 1917, a clear course for the federation has been taken. First of all, three main scientific methods were used: dogmatic, historical, and comparative. The article is of interest to lawyers and historians-theorists and practitioners, and all those who are interested in Russian history.
19
Lanskoy, Grigory N. "Plenary Meeting of the Russian Society of Historians and Archivists in Ekaterinburg, September 26, 2017: Information". Herald of an archivist, nr 1 (2018): 245–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-245-259.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The information on the last plenary meeting of the All-Russian public organization ‘Russian Society of Historians and Archivists’ (ROIA) includes report and official documentation. The report and discussion of the ROIA plenary meeting participants remarked that the events of interest are in complete congruence with the profile of the ROIA activities as a non-profit-making organization, active on both federal level and on the level of its regional offices in over 70 subjects of the Russian Federation. Of particular importance are interactions of the ROIA with the Federal Archival Agency and regional directorates for archiving and their subordinate institutions. Methodological focus of the ROIA projects is connected with tasks of identification, summation, introduction into scientific use, and popularization of archival documents on the Russian history. The ROIA activities ascertain results and prospects of new documents (especially, those of personal provenance) acquisition in the state archives and bring little-known documents to light. The ROIA gave coverage to results of work on the project ‘Revolution of 1917 in archival documents.’ Together with the Russian Military Historical Society and Association of Scholars in Soviet Society and Contemporary History, it participated in the contest of research and creative work ‘Russia: The memory space: The 20th century.’ To support the scientific research and educational project ‘Historical document heritage on the history of the Republic of Crimes and Sebastopol,’ a presidential grant was obtained. The ROIA seeks cooperation of the National Association of Russian Border Troops Veterans. The ROIA was one of the winners in the 2nd Grant Contest of the ‘History of the Motherland’ foundation with its exhibition project ‘Revolution of 1917 in the Moscow streets: Documents and photographs.’
20
Kheifets, Viktor L., i Lazar S. Kheifets. "Boris Sinani: 246 Days in the Life of a Participant in Revolutionary Events in Russia in 1917". RUDN Journal of Russian History 22, nr 3 (15.12.2023): 441–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2023-22-3-441-455.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
From the example of Russian officer Boris Semenovich Sinani’s fate, the authors have attempted to reconstruct the events of the first days of the February Revolution, including certain aspects of the work of the “military headquarters of the revolution” - the Military Commission, as well as the reasons for the creation and nature of the functioning of the Union of Republican Officers of the People's Army. Through their research, the authors have revealed the complexity of the relationship between the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, as well as the attitude of the Russian officers to the revolutionary changes in the country. The authors note that the name Sinani was taken as a pseudonym by Georgy Borisovich Skalov, another participant in the revolution and the Civil War, and this choice played a tragic role in the fate of the latter. The study is based on the analysis of the documents of the Union of Socialists of the People's Army stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, memoirs, and their comparison with published scientific works. The authors have also attempted to reconstruct the main lines of interaction and contradictions between officer groups during the Great October Socialist Revolution.
21
Akimova, Tatiana Mikhailovna. "“Narrative” of the women of Burachikha settlement as a source on the history of development of civil society in Vladimir province in the spring of 1917". Genesis: исторические исследования, nr 9 (wrzesień 2021): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.9.36412.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article reviews two documents stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation: “Narrative” of the women of Burachikha settlement (Glumovskaya Volost , Yuryevsky Uyezd of Vladimir Province) and the response of the Moscow Regional Council of the Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers' Deputies dated by April-May 1917. The “Narrative” reflects the concerns of peasantry, which was the largest social class in Russia of that time: shortage of firewood and food, ongoing World War I, unresolved land issue; confusion with the political changes taking place in the country due to lack of awareness and special literature. The attitude of rural population towards the pre-revolutionary authorities and Provisional Government is described. The document deserves special attention, as it demonstrates the position of women who were first granted the right to vote in the spring of 1917. Moscow Regional Council of Workers' Deputies supported the political activity of female rural population, although did not render any assistance. The conclusion is made that the published texts can be used in studying the development of civil society in provinces after the February Revolution of 1917. The content of these sources is also valuable for the researchers dealing with the gender problems, social history of the first quarter of the XX century, and the history of the February and October Revolutions of 1917.
22
Babich, Irina Leonidovna. "The Fates of Priests in Russia: THE VVEDENSKYS". Исторический журнал: научные исследования, nr 2 (luty 2020): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.2.32466.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The research subject of this study is the fate of a priest in Russia: Fr. Dmitry Vvedensky, who began his ministry before the Revolution, lived through Soviet camps, was convicted three times, managed to survive the difficult conditions of camp life and continued to serve after the death of Stalin.The research object of this study is the Vvedensky dynasty of priests.The author considers D. Vvedensky's life in the context of the priestly environment in which he found himself. At the microhistory level, the author describes the fate of one of the representatives of the Russian Orthodox clergy during a civilizational breakdown. The study was prepared on the basis of two kinds of sources: firstly, archival materials from the state archives (the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Central State Historical Archive of Moscow) and private collections (the Vvedensky family archive, which was donated to the Church and History Museum of the Men's Stavropegalny Danilov Monastery of the Russian Orthodox Church ); secondly, interviews with the descendants of the Vvedensky family: the granddaughter of Fr. Dmitry - Lyubov', the grandson of Fr. Dmitry's brother - Rostislav, the niece of Fr. Dmitry's wife - I. K. Miloslavina, the granddaughter of the second priest serving in the same "Life-Giving Spring" Church with Fr. Dmitry, - E. P. Thebes.The scientific novelty of this research is its introduction into scientific circulation of new archival materials concerning the life of Russian priests, including from new archives, in particular, the Vvedensky archive stored in the Danilov Monastery.The study of priestly fates on the example of the Vvedensky family has made it possible for the author to identify the main trends in the life of the priesthood at the turn of the Russian-imperial and Soviet periods in the history of Russia.
23
Sobolev, G. L. "“The Oldest and Incomparable Historiographer of Our Time”: Student’s Memories of Professor Sigizmund Valk (Parts II–V)". Modern History of Russia 14, nr 1 (2024): 8–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2024.101.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The second part of the memoirs of Gennady Leontyevich Sobolev, Russian historian, Doctor of Historical Sciences, honorary professor of St. Petersburg State University, Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation, specialist in the history of Russia of the 20th century, founder of the scientific school of historians of the Russian revolutions and the Civil War, the most authoritative researcher of the history of the blockade Leningrad, dedicated to his teacher Sigismund Natanovich Valk (1887–1975). G. L. Sobolev describes the initial stage of his work in the system of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR — as a secretary in the group of history of the USSR of the Soviet period, talks about the employees with whom he communicated, about the beginning of the development of a large topic about scientists of Leningrad during the years of the siege, about the consequences of the “Leningrad Affair” for the university. A special place in the scientific biography of G. L. Sobolev was occupied by participation in the preparation of volume 5 of “Essays on the History of Leningrad” and joint work with a leading specialist in the history of the 1917 revolution, Yu. S. Tokarev. With warmth, the author of the memoirs writes about the participation in his professional career of the Moscow historian A. V. Karasev, the author of the book “Leningraders during the Siege”, which has not lost its scientific significance even today. The publication in the mid-1960s of new data on the mortality rate of the population in the blockaded city marked the beginning of a revision of data on total losses in the Battle of Leningrad. The text of the article notes the fact of the deep influence of S. N. Valk on the historical education and moral education of many generations of historians.
24
Lityński, Adam. "Ukraina na drodze do suwerenności. Uwagi historyka prawa. Recenzja: A. Olechno, Ewolucja konstytucyjnych podstaw systemu rządów Ukrainy, Białystok 2019, ss. 290". Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 20, nr 2 (2021): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2021.20.02.13.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The author deals with the history of the formation of a sovereign state – Ukraine in the twentieth century. The author begins with the activities of Ukrainians after the Russian Revolution of 1917. Among Ukrainian politicians, there were different ideas: autonomy within the Federation Republic of Russia or as a sovereign state. The idea of fighting for a sovereign Ukraine was prevalent. Simon Petlura was the main proponent of this direction. Territorial affairs were very contentious. Which country should compose a sovereign Ukraine in the future? In this matter, the Ukrainians came into conflict with all their neighbours. Thus, the Ukrainians were almost in a siege. Between 1918 and 1920 the Ukrainians fought the most serious battles against the Russian Bolsheviks. In Ukraine there was also a civil war with the Ukrainian Bolsheviks. At that time Simon Petlura allied himself with Poland against the Russian Bolsheviks. The Ukrainian people did not support this alliance. Ukraine was conquered by Bolshevik Russia. For several decades, Ukraine became one of the republics of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. As you know, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics – contrary to its name – was a centralised state in which terror prevailed for decades. In 1991 – under Michael Gorbachev – Ukraine was one of the republics of the USSR that left the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics fastest. For the first time in its history, Ukraine became a sovereign state.
25
Kostyukov, Aleksander. "The electivity of public authorities in the Russian Federation and the Russian pre-revolutionary electoral qualification system". Law Enforcement Review 2, nr 1 (12.04.2018): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2018.2(1).17-25.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The subject. The article explores the principle of electivity as the principle of organization the public power in the Russian Empire, Soviet Russia and in the modern Russian Federa-tion.The purpose of this paper is to show how the principle of electivity developed in the Russian Empire, Soviet Russia and in the modern Russian Federation and to demonstrate Russian qualification electoral system.The methodology. The author uses a dialectical method, a method of analysis and synthesis, a formal legal method, a comparative legal method.Results, scope of application. Qualification principle in electoral system has undergone var-ious changes in various periods of Russian history. The Zemsky reform of 1864 and the Ur-ban reform of 1870 are analyzed in context how they significantly expanded the electoral rights of citizens. The positive results of the reforms were minimized by the Urban and Zem-sky counter-reforms of Emperor Alexander III. The author shows the negative consequences of the counter-reforms of Alexander III on the example of the second capital of the Russian Empire – Moscow.After the October Revolution, the electoral legislation included new elements of the censor-ship system that extended to the class enemies of the Soviet government. In general, during the Soviet period, general, equal, direct elections were declared in the Constitution. Sepa-rately post-Soviet electoral system in Moscow as the city of federal significance is examined.In the 1990s and 2000s the revival of the Russian electoral system was taking place. In ad-dition, there is a transformation of the principle of election of bodies and officials of local self-government.The author comes to the conclusion that some elements of the census system in the mod-ern interpretation remain in the current legislation. In fact, direct elections at different lev-els of government are replaced by indirect elections or the appointment of elected bodies and officials using a modern system of electoral qualifications, that directly contradict the Art. 3 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation.
26
Bazyler, Michael J., i Seth M. Gerber. "Chabad v. Russian Federation: A Case Study in the Use of American Courts to Recover Looted Cultural Property". International Journal of Cultural Property 17, nr 2 (maj 2010): 361–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739110000135.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractDisplaced and nationalized cultural property remains hidden in the vast holdings of museums, libraries, and archives around the world. Some governments holding these “trophies” of war and conquest refuse to return such cultural treasures to their rightful owners even when their provenance has been identified. They assert that the collections were obtained through expropriation and nationalization, and that divestiture of a museum, library, or archive would jeopardize the existence of these institutions and cause societal discord.This article discusses the struggle of an orthodox Jewish organization to recover from the Russian Federation a collection of sacred, irreplaceable books and manuscripts seized in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution and during World War II. The story of Agudas Chasidei Chabad's efforts to recover these core religious texts of its spiritual leaders has involved appeals by U.S. presidents, congress, and the U.S. Helsinki Commission, as well as lawsuits in the Soviet Union/Russia and United States.After prolonged litigation in the United States, a federal court of appeals in Washington DC ruled in 2008 that American courts have jurisdiction over Chabad's suit against the Russian Federation to recover its religious texts. This ruling may pave the way for the resolution of this dispute and also lead to the filing of other suits in American courts seeking to recover looted cultural property, even if that property is located outside U.S. borders.
27
Skachkova, G. "Labor books: History and Modernity". Voprosy trudovogo prava (Labor law issues), nr 12 (1.12.2020): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-2-2012-04.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article deals with issues related to changes in the fixing of labor relations of citizens working under an employment contract in the conditions of the Fourth industrial revolution, characterized by the connection of the material world with the virtual one. But first, the process of «introducing» documents containing basic information about an employee into labor relations, which led to the appearance of the work book in its modern sense, is described in the historical aspect. Then it is shown what changes have occurred recently in the labor legislation of the Russian Federation regarding labor books with the advent of information technologies that record information about the labor activity of employees.
28
ROCCHI, T. "REVOLUTION FROM THE RIGHT: THE RUSSIAN BLACK HUNDREDS MOVEMENT AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN FAR RIGHT PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS Part II-I: the Black Hundred understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism and the consolidation of nations: origins and development of varieties of nationalism in the Russian Empire and Europe". Historical and social-educational ideas 10, nr 3/2 (4.08.2018): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/2-54-71.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This series of articles investigates the Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism. In brief, Russianness is the totality of nationally specific characteristics that define Russians as Russians and that distinguish Russians from other peoples. Through Russianness, according to the Black Hundreds, Russians should form a cohesive, selfidentifying community united in loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundred understanding of Russianness strongly differed from the definition of Russianness by other Russian nationalists of the period. Several historians have noted that the Black Hundreds’ definition of a “true Russian” indicated not an ethnic but rather a political affiliation - loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness had contradictory applications. The Black Hundreds emphasized the allembracing nature of the Russian people and considered many members of the non-Russian peoples as members of the Russian nation. However, they also excluded entire categories of Russians from the ranks of the Russian people and divided the non-Russian peoples of the Empire into the categories of “friendly to Russia” and “hostile to Russia”. The Black Hundreds also often used eschatological themes of demonization of external and especially internal enemies of Russia and the Russian people. Note that the Black Hundreds followed general European trends in political eschatology. It is important to note that the debates about Russianness were an integral part of the general European process of the consolidation of both ethnic and political nations against the background of competing understandings of identity of individuals, groups, and societies. The articles will give a comparative analysis of the Black Hundreds’ concept of Russianness with the concepts of Frenchness in the French Revolution and Germanness in Nazi Germany. The articles’ theme has a huge contemporary relevance in light of debates about national identities and values in the Russian Federation and many European countries.
29
Vilkov, Aleksander, Nikolaj Shestov i Andrei Abramov. "Social Demand for the Future of Russia Within Political Projects and Mass Political Consciousness". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, nr 3 (30.06.2021): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.3.10.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Introduction. The purpose of this article is to find out to what extent the “social state” concept, brought to the fore of domestic political, social, and economic agendas by amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, is able to satisfy the demand of the mass political consciousness in Russia for the image of the country’s future. Methods and materials. To solve this problem, a wide range of general scholarly and specific political science approaches and methods were used. The conclusions are based on the results of opinion polls conducted by the largest social surveys research organizations of Russia (i.e. “Russian Public Opinion Research Center”, “Levada-Center”, and “Public Opinion Foundation”), analysis of the programs of political parties, speeches of Russian politicians, as well as on the observation over the Russian political process. Analysis. The views of citizens on the prospects for the development of relations between the state and society in Russia are analyzed in relation to the political projects of leading Russian political actors; the prospects of key projects of the existing political, social, and economic system optimization in the context of their compliance with the needs of various social groups in modern Russia are considered; estimation of social risks of their implementation is given. Results. An inference is made that formation of a socially desired image of the future of Russia requires a significant adjustment of the main Russian political actors’ activities. Domestic political parties need a renewal of their leadership and relevant institutional and ideological reformatting; the highest bodies of state power need to adjust the political course – first of all, it is necessary to establish control over the use of natural resources, introduce a differentiated taxation system, and stimulate production. The lack of a clear response from government bodies and party structures to society’s requests for a just, socially responsible state creates risks for the stability of the domestic social and political system, and can be used by destructive political forces to implement the scenario of a “colour revolution” in Russia.
30
Lukić, Aleksandar. "A new geopolitical Perestroika". Socioloski pregled 57, nr 2 (2023): 491–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg57-42984.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
After Chernenko's demise and Gorbachev's coming to power in 1985, the period known as perestroika began in the Soviet Union. Realignment led to an ostensible end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, thanks to Yeltsin's declaration of sovereignty of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). As a consequence, former Soviet socialist republics, including Ukraine, became independent states. The United States of America declared victory in the Cold War and a new world order was established with the United States as the great hegemon. In this paper, our aim is to show that the ongoing conflict in the territory of Ukraine did not start either in 2022 or in 2014 (when the conflict became armed). Instead, the conflict was kick-started with the independent state of Ukraine being established in 1991, on historically Russian lands, the purpose of this exercise being to create a new Ukrainian nation. The thirty-year history of the Ukrainian state bears witness to its non-Russian and anti-Russian character, as well as to the undisguised influence of the United States of America, which was particularly evident in the so-called colour revolutions and the armed coup of 2014, which led to the overthrow of the legally elected president of this country, Viktor Yanukovych. Russian intervention in 2022, which has a global geopolitical character, shows that a new perestroika is in full play. Denazification and demilitarisation of Ukraine, declared as the main goals of the Russian Federation, are the fundamental measures of the new perestroika. If the Russian Federation succeeds in this endeavour, this would undoubtedly mark the end of U.S. hegemony, while a new multicentric world would be created. If Russian intervention turns out to be a failure, U.S. hegemony will be reconfirmed so that the interests of the Russian Federation would most likely be faced with a threat of further disintegration. Thus, this is not primarily a conflict between Russia and Ukraine, but rather a decisive battle between Russia and the collective West led by the United States. This is the reason why the West is putting in a strenuous effort, and suffering substantial economic damage, to win this war. It defends Ukraine for its own sake, not for the sake of Ukraine itself. Not by their own choice, Ukrainians are in a tragic position in which their nation is used for the achievement of Western interests.
31
Krat, Anna. "Historical and educational prerequisites, conditions and factors of the opening of orthodox secondary schools in the contemporary history of Russia". St.Tikhons' University Review. Series IV. Pedagogy. Psychology 64 (31.03.2022): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiv202264.52-64.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article analyzes the historical and pedagogical prerequisites, conditions and factors of the emergence of Orthodox general education schools in the domestic educational space in the period from the beginning of the 90s of the twentieth century to the present. The restoration and characterization of the genesis of the process of creating Orthodox general education schools is carried out on the example of educational organizations in the city of Moscow. The use of statistical, comparative-comparative, reconstructive, historical-retrospective, as well as methods of interviewing, discussing and analyzing materials from official websites, reports on activities, information provided by directors, teachers and staff of Orthodox secondary schools made it possible to establish the following. The emergence of Orthodox general education schools is an innovative phenomenon in the modern history of Russia: before the revolution of 1917, starting with the Baptism of Rus, Orthodoxy was the state religion, including compulsory for teaching at school, which determined its way of life. but rather, schools of different confessions or, for example, digital (under Peter the Great) were in the indicated period a kind of pedagogical innovation; in the period after the revolution of 1917 and until the end of the 1980s, religious education in all forms and forms in the USSR was prohibited, and only from the beginning of the 90s of the twentieth century in the Russian Federation, in other historical conditions - now a secular democratic state, open for cooperation with religious organizations of traditional confessions, it became allowed to open private schools of confessional orientation. The conditions for the functioning of Orthodox general education schools in these realities were the activities of Sunday schools, the initiative of parishioners and the support of this initiative on the part of the parish rectors, as well as on the part of the city authorities. Among the factors that influenced the emergence of the first Orthodox general education schools in Russia were the conversion of people to the Orthodox faith, the revival of churches and the revitalization of parish life, the desire of parents to educate their children on the basis of the Orthodox worldview and in conditions of communication with like-minded people and fellow believers.
32
Mukhatova, O. H. "PRE-REVOLUTION HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN KAZAKHSTAN IN THE EARLY 19TH-XX CENTURIES". edu.e-history.kz 29, nr 1 (3.10.2022): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_29_1_77-91.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the article, the works of pre-revolutionary Russian officials and researchers, educational specialists, who considered various issues of Kazakh education, are analyzed in a historiographical sense. A. Alectrov, A.V. Vasiliev, K. Belavin's works and articles on education of Kazakh children in Ural, Torgai, Orynbor regions published in periodicals are analyzed. The researches published in Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods are also analyzed in order to verify the historiographical facts. The content and significance of the works described about the Orynbor Neplyuev cadet corps, the Orynbor paramedic school, the school for Kazakh children under the Orynbor border commission, the Russian-Kazakh primary, two-class village, Kazakh teacher schools in the Orynbor, Ural, Troitsk field fortresses are shown. Information about the territory, population, educational institutions, financing, costs, number of students, age, social composition, division into classes, taught subjects, awarding of scholarships, tuition fees, beliefs of the educational institutions is given in the works. Difficulties in the education of Kazakh children, lack of interest of the colonizing country in the deep education of Kazakh children, the reasons why girls are not attracted to education, etc. problems are identified in the scope of historical data.
33
Troshina, Tatyana I. "“The Bloodless Revolution” of 1920 in Arkhangelsk". Herald of an archivist, nr 3 (2020): 888–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-888-904.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article is based predominantly on sources of personal provenance (memoirs of participants and eyewitnesses of the events of 1920 in Arkhangelsk, stored in the "fonds of memoirs" from the State Archive of the Russian Federation, State Archive of the Arkhangelsk Region, Central State Archive of Historical and Political Documents of St. Petersburg, Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, Vologda Regional Archive of Contemporary Political History, Scientific Archive of the Karelian Research Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences. and scientific archives of the local history museums in the Arkhangelsk region). These documents allow us to expand our understanding of the events that took place in Arkhangelsk in February 1920 and to supplement the information of other, synchronous, sources on this interesting fact of the Civil War: attempts to peacefully transfer power from the administration of the Northern Region (a quasi-state entity with its center in Arkhangelsk) to the command of the advancing Red Army through a “transitional government” formed from activists of local trade union organizations. The nature of the Civil War associated with ideological disorientation of the population manifested itself in the desire of certain groups (i.e., White soldiers who defected from the Red Army, workers who welcomed the change of power in 1918) to rehabilitate themselves in the eyes of the Soviet authorities. It was reflected in their insistence on establishing of the “revolutionary order” in the city even before the arrival of the Red Army. When the prepared script was disrupted, the city plunged into anarchy for several days. This article is an attempt to reconstruct the events of February 1918 in Arkhangelsk in order to demonstrate the impact made by individuals driven by their own motivations, interests, and goals on the events of historical significance.
34
Knyazev, Mark A. "Unknown Documents on the History of the February Revolution of 1917 and the Circumstances of the Abdication of Nicholas II". Herald of an archivist, nr 3 (2021): 866——878. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-3-866-878.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The question of actions of the Russian Emperor Nicholas II during the February Revolution, and in particular, of his willingness or unwillingness to make concessions to the Duma opposition is a controversial issue in the historiography. Thus, Soviet and ?migr? historians believed that the tsar agreed to reforms under pressure of the military elite, which collaborated with the State Duma in those rebellious days. However, in modern historical science, an opposite opinion is gaining foothold, according to which in February – March 1917 the monarch showed a conciliatory attitude towards the opposition and was ready to agree to an actual limitation of his power by introducing a responsible ministry. The roadblock is assessment of sufficiency and reliability of the source corpus (mainly memoirs) for drawing the conclusion about the tsar's readiness for reforms. The lack of “documentary” evidence makes the narrative of the tsar’s desire to establish a “ministry of confidence” vulnerable. However, documents of the period of the February Revolution that have been identified in the State Archive of Russian Federation (fond 97 “Office of the Palace Commandant of the Ministry of the Imperial Court”) allow us to come nearer the end of this historiographical discussion. They are two typewritten paragraphs on a single sheet of paper, without a title or any additional information on its author, time, and place of creation. Source analysis has concluded that the documents are drafts of tsar’s telegrams prepared by the palace commandant V. N. Voeikov on March 1, 1917 to be sent to the ex-chairman of the State Duma M. V. Rodzianko. The content of these drafts clearly indicates that the tsar was ready to provide a “ministry of confidence” even before his arrival at the headquarters of the Northern Front on the evening of March 1, that is, de facto to establish parliamentarism in Russia. The author's reconstruction of the events has showed that the first draft of the telegram is tsar’s delayed response to the appeal of the Duma leader encouraging him to reform public administration (dated February 26-27, 1917). The second telegram is supposed to be sent to Rodzianko inviting him to Pskov for final decision concerning the head of the new “government of confidence.” Despite the fact that they for some reasons had never been sent to the addressee, these “messages,” nevertheless, are the “documentary” evidence of Nicholas II’s consent to a gradual introduction of parliamentarism in the country during the February Revolution.
35
Pyzikov, Denis D. "V.D. Bonch-Bruyevich’s Archive in the State Museum of the History of Religion as a Source on the History of Church-State Relations after the Revolution of 1917". Study of Religion, nr 2 (2019): 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2019.2.138-143.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article deals with the specifics of church-state relations after The Russian Revolution – an event that completely changed the world history, and in particular the history of the church. This theme is important not only for contribution of new facts and assessments to known data, but also for current status of the church, its relations with the authorities in the Russian Federation and the re-evaluation of the state heritage of the Soviet Union. Despite the sufficient amount of studies and sourcebooks, archive of V.D. BonchBruyevich at the State Museum of the History of Religion can provide new facts and documents to fill the gaps in history and re-evaluate certain events. The list of archival documents on the subject consists of decrees, personal correspondence, appeals, and also periodicals. This group of documents hasn’t been the object of any study, as well as V.D. Bonch-Bruyevich’s archive in whole.
36
Hurak, I., O. Boichuk i M. Nahorniak. "THE RUSSIA OF “EARLY PUTINˮ IN SEARCH OF A NEW NATIONAL IDENTITY: MODERN IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY IN THE SHADOW OF THE “HUMANITARIANˮ “RUSSIAN WORLDˮ". Actual Problems of International Relations, nr 153 (2022): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2022.153.1.19-33.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
At the beginning of the XXI century the leadership of the Kremlin significantly strengthened control over the processes in the Russian state, achieved certain successes in the implementation of integration projects in the post-Soviet space. To increase the geopolitical weight of the Russian Federation and further strengthen its position on the territory of the so-called “near abroadˮ, Kremlin political technologists developed a new imperial ideology. Ivan Ilyin, a critic of the Bolsheviks and a supporter of monarchism and fascism, acted as an ideological guide for the Russian ruling elite. A practical manifestation of the new ideological approaches was the introduction of the “Day of People’s Unityˮ associated with the traditions of tsarist Russia, which essentially replaced the celebration of the so called “Great October Socialist Revolutionˮ. In the same vein, we can consider the launch of the action called “Saint George's ribbonˮ, which is a kind of attempt to combine the legacy of the Romanovs with the pages of the history of the USSR convenient for the Kremlin. Criticizing the federal nature of the Soviet Union, the Kremlin at the same time actively used the victory of the USSR in World War II for its geopolitical purposes. To the greatest extent, this was manifested due to the active popularization of the myth of the “Great Victoryˮ and the hypertrophied celebration of “Victory Dayˮ − the so-called “Pobedobesieˮ. One of the important components of the new state ideology of the Russian Federation was the active use of the “besieged fortressˮ concept. Tough declarations of the leadership of Russia at that time were complemented by decisive steps. The use of radioactive substances on the territory of Great Britain to kill a former employee of the FSB, cyber-attacks on the governmental structure of a NATO and EU member – Estonia, a return to the Soviet practice of aviation combat duty, a missile strike on Georgian territory by a Russian aircraft demonstrated the readiness of official Moscow to raise the stakes in the framework of the struggle for the redistribution of geopolitical “chessboardˮ. The ideological project “Russian Worldˮ became the decoration for Russian imperialism and revanchism. During the second presidential term of Vladimir Putin, it was already possible to trace warming signals that unequivocally demonstrated that behind the “humanitarianˮ envelope of “Russian Worldˮ the aggressive foreign policy goals of the Russian leadership were hidden. The most openly imperial essence of the Putin regime in its early stages is reflected in the framework of the so-called “Russian doctrineˮ. This document included provisions on the messianic role of Russia, criticism of the Bolsheviks for the division of the USSR into republics, the postulate on the historical continuity of the Russian Federation from tsarist times, etc. In the context of outlining the foreign policy goals of the Russian Federation, the doctrine refers to the creation of a multipolar world, the non-recognition of the 1991 Belovezh Accords, and the beginning of the path that should lead to the “reunificationˮ of Russia with Belarus, Ukraine and Kazakhstan is declared.
37
Gordeev, Petr N. "“I consider you a very close person to me…”: E.K. Malinovskaya, V.I. Nemirovich-Danchenko and others in 1935–1942". ТЕАТР. ЖИВОПИСЬ. КИНО. МУЗЫКА, nr 1 (2023): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35852/2588-0144-2023-1-87-103.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Elena Konstantinovna Malinovskaya (1875–1942) left a noticeable mark in the history of the Russian theatre of the late 1910s — 1930s. After managing Moscow academic theatres after the revolution, in 1924 she was forced to resign, and in 1930 she returned to the theatrical world, by leading the Bolshoi Theatre. After her final resignation in 1935, the figure of Malinovskaya drops out of view for theatre scholars. Meanwhile, after having outlived the repression of her children and having lost all administrative positions, she had by no means lost touch with the world of performing arts. In this article, which is written using the material of several archives (Malinovskaya's extensive personal fonds in the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art, the Malinovsky Family Fonds in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the V. I. Nemirovich-Danchenko Foundation in the Moscow Art Theatre Museum, and the E. P. Peshkova Foundation in the Gorky Archive, as well as investigative files from the Central Archive of the FSB of Russia), the last seven years of the life of an outstanding activist for the Russian theatre have been carefully examined. The author pays particular attention to Malinovskaya’s correspondence with Vladimir Nemirovich-Danchenko, who tried to support his former boss. The article reveals that even in the difficult conditions of evacuation from Moscow to Kuybyshev (Samara) in 1941, up to the last days of her life, Malinovskaya tried to take an active part in the fate of the Bolshoi Theatre.
38
Savvinov, Pavel Olegovich. "From political and intellectual biography of the Yakut emigrant Asklefeodot Afanasyevich Ryazansky (1898-1968)". Genesis: исторические исследования, nr 11 (listopad 2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.11.34291.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The subject of this research, dedicated to mental characteristics of the world of Yakut emigration of 1917 – 1940, is the history of Yakut emigration on the example of life of the active participant in the anti-Bolshevik movement in the northeast of Russia, who fought for the alternative path of development in the XX century and the Yakut emigrant Asklefeodot Afanasyevich Ryazansky (1898 – 1968). The object of this research is the history of Russian emigration. Historical-biographical method is applies in the course of this work. The article analyzes the adaptation of the Yakut emigrant in the context of impact of external factors in China and Australia, as well as his political views. The scientific novelty is defined by the fact that the topic of Yakut emigration and “Yakut world” did not receive due coverage within the Russian historical science, although it is an important scientific problem that requires comprehensive examination on the background of Revolution of 1917 and Russian Civil war in the context of world history. The conclusion is made that along with majority of Russian emigrants of the first wave, A. A Ryazansky struggled for survival in the new conditions abroad and was able to adjust to foreign cultural environment, having become a prominent journalist in China, and later the owner of marine company in Australia. Ryazansky saw the future of his homeland (Russia) as a democratic federative state with guaranteed preservation of ethnocultural identity of the indigenous peoples of Yakutia with the possibility of receiving education.
39
Yakupova, Daria, i Roman Yakupov. "Détente as a Factor of Modernization of the USSR in the 1970s - the Beginining of the 1980s in the Analytical Reviews of the Central Intelligence Agency". Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 20, nr 3 (30.09.2019): 398–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2019.20(3).398-424.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Coverage of the role and importance of the economic policy implemented during the détente period to solve the complex problems of the Soviet Union in the field of intensification of production is relevant in connection with the cyclical completion of the warmer climate between Russia and the West. The study of the historical experience of the development of international cooperation, the analysis of competition for a place in the global division of labor and the results of the struggle for the achievements of the scientific and technical revolution of the XX century make it possible to reconstruct the steps taken by the Soviet leadership to find new foreign economic tools against the background of modernization challenges. The article based on the materials of the electronic archive of the CIA, documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, Russian State Archive of Economics and Russian State Archive of Contemporary History funds provide previously unpublished comprehensive information on the size and content of compensation agreements of the USSR with Western Europe, the USA and Japan during the détente period. The authors reveal the role of the banking capital of the USSR to ensure the country's access to hard currency and implementation of the technology transfer policy. Similarity of the strategy of containment of the USSR in the 1970s and Russia today is emphasized on the example of the analysis of the USA intelligence data. The authors come to the conclusion that, despite the considerable mobilization efforts of the Soviet leadership to expand foreign trade operations, the conclusion of large-scale compensation agreements, the creation of sovereign transnational transportation and the development of Soviet financial institutions abroad, the targets set by the modernization of the 1970s were not fully met. The USSR did not maintain the export model in the global economy during the détente period for a number of reasons.
40
Kashkin, S. Yu. "Artificial Intelligence and Robotics: The Possibility of Invasion of Human Rights and Legal Regulation of these Processes in the EU and the World". Lex Russica, nr 7 (31.07.2019): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.152.7.151-159.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The paper analyzes the dangers faced by man and modern society in the light of the development of artificial intelligence and robotics in the fourth industrial revolution. The author examines the areas of human rights that are threatened by these advances in science and technology in case they are not properly monitored and regulated through legal advances. The historical and regional aspects of legislative regulation of the use of artificial intelligence units and robotics are investigated. Prospects of collision of artificial intelligence units with interests of the person and mankind, and also possible legal mechanisms of the resolution of the conflicts arising between them are analyzed. Using the methodology of comparative law, integration law, international law, analysis and synthesis, the author considers the latest documents of the European Union, EU member States, the United States, Russia, China, South Korea and other most representative countries of the world aimed at effective legal regulation of this promising area of development of modern law. The paper provides an analysis of the main trends in the evolution of modern law of science and technology that affect the life and realization of human and civil rights at the national, supranational and international level and the peculiarities of their legal regulation. The research is carried out on the interdisciplinary combination of elements of comparative law, integration, international and national law with reference to philosophy, sociology, history and prognostics. Conclusions are drawn on the possibility of using the world scientific achievements for the long-term development of the law of the Russian Federation. It is also possible to apply positive foreign experience of legal regulation of artificial intelligence and robotics adapted to the conditions of integration organizations with the participation of the Russian Federation.
41
Керимова, М. М., i О. Б. Наумова. "Declassified Archival Documents about the Kharuzins Family". Диалог со временем, nr 85(85) (1.12.2023): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2023.85.85.013.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Харузины – три брата (Михаил, Николай, Алексей) и сестра Вера Николаевна – известные ученые-этнографы, стоявшие у истоков становления и развития этнографической науки в России. Их жизнь и научная деятельность подробно изучена одним из авторов статьи. Однако перипетии послереволюционной жизни семьи крупного политического и научного деятеля Алексея Николаевича Харузина (1864–1932) до сих пор были известны лишь в самых общих чертах. На основе данных Центрального архива ФСБ РФ, а также воспоминаний невестки А.Н. Харузина И.Е. Огневой, авторы восстанавливают самый трагический период жизни А.Н. Харузина, его жены Н.В. Харузиной, их сына Всеволода (конец 1920-х – 1930-е гг.). The Kharuzins – three brothers (Mikhail, Nikolai, Alexei) and sister Vera Nikolaevna – are famous ethnographers who stood at the origins of the formation and development of ethnographic science in Russia at the end of the 19th – the first third of the 20th c. Their lives and scientific activities have been studied in detail by one of the authors of the article. However, the circumstances of the post-revolutionary life of the family of Aleksey Nikolaevich Kharuzin (1864–1932), the only brother who survived the revolution, currently are known only in the most general terms. Based on the data of the Central Archive of the FSB of the Russian Federation and the personal archive of E.P. Kryukova, containing the memoirs of the A.N. Kharuzin’s daughter-in-law I.E. Ogneva and some documents of his family members, the authors restore the most tragic period of A.N. Kharuzin’s life, as well as the lifes of his wife N.V. Kharuzina and their son Vsevolod (i.e. the end of the 1920s–1930s).
42
Николаенко, Петр, i Pyotr Nikolaen. "The victory near Poltava on June 27, 1709 – the most important factor of strengthening of the Russian statehood". Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2019, nr 2 (12.07.2019): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/20718284-2019-2-71-78.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article is the first attempt to chronicle in a comprehensive manner the official attitude of Russian rulers to the significance of the victory over Sweden in the Poltava battle by the Russian troops led by Peter the Great. It traces the evolution of the official stance throughout different periods in history of our Motherland from the reign of Peter the Great as first Russian emperor to contemporary leaders of Russia and newly -independent Ukraine. Using concrete examples the author reveals the nationwide patriotic fervor typifying the official line on the Poltava victory during the empire period as well as after the revolution. In the Russian Federation the national calendar marks the Poltava battle as the Day of Military Glory. The nationwide program of Patriotic Upbringing of Russian Citizens run by the state for the benefit of people at large features regular scientifically practical conferences, publication of books and articles, lectures and round-table discussions, quizzes and meets dedicated to red-letter days including the Poltava-themed ones, like the Mother of Poltava and Lesnaya Battle. In 2014 a propaganda drive masked as enlightenment was launched in newly independent Ukraine to indoctrinate people in anti-Russian, nationalist and Bendera-esque spirit. The last two years saw the drive to acquire neo-Nazi rhetoric. just prior to the celebration of the 300th anniversary of the Poltava Battle the Ukrainian leadership decreed july 27 1709 to be the Day heralding the start of the crusade by hetman Ivan Mazepa in alliance with Carl XII to liberate Ukraine from the yoke of the Moscow Kingdom.
43
Vorobiev, Evgenii P. "“The History Will Weigh, Evaluate, and Judge”: To Publication of the Collective Monograph “Minin: A Portrait against the Background of the Era”". Herald of an archivist, nr 4 (2021): 1257–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-4-1257-1264.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This review of the monograph "Minin: A Portrait on the Background of the Era” assesses the results of studying biography and political activities of the prominent representative of the Bolshevik party, who greatly contributed to the establishment and consolidation of the Soviet power in Southern Russia. The authors of the book have discovered and generalized considerable factual material concerning Sergey Konstantinovich Minin’s formation as a revolutionary and introduced into scientific use a set of documents indicating his place in organizing the defense of Tsaritsyn against the White armies during the Civil War. The review underscores relevance and informational value of work accomplished by the Volgograd historians. The monograph contains materials highlighting the role of local leaders in the Bolsheviks’ confident victory in the elections to the Tsaritsyn City Duma in the summer of 1917; S.K. Minin’s relations with V.I. Lenin and I.V. Stalin; correlation of changes in the party hierarchy with struggles for power in Soviet Russia during the Civil War and in the 1920s. The review notes great value of unique photographs and documents, which have been revealed in the fonds of central and local archives and are being published for the first time. The analysis of letters, leaflets, articles, and telegrams provides an opportunity to trace the evolution of S.K. Minin’s views on the situation in Russia in the era of Soviet formation; his outstanding talent as publicist and propagandist is evident. The reference and bibliographic apparatus of the publication deserves praise. It identifies published and unpublished sources, as well as achievements and gaps in the historiography on the topic. The review contends the importance of the book for revision of conventional assessments of the Soviet historiography concerning the Bolsheviks’ essential role in the overthrow of czarism in Russia, dual power in the center and regions in the spring and summer of 1917, V.I. Lenin’s party coming to power following the Great October Socialist Revolution, “triumphal march of the Soviet power,” brilliant or (after the exposure of the cult of personality in 1956) destabilizing role of J.V. Stalin in the defense of Tsaritsyn. The author of the review contends great subjectivity of the memoirs about S.K. Minin written by his relatives, which are being introduced into scientific use, and continuing underestimation of his role in the revolutionary struggles and the Civil War in Russia. The prospects for further research lie in scientific search and analysis of documents found in the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Central State Archives of Historical and Political Documents of St. Petersburg.
44
Senelick, Laurence. "The Accidental Evolution of the Moscow Art Theatre Prague Group". New Theatre Quarterly 30, nr 2 (maj 2014): 154–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x14000268.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
During the period of confusion and divided loyalties that followed the 1917 Revolution in Russia, the resources of the Moscow Art Theatre were severely depleted, and its artists and staff found themselves giving barebones performances for the enlightenment of often mystified working-class audiences. By 1919 the decision was taken to split the company, with a contingent sent out on tour with the intention of rejoining the parent group for the new season. In the event, with civil war raging between the forces of the Red Army and the White Guard, this did not happen, and groups of former members of the Art Theatre worked independently in the provinces and eventually abroad. While some returned to Moscow in 1922, the ‘Prague Group of the Moscow Art Theatre’ continued to lead an independent existence, and in this article Laurence Senelick traces the events leading up to and following its creation – which caused much annoyance to Stanislavsky and confusion in the West. A frequent contributor to New Theatre Quarterly, Laurence Senelick is Fletcher Professor of Drama and Oratory at Tufts University and a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He is a recipient of the St George medal of the Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation for services to Russian art and scholarship. His latest books are Stanislavsky: a Life in Letters (Routledge) and the forthcoming Soviet Theatre: a Documentary History (Yale University Press).
45
Gorshenin, Aleksandr V. "A gymnasium student who stepped into the revolution: the initial stage of revolutionary activity of the Bolshevik Serafima Ivanovna Deryabina (1904–1908)". Samara Journal of Science 9, nr 2 (29.05.2020): 184–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202207.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Serafima Ivanovna Deryabina (18881920) is known as a revolutionary who acted in the Ural-Volga region in the early 20th century, starting from the period of the first Russian revolution and ending with the events of the Civil war. The heyday of her revolutionary, organizational and party activities occurred at the Samara stage of life (19151918), but this was preceded by a significant period of formation of the revolutionary woman in the conditions of the first Russian revolution and then in the years of post-revolutionary political reaction. This paper attempts to analyze the conditions for the formation of revolutionary views and the beginning of the underground activities of S.I. Deryabina in 19041908. The author attempts to establish her role among the Bolshevik organizations of Yekaterinburg at that time and to consider the details of the arrests of the young Bolshevik woman. To achieve this goal documents from the Federal (the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History) and regional (the state archive of the Sverdlovsk Region, the center for documentation of public organizations in the Sverdlovsk Region and the Samara Regional State Archive of Socio-Political History) archives were used. These archives as well as published sources help the author to reconstruct the activity of the revolutionary woman within the framework of the historical period and region under study.
46
Altymyshova, Zuhra. "October Revolution and Soviet Class Struggle Policy in Kyrgyzstan". Central Asia 81, Winter (30.06.2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-81.100.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the middle of the XIX century, the territory of contemporary Kyrgyzstan was conquered by the Tsarist Russia. Later, in 1917, as a result of the October Revolution, the Tsarist regime was replaced by the Soviet rule. In the territory of Kyrgyzstan, it was established firstly in the southern and western regions of the country, such as Suluktu and Kyzyl-Kiya, Osh and Talas, where the largest industrial enterprises, mines, railway junctions and most of the workers and soldiers were concentrated. However, already by the mid 1918, the Soviet government managed to spread its power to the entire region of Kyrgyzstan.
In 1924, the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, established on April 30, 1918, was reorganized into a new administrative division. As the part of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR), on October 24, 1924 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was formed. On May 25, 1925 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was renamed into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Region. Then on February 01, 1926 it was restructured into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. On December 05, 1936 it became a separate constituent republic of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) known as the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic. Along with other 15 Soviet Socialist states, Kyrgyzstan had been the member of the USSR for about 70 years, from 1919 till 1991.
The current paper focuses on the processes of social transformation under the Soviet regime, especially the implementation of class struggle policy and its impact on Kyrgyzstan. In comparison with the interventions from the Tsarist Russia, the social transformation process undertaken under the Soviet system was quite different. In the territory of the Kyrgyz traditional society, the Tsarist Russia made only some social reorganization, but the Soviets brought radical changes in to the socio-political organizations of the Kyrgyz people. The paper seeks to understand how the Soviet Union tried to reconstruct the Kyrgyz society during the 1920s and 1930s. In addition, the paper will analyze the methods and mechanisms of the social transformation processes and the measures used by the Soviet government in their socio-political ‘battles’ against the local elites, and the influence of the new system on the existing socio-economic stratification in the context of the Kyrgyz society. During the Soviet period the prevalent scientific vision about the major historical events of the time was based on the Communist ideology. Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to analyze and describe an objective overview of the history of Soviet class struggle policy. The paper is based on the research of local archival documents, published sources and oral materials.
47
Kravets, I. A. "Constitutional Symbolism, Modernization of the Constitution and the Information Society (between Constituent and Information Constitutionalism for Russia)". Lex Russica 1, nr 1 (7.02.2020): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.158.1.043-058.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article discusses constitutional symbolism in the theory and practice of Russian constitutionalism, the problem of constitutional modernization in the context of the Russian state and legal tradition, the nature and legal forms of the constituent power, the constitutional status and the generative possibilities of the constituent power as constituents. The paper examines scientific approaches to understanding constitutional modernization in contemporary Russian jurisprudence, the meaning of constitutional symbolism and constitution as legal, political and moral communication in modern society. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the relationship between the constitutional process and the constitutional power from the standpoint of cognitive constitutionalism and historical rationality. The author has determined the problem zones of legal registration and implemetation of powers of the constituent power in the context of the Russian constitutional development. The study has been carried out on the basis of formal-legal, concrete historical and comparative legal methods of analysis, the method of constitutional design and legal hermeneutics. The author suggests the following conclusions: 1) It is necessary to rethink the range of subjects of the right to amend and revise the Constitution in the Russian constitutional law that reflects the constitutional tradition (in comparative and historical contexts) outlined in 18th-19th centuries rather than modern capabilities of the information society and e-government (e-ruling); 2) The importance and efficiency of democratic involvement increases and requires revision of the thesis that the head of state (in the history of Russia — the monarch, emperor, president) is the only authoritative and constitutionally significant “guardian” of the Constitution rigidity and the main political and legal route of its transformation and change; 3) Legal formalization and use of legal procedures of the constitutional will and expression of the will of citizens of the country in the process of elaboration, discussion, adoption and introduction of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation (current), and in the future amount to the development and adoption of the draft new Constitution of the country; 4) In the context of Russia’s intent to join the 4th Industrial Revolution and the development of institutions of information society (including in the field of electoral procedures and the formation of information and digital constitutionalism), it is necessary to create a constitutional sector of the Internet supported by the State at the federal and regional levels for the use of information technologies and institutions of digital constitutionalism in the process of determining citizens’ opinion on opportunities, prospects, content of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, their nation-wide discussion in the Internat.
48
Sobolev, G. L. "“The Oldest and Incomparable Historiographer of Our Time”: Student’s Memories of Professor Sigizmund Valk (Part I)". Modern History of Russia 13, nr 4 (2023): 790–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.401.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Memoirs dedicated to Sigismund Natanovich Valk were written by his student Gennady Leontyevich Sobolev, Russian historian, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Honorary Professor of St. Petersburg State University, Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation, specialist in the history of Russia of the 20th century, founder of the scientific school of historians of Russian revolutions and the Civil War, the most respected researcher of the history of the Siege of Leningrad. S. N. Valk (1887–1975) was an outstanding theorist of source studies, archival studies and archaeography. He graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology of St. Petersburg University in 1913. He was the employee of the Petrograd Historical and Revolutionary Archives (1918–1922), teacher (since 1923) and professor at Leningrad State University, Doctor of Historical Sciences (1936), head of the Archaeographic Commission of the USSR Academy of Sciences, researcher at the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of History of the USSR Academy of Sciences (since 1931). The article presents memories about S. N. Valk when the author was a student at the Faculty of History of the Leningrad State University in 1954–1959. G. L. Sobolev describes the narratives that shaped him as a historian: S. N. Valk’s seminars on ancient Russian history with firstyear students, the work in the archive under Valk’s supervision, conducting research for the thesis and the help of the teacher in choosing a direction of future professional activity. In addition, the memoirs reflect the university life of students of Leningrad State University in the 1950s, the principles of organizing the educational process at the faculty during this period, the work of the university library, and much more. The memories have important historical context, reflecting the everyday life of post-war Leningrad, and the system of secondary and higher education in the USSR.
49
Gatagova, L. S. "The Republics of the Southern Caucasus on their way to the ‘Socialist federation’ (1917–1922)". Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, nr 3 (27.11.2022): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-195-226.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
As we approach the 100th anniversary of the formation of the USSR, political, military, social, ethnic and other determinants of consolidation of the peoples and territories of the former Russian Empire within the Bolshevik state attract an increasing interest of academic community. In particular, special attention is drawn to the complex and controversial process of integration of the South Caucasus with Soviet Russia. Soviet historiography advanced an official view on the role of the Transcaucasian republics in the formation of the USSR, which came down to a number of ideological clichés that provided an impoverished and partly distorted image of this complex phenomenon. On the basis of a wide range of Soviet, Russian, and foreign researches, as well as recently published primary sources, the author examines the landmark events in the history of the states of the South Caucasus in the period preceding the formation of the USSR. The author highlights both similarities and differences in the views of Soviet and modern historians on the related issues, including the realization of the right to self-determination of the peoples of the South Caucasus in the first years after the October Revolution and the complex impact of international political situation on the regional developments. The author notes that the struggle for spheres of influence between world powers also affected all the Transcaucasian republics, although with different results. The author pays special attention to the process of Sovietization: in the Soviet historiography it was portrayed as a triumphal march of Soviet rule, but, as recent researches has shown, the Bolsheviks actually did not have a clear and consistent plan for the Sovietization of the Transcaucasian republics and the process was accompanied by dramatic events and conflicts. The assessments of the subsequent formation of the Transcaucasian Federation also differ significantly. The Soviet interpretation of this project emphasized its importance for eliminating the consequences of the Civil War and resolving inter-ethnic conflicts. Contemporary historians point to the fact that the unification process was imposed artificially, and even forcefully, according to some assessments, by Moscow, and its unifying effect was rather mixed. In this context, the author emphasizes the need for an impartial and balanced research approach towards the processes that took place in the Transcaucasian republics in the first post-revolutionary years in order to gain a better understanding of their role in the creation of the USSR.
50
Hordiichuk, Olha, Alex Halapsis i Mykola Kozlovets. "How the Information Warfare Turns Into Full-Scale Military Agression: the Experience of Ukraine". Przegląd Strategiczny, nr 16 (22.01.2024): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2023.1.25.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article analyzes the main ideological components and tools of Russia’s information, hybrid and full-scale war against Ukraine. Since the time of Ivan III, Russia has implemented the model of eastern despotism, which claims a special historical mission (“Moscow as the third Rome”). This model involves imperialism, absolutism, anti-democracy, disregard for human rights and the rights of nations. Throughout its history (Moscow Princedom – Russian Empire – Soviet Union – Russian Federation), the external forms of this model changed, but its essence remained unaltered, which is why it was always hostile to European values.
From the middle of the 17th century, when Ukrainian lands came under Russian control, it did everything to spread this model to them. To this end, it has taken such actions as rewriting history, banning the Ukrainian language and culture, destroying ethnic self-awareness, as well as repression and genocide against the Ukrainian people. Nevertheless, the oppressor failed to completely destroy the code of freedom, which is fundamental to the Ukrainian mentality. Nevertheless, the oppressor failed to completely destroy the code of freedom, which is fundamental to the Ukrainian mentality.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991), Ukraine got the opportunity to build its statehood on the values of freedom and democracy, and realized itself as a full-fledged member of the European family. Russia perceived Ukraine’s independence as a threat to its mission and moved to an ideological war against Ukraine. All methods of propaganda were employed, including distortion of facts, creation and mass distribution of pseudo-historical narratives, fakes, manipulations and outright lies. During the rule of Vladimir Putin, the doctrine of “Russkiy mir” (“Russian world”) was developed as a neo-imperial myth, and the Ukrainian state was viewed as a historical mistake that had to be corrected through new colonization. When during the Revolution of Dignity (2014) Ukrainians removed a corrupt pro-Russian politician Viktor Yanukovych from power, Russia resorted to the hybrid war during which it annexed Crimea, Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Although the civilized world did not recognize the Russian annexation, its reaction was too restrained. This gave Putin hope that the world’s response to further aggression would also be weak, and therefore on February 24, 2022, he ordered the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
The Russian ruler underestimated the will of Ukrainians to fight for their freedom, lives, and European ideals. Putin and his henchmen also underestimated the harsh reaction of the civilized world to Russian barbarism. An unpleasant surprise for them was the unprecedented military and financial aid that the West provides to Ukraine. Russian propaganda cannot hide from the world the terrible war crimes and offences against humanity committed by the Russian military. This war is not just a war between two states – it is a war between medieval barbarism and civilization. Ukraine’s victory determines not only the fate of Ukraine, but also the entire world order.