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1
Dristaru, Gabriela, i Alexandru Simon. "Agrarian and Electoral Reform in the Romanian Parliament's Debates". Revista Istorică 34, nr 4-6 (21.11.2023): 313–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/ri.2023.4-6.34.04.
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The lack of ample studies on the impact of the Russian Revolution on Romania and Romanian society led to the general belief that its impact was rather modest. Studying the debates in the Romanian parliament and the political oposition to the agrarian and electoral reforms, using new available records from the British archives, this article aims to demonstrate that the Romanian political elite was deeply affected by the February Revolution and concerned about its possible consequences.
2
EMILCIUC, Andrei. "Romanian Territorial Claims during World War I under the Gaze of the Russian Press". Territorial Identity and Development 5, nr 2 (14.11.2020): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.23740/tid220201.
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The article analyses the approach of the Russian press towards the Romanian territorial claims during the World War I. It is ascertained that the territorial issue was important in Romania’s attitude towards war, as the unification of historical and ethnic Romanian territories was essential for the national affirmation of Romania as a state. In this regard, the Russian press pointed towards the territories under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian Empire as a major priority for the formation of Greater Romania. The goal was to attract Romania on its side against Austro-Hungarian and German offensive on the Eastern front. We scrutinize the Russian press’s approach towards Romanian territorial claims based on three distinct periods: 1) during Romania’s neutrality; 2) during Romania’s participation in the war as Russia’s ally; 3) After the Bolshevik revolution, when Russia withdrew unilaterally from the war. The emphasis on Romania’s territorial claims is shown mostly in the first period, with one exception – the Bessarabian issue is little or not mentioned at all. Within the second period, the Russian press almost lost sight of the Romanian territorial claims. Finally, the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed self-determination as the main approach to territorial issues, were those who denied Romania any claim for “disputable territories”, just because it opposed Bolshevization. During this latter period, the Bessarabian issue becomes the spear of Russian informational attacks against Romania, following the Union of this historical Moldavian territory with the Motherland.
3
Levick, Carmen. "Theatres of revolution: The performativity of public and private memories in Romania after 1989". Maska 30, nr 172 (1.07.2015): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/maska.30.172-174.108_1.
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Focusing on issues of memory, representation and performativity, this paper will discuss three facets of representing and remembering the Romanian Revolution of December 1989. Firstly, it will tackle the televisual representations of the event, the story of the “live revolution” and the depiction of the revolutionary narrative through filmic devices. Secondly, this paper will look at theatrical representations of the Revolution and its aftermath, both in Romania (through playwrights such as Saviana Stanescu) and in the UK (Caryl Churchill’s Mad Forest). Last but not least, it will look at the varied ways in which the Romanian Revolution is remembered today, discussing the issue of revolutionary heroes and the process of “forgetting”, which has determined the 21st century relationship between Romania and its revolution.
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Granville, Johanna. "“If Hope is Sin, Then We Are All Guilty”: Romanian Students’ Reactions to the Hungarian Revolution and Soviet Intervention, 1956–1958". Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, nr 1905 (1.01.2008): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2008.142.
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The events of 1956 (the Twentieth CPSU Congress, Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, and the Hungarian revolution) had a strong impact on the evolution of the Romanian communist regime, paving the way for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania in 1958, the stricter policy toward the Transylvanian Hungarians, and Romania’s greater independence from the USSR in the 1960s. Students complained about their living and studying conditions long before the outbreak of the Hungarian crisis. Ethnic Hungarians from Transylvania listened closely to Budapest radio stations, and Romanian students in Budapest in the summer of 1956 were especially affected by the ferment of ideas there. For the Gheorghiu-Dej regime, the Hungarian revolution and Soviet invasion provided a useful excuse to end the destalinization process and crack the whip conclusivel —carrying out mass arrests, but also granting short-term concessions to ethnic minorities and workers. Of all segments of the Romanian population, university students were the most discontented. Drawing on archival documents, published memoirs, and recent Romanian scholarship, this paper will analyze and compare the student unrest in Bucharest, Cluj, Iaşi, and Timişoara. Due to a combination of psychological, logistical, and historical factors, students in the latter city were especially vocal and organized. On October 30 over 2,000 students from the Polytechnic Institute in Timişoara met with party offi cials, demanding changes in living and study conditions, as well as the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania. Another 800-1,000 students convened on October 31, calling for the release of students who were arrested the day before. Obvious discrepancies between the Romanian and Hungarian media sparked their curiosity about events in Hungary, while their cramped dorm rooms actually facilitated student meetings. In the Banat region itself, a tradition of anti-communist protest had prevailed since 1945. Although arrested en masse, these students set a vital precedent—especially for the Timişoarans who launched the Romanian Revolution thirty-three years later.
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Almond, Mark. "Romania since the Revolution". Government and Opposition 25, nr 4 (1.10.1990): 484–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00399.x.
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THE VIOLENCE WHICH MARKED THE OVERTHROW OF Nicolae Ceaugescu's regime at Christmas 1989, and the recurrent disorders, especially in Bucharest, which have punctuated developments over the last nine months, have made Romania's experience of anti-Communist revolution strikingly different from that of its neighbours to the north and to the west. Whatever the political and social tensions emerging in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland (and whatever may be the GDR's legacy to a reunified Germany), it is unlikely that the charge of neo-communism will be central to their political debate. It is precisely that charge levelled against the government party (National Salvation Front/FSN) and against the person of Ion Ilescu by various opposition groups, and former prominent dissidents under Ceaugescu, which remains the most emotive issue in Romanian politics. The question of whether the revolution which overthrew Nicolae Ceauyescu and led to the dissolution of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP) was the result of a popular uprising or a coup d'état planned by Party members has haunted Romanian politics through the first nine months of the post-Ceauqescu period.
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Borcila, Andaluna. "Accessing the trauma of communism". European Journal of Cultural Studies 12, nr 2 (maj 2009): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549409102425.
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This article centres on representations of Romanian women in the on-site reports filmed by American news crews in the days and weeks following the Romanian revolution. Around these representations, the article traces Romania's journey into televisibility on American television news, from an initially inaccessible site of falling communism to an overexposed site of post-communist trauma. Reports from abortion clinics were the first encounters with the territory of Romania that American television offered firsthand to its viewers, and these representations of Romanian women were the first representations of post-communist identities on American television. The article suggests that these representations of post-communist subjects, who appear as overexposed sites on which American television traces the effects of communism and the predicaments of the post-communist condition, display symptomatic features which have remained pervasive.
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Kang, Byungoh. "An Study on the Clearing up the Legacy of Communism in Romania". Barun Academy of History 14 (30.03.2023): 459–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.55793/jkhd.2023.14.459.
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This paper attempts to analyze the case of past liquidation in Romania’s ‘execution model’ with two dimensions: investigation and reflection on past problems. Like other former communist countries in Eastern Europe, Romania has transformed into a democracy. Despite the 42 years of the Romanian communist regime between 1947 and 1989, the past liquidation mainly focused on the 25-year dictatorship of Ceausescu’s iron-fist, which was dependent on the secret police called Securitate. Once democratized, Romania's past liquidation was implemented in two aspects: past investigation and past reflection. The past investigation was conducted in the form of executions during the December 1989 Revolution. Ceausescu, his family, and his aides were heavily sentenced, including death and life imprisonment in the military trial. However, most Securitate agents received no punishment. The Romanian government has implemented very limited legal measures to compensate or remedy victims' honor. Past reflections have progressed even more slowly. This is because the National Salvation Front, the main revolutionary force, served as a sidekick to the formal communist regime. A criminal investigation body was only set up in 2006, 16 years after democratization. Romania’s lack of decisive judgments and limited systematic past reflection still remain a heavy legacy in social turbulences in Romania. It will have significant implications for the policy of Korean unification in the future.
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ROTARU, Jipa. "TUDOR VLADIMIRESCU’S ARMY – NUCLEUS OF THE MODERN ROMANIAN ARMY". Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 13, nr 1 (2021): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2021.1.53.
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The 19th century was characterised by a deepening and diversification of the movements of European peoples oppressed by the great empires for national and social liberation. The French Revolution opened up the whole period of this century, and a wave of revolutions swept through almost the entire European continent, leading to the period being described as the 'century of revolutions' or the 'century of nations'. Tudor Vladimirescu was the exponent of the Romanian people's long-standing aspirations, the great personality produced by the Romanian realities of the early 19th century, who contributed to the acceleration of events and was at the forefront of the revolution.
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Light, Duncan, i Craig Young. "Urban space, political identity and the unwanted legacies of state socialism: Bucharest's problematic Centru Civic in the post-socialist era". Nationalities Papers 41, nr 4 (lipiec 2013): 515–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.743512.
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This paper explores the relationship between the urban cultural landscape of Bucharest and the making of post-socialist Romanian national identity. As the capital of socialist Romania, central Bucharest was extensively remodelled by Nicolae Ceauşescu into the Centru Civic in order to materialize Romania's socialist identity. After the Romanian “Revolution” of 1989, the national and local state had to deal with a significant “leftover” socialist urban landscape which was highly discordant with the orientation of post-socialist Romania and its search for a new identity. Ceauşescu's vast socialist showpiece left a difficult legacy which challenges the material and representational reshaping of Bucharest and constructions of post-socialist Romanian national identity more broadly. The paper analyzes four attempts to deal with the Centru Civic: developments in the immediate post-1989 period; the international architectural competition Bucureşti 2000; proposals for building a Cathedral of National Salvation; and the Esplanada project. Despite over 20 years of proposals central Bucharest remains largely unchanged. The paper thus deals with a failed attempt to re-shape the built environment in support of national goals.
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Ben-Ner, Avner, i J. Michael Montias. "The Introduction of Markets in a Hypercentralized Economy: The Case of Romania". Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, nr 4 (1.11.1991): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.163.
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This paper discusses communist Romania, the economy in the Ceausescu era, 1965-1989, the economy after the Revolution of December 22, 1989, and current problems and prospects for the Romanian economy.
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Anghel, Florentina. "A Revolution for the Stage – Mad Forest by Caryl Churchill". Romanian Journal of English Studies 15, nr 1 (1.12.2018): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rjes-2018-0001.
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Abstract The raw material of Caryl Churchill’s Mad Forest was extracted from the 1989 Revolution in Romania and chiselled to the essence. The play bridges reality and fiction through a cross-cultural perspective, which implies documentation, collaborative work and emotional detachment. The British playwright used innovative devices and adapted pictorial techniques to turn the Romanian Revolution into a work of art, to preserve what she considered particular and also connect the event to several of the cultural symbols Romania is associated with.
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Os'kin, Maksim. "The Romanian Mission of General Berthelot (1916–1917): Cooperation and Disagreements with the Russian Command of the Romanian Front". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, nr 2 (2022): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016584-0.
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When the Kingdom of Romania entered the Great War in 1916, it was supposed to receive aid from the Entente allies While the Russian troops fought alongside the Romanians on the Eastern Front, the Western allies assisted them with arms, financial resources, and experienced officers. Military cooperation in the various European theatres of war was a rather complex task, and its arrangement actualised the issues of cooperation between the allies in arms in pursuit of a common goal. The French Mission of General Berthelot assisted the Romanian army in a number of ways, including leading the fighting in the autumn of 1916, reorganising the defeated Romanian army, and acting as military advisers in the 1917 campaign. In that respect, the French were competing with the Russians for influence over the Romanian top leadership, especially the military command. The formation of the Romanian front, consisting mainly of Russian troops, allowed the Russian Stavka to sideline the French from directly influencing the course of military operations. The work of the French mission was limited to bringing the Romanian units withdrawn to the rear back into order. However, in 1917, the French resumed their leading role in influencing the Romanian generals. The February Revolution marked a turning point in relations between the rival partners, finally consolidating the leading role of the Berthelot Mission in the affairs of the Romanian Army on the Romanian front. The French Mission helped reorganise the Romanian Army, which played a decisive role in the final stage of the Great War. This allowed the Kingdom of Romania to remain among the victorious nations, despite the vicissitudes of 1918 following the withdrawal of Russia from the war. The main sources for this article are documents from the Russian State Military Historical Archive (RGVIA) relating primarily to the competence of the central military authorities and administration during the war period, namely the Supreme Command Headquarters and the General Staff Headquarters.
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Sporea, Danijel. "The rule of Nicolae Ceausescu and its tragic episode during the Romanian december revolution". Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, nr 2 (2022): 381–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-37608.
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In December 1989, thousands of Romanian citizens took to the streets, protesting against Nicolae Ceausescu's policies. This was no surprise-some time ago, the Warsaw Pact countries, which for decades languished in the ideology of communism and the one-party system, struggled to put this era behind them. These uprisings initiated the fall of the current regimes through initial protests, which was why the then political elite often responded hysterically with repression and political violence. As the last country from the Central-Eastern bloc, Romania started the changes in the most repressive way and ended the era of communism. The most impressive aspect of this transition is the behaviour of Nicolae Ceausescu, the president of Romania at that time, who ignored the mentioned events in the neighbourhood. The initial revolt of the Romanian people, which Ceausescu visibly defied without suspecting that it would affect him, finally happened and closed his rule in blood. Relying on a wide range of different sources of material, in this paper we will try to present the historiography of the Romanian revolution authentically, from the perspective of the present moment. The starting point for the work is a conceptual analysis of the rule of Nicolae Ceausescu-from the very beginning, through the characteristic periods, all the way to the year of its completion. His rule, characterized by other Warsaw Pact states as the most severe form of communism, led to violence and revolutionary riots that left a bloody mark on Romania's history. Some of the theses presented, such as the coup d'etat, conspiracy, or foreign intervention, which were presented as the cause of the collapse of Ceausescu's regime, opened space for many reflections. But the real picture seems much simpler: the people of Romania, after the most difficult period of austerity, poverty, and torture, rose against a dictatorial regime that has denied the most basic social and humanistic values.
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Siani-Davies, Peter. "Romanian revolution or coup d'état?" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 29, nr 4 (grudzień 1996): 453–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(96)80026-2.
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Kiss, Julien-Ferencz. "The Evolution of Romanian Psychological Bibliography between 1938 and 2008". History & Philosophy of Psychology 14, nr 1 (2012): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpshpp.2012.14.1.53.
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Romanian psychology has undergone extensive transformations over the past 70 years, in relation to social and political changes that took place in Romanian society during this period. After building an internationally recognized status by the year 1938, the establishment of the totalitarian regime in 1948 had a negative influence on psychology, essentially on ideological grounds. Of course, during this period of over 40 years, there were several stages in terms of the intensity of interference. After the Revolution that led to the process of democratisation in 1989 we can witness the rebirth of psychology in Romania and its gradual reconnecting to mainstream psychology. In this paper, we trace how these broad changes are reflected in the Romanian psychology books published in the last 70 years, relating them to the evolution of Romanian society.
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Luchkanyn, Serhiy. "The evolution of romanian communism: from Stalin`s totalitarianism to Nicolae`s Ceausescu national-communism". European Historical Studies, nr 3 (2016): 86–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.03.86-100.
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In the article that is based only on Romanian references and historiography, had been analyzed stages of development, deployment, ideological evolution of Romanian Communistic Party: being (staying) on the periphery of Romanian`s political life in interwar Romania; coming into power in 1944-1947 with the help of the Soviet army; violent dictatorship of Stalinist model the late 1940s the early 1940s, it marked at the same time with internal party struggle, that finished with victory and establishment of solo dictatorship Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (1945- 1965), who didn`t accept Khrushchev`s De-Stalinization; socialism “with a human face” (1962-1974) late Gheorghiu-Dej`s and early Nicolae`s Ceaușescu; Nicolae`s Ceaușescu “communistic monarchy” like gradual stagnation of Romanian communism with “national tendency” (1974-1989), which finished by rejection of Soviet perestroika, the Romanian Revolution in December 1989 by murder of Ceaușescu and his wife.
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Papari, A. C., C. G. Cozaru i A. Papari. "Correlational Study on Frequency of Lies and Personality Profile". European Psychiatry 26, S2 (marzec 2011): 1037. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(11)72742-0.
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The research refers to the relationship between lies and personality. In the present study, we started from the following assumption: the superego of persons of the same culture and same generation tends to be constant regarding content and strength. That is, the superego of 21 years romanian people tends to follow a certain pattern. This assumption is motivated by the fact that in Romania, the middle class is by far the majority; among the middle class, social perceptions tend not to vary too much, those of 21 years were born in the communist period and their superego formed before the revolution, which generated a strong similarity in shaping their superego, the kind of education both formal and informal resembles very much for Romania (see Romanian proverbs), etc.This assumption leads us to the following statement: given that the superego is similar for most Romanians of the same age, it tends to refer similarly to lying as social value as well as internalized prohibition, and its censorship. So, the lie will have substantially the same value and interpretation for all young people in this category, which will tend to refer to it similarly.This leads to a very simple conclusion: given that in the Romanian culture, as in other cultures, the lie is disapproved, people who lie will experience a conflict between the censorship of the superego and the desire of the ego, which is reflected in the sense of guilt.
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Bărbieru, Mihaela. "1821-2021. Bicentenarul Revoluției conduse de Tudor Vladimirescu". Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 6, nr 1 (15.05.2023): 368–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v6i1.24819.
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The volume 1821-2021. The Bicentennial of the Revolution led by Tudor Vladimirescu, coordinated by Sevastian Cercel and Georgeta Ghionea, brings together 22 papers signed by representatives of the academic and university environment which belong to some prestigious institutions in Romania (“C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor” Institute for Research in Social Studies and Humanities from Craiova, of the Romanian Academy, University of Craiova, University of Bucharest, “George Baritiu” Institute of History, of the Romanian Academy from Cluj-Napoca, “Ovidius” University from Constanța, Valahia University from Târgoviște). The volume is the result of the National Symposium dedicated to Vladimirescu (1821-2021. The Bicentennial of the Revolution led by Tudor Vladimirescu), initiated by the researchers from institute from Craiova, held on May 14-15, 2021. The volume is structured in three chapters and all the papers are subordinated to the maine topic.
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Marin, Milena. "The Romanian Revolution of December 1989". Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 14, nr 1 (30.04.2008): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.14.1.7.
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Legvold, Robert, i Peter Siani-Davies. "The Romanian Revolution of December 1989". Foreign Affairs 84, nr 5 (2005): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031749.
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Mitu, Sorin. "Hungarians in the Eyes of the Romanians. “The Era of Good Feelings”". Acta Musei Napocensis. Historica, nr 60 (1.01.2024): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.60.05.
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This article analyzes the positive image of the Hungarians, as it appears in several important Romanian texts prior to the 1848 revolution. The origin of this image can be detected in the works of the Transylvanian School writers. These authors use an important element of the eighteenth‑century Hungarian self‑image, which emphasized the multiethnic character of Hungary and the fact that several peoples coexisted in harmony between its borders. This representation was predicated on the idea of tolerance, inherited from the period of the Josephine reforms. The existence of this benign horizon of expectation in imagological relations between Romanians and Hungarians is highlighted by two important Romanian texts from the first half of the nineteenth century: the travel notes written by the Wallachian boyar Dinicu Golescu (1826), and those by a petty nobleman from Făgăraș, Ion Codru Drăgușanu (1835–1844, published in 1865). Travel accounts are precious sources for imagological study, because they reveal not only what travelers see on their journeys, but also the prejudices and stereotypes they set out with, the images of the Other that permeate their cultural environment. The traditions of Enlightenment philosophy shaped an “era of good feelings” for the Romanians who wrote about Hungarians on the eve of the revolution of 1848, which was noticeable at a discursive level. This view drew its sap from the most general principles of the time but was also supported by the secular practice of cohabitation between the Romanian and Hungarian communities in Transylvania.
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D’Alessandri, Antonio. "National Sovereignty and Territorial Unification of the Romanian Space: An Intergenerational Concept". Transylvanian Review 32, nr 4 (19.02.2024): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.4.01.
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The Romanian Constitution of 1923 is framed on the backdrop of a long historical journey, lasting more than a century, of state-building and the emergence of a specific Romanian constitutional tradition. The aim is to retrace this path in its broad phases, attempting to explain it in the light of an interpretative scheme based on a generational approach, taken as a measure of periodization and as an expression of historical and political continuities and changes. The article shows the relevance in Romanian political culture of the principle of national sovereignty, expressed in the concepts of the unity of the state’s territory and independence. Going back to the first reform projects in the first half of the nineteenth century, the article outlines the main attempts at political change based on the link between national integration and territorial unification: from the Romanian national initiatives of the first half of the century (with special attention to the 1848 Revolution) to the Constitution of 1866 and the new reality of Greater Romania after the First World War. A substantial continuity of values and ideas is outlined, assessing the intergenerational dimension of the concept of national sovereignty in Romanian political culture.
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Stanciu, Victoria, i Mirela Gheorghe. "Facing the mobile revolution: A Romanian insight". Journal of Accounting and Management Information Systems 18, nr 1 (31.03.2019): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/jamis.2019.01005.
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Roper, Steven D. "The Romanian revolution from a theoretical perspective". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 27, nr 4 (grudzień 1994): 401–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0967-067x(94)90004-3.
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DRAGIŠIĆ, Petar. "Serbian press and Romanian Revolution in 1989". Analele Ştiinţifice ale Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iaşi, s.n., Istorie 68 (2022): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/asui-2022-0007.
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Vasile, Cristian. "The Impact of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution on Institutional Censorship in Communist Romania". Caietele Echinox 39 (1.12.2020): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cechinox.2020.39.07.
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"The aim of this article is to tackle the evolution of the censorship mechanisms in communist Romania under the impact of the 1956 Hungarian revolution, mainly by examining documents issued by the institutional censorship (DGPT). It attempts to give an accurate picture of the Romanian-Hungarian cultural-political relations mainly after October-November 1956 by analyzing the exchange of publications between Romania and Hungary, the regulations that stipulated the import of books, the subscriptions to periodicals, the press, as well as the dynamics of the circulation of ideas between the two countries, especially between the intellectual milieus, preeminently around 1956."
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Mustata, Dana. "History in the Backstage of Romanian Television Archives". Making Sense of Digital Sources 1, nr 1 (21.02.2012): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2012.jethc010.
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The historical value of audiovisual archives lies as much in the documented collection they have to offer as in the losses that history has imprinted on them. Controversial material that has been confiscated by the secret police in communist Romania or records of programmes that have been destroyed due to economizing practices of ‘taking the silver out of the pellicle’ are important facts in the history of Romanian television. Equally important for history is the ‘leftover’ material filmed during the Romanian revolution, which now lives in the shadow of the screened footage. Pursuing the life story of an archival institution and understanding its relations with history forms an important preliminary step for the historian in assessing the documented history within the archive.
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Andrei, T., B. Oancea i M. Profiroiu. "An analysis of the Romanian agriculture using quantitative methods". Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 57, No. 2 (24.02.2011): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/2609-agricecon.
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The paper presents a series of models used to identify the characteristics of the Romanian agriculture in the 1960–2006 period of time. Using econometric methods we try to identify significant differences between agricultural productions obtained before and after the year of the Revolution. Thus, following the dynamics of time series considered we identified two different time periods. The first is located before the 1989 revolution, and the second in the period that followed it. The two periods are different compared to the evolution of the considered indicators.
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Theodorescu, Răzvan. "What exactly did Romanian post-war nationalism mean?" Balcanica, nr 49 (2018): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849183t.
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In the last century nationalism as a spiritual element - according to the 1919 state?ment of the historian, archaeologist and philosopher Vasile P?rvan - was a blessed plant grown on Romanian soil during the ?48 revolution, the ?59 union under Prince Cuza, the ?77 war of independence and the preparation of such a national project as the Union with the Romanian Kingdom of several Romanian-speaking provinces dominated by two em?pires - the Austrian and the Russian - epitomized by Transylvania which came finally to the motherland on the 1st of December 1918, the same day when the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was born. In the nationalism project, the Union Transylvania was a political priority. But we must add immediately that in the events of 1914-1916 in the neighbourhood of Romania a symbol of the national struggle became what Nicolae Iorga, in a famous lecture of 1915, called ?the heroic and martyr Serbia?.
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Tecuci, Gheorghe. "A Life Dedicated to the Science, Philosophy and Romanian Society". International Journal of Computers Communications & Control 4, nr 4 (1.12.2009): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/ijccc.2009.4.2449.
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<p>With outstanding contributions in Electronics, Informatics, and Philosophy, and as Professor, Researcher, and Manager, Acad. Mihai Drăgănescu is the most important encyclopedic personality of contemporary Romania.<br /> Educated in the nascent Romanian school of electronics, Acad. Mihai Drăgănescu creates a worldclass school of electronic devices and microelectronics. Envisioning the evolution of the modern society, becomes initiator and promoter of the informatics revolution in Romania, conceptually defining it and coordinating its development. Generalizing the concept of information, creates an original philosophy that leads to the development of a new type of science, called structural-phenomenological, with major implications for the understanding of the world and its future. First president of the Romanian Academy renaissance, he leads both its return to its role and traditional sources, and its renewal and adaptation to the evolution of the civilization. Promoter of the scientific and humanistic culture, brings back the deserved recognition to major personalities of the Romanian spirituality. Mentor and life model, he lightens and encourages many young generations with an extraordinary generosity.<br /> Any of these achievements would be enough to place Acad. Mihai Drăgănescu among the greatest Romanian personalities. Their combination, impressive through their diversity and unity, creates the image of a personality of a rare complexity and creativity.</p>
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VOICU, Mălina, i Răzvan Mihail PAPUC. "Fertility in Romania: The Delay of the Second Gender Revolution". Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences, nr 69 E (28.06.2023): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/tras.69e.8.
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"Fertility in Romania dropped rapidly after the col lapse of the communist rule, placing the country among those with low fertility rates, and started to grow again after the year 2014. The paper approach es the dynamic of fertility in Romania, focusing on the period when fertility grew again. Using data from the semi-panel conducted by World Values Survey Romanian in 2012 and 2018, the paper looks at the changes in fertility in Romania based on mi cro-level data and studying trends in cohort fertility among women of fertile age and the drivers of these changes. The cohort analysis indicates that birth postponement is the main mechanism leading to the growth in fertility in Romania in the past decade. At the same time, the results provide support to the uncertainty explanation, the fear of job losing having negative impact on the number of children born by a woman. Altogether, the results suggest that Roma nia does not yet reach the second gender revolution, that has gender equality in private sphere at its core, fertility decision relying on traditional factors such as economic uncertainty and patriarchal model, with the male partner being the main breadwinner. "
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Mihăilă-Lică, Gabriela. "A Romanian Heroine of British Origin — Maria Rosetti". International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, nr 2 (1.06.2019): 289–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0096.
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Abstract The paper analyses the image of Maria Rosetti, the first female journalist in Romania, one of the personalities that played a crucial role for the outcome of the Revolution of 1848, and the way in which she remained in the public consciousness. Born in Guernsey, Scotland, the sister of the diplomat Effingham Grant and wife of the Romanian revolutionary Constantin Alexandru Rosetti “made the cause of Romania her own“. Despite being a foreigner, through everything she did, Maria Rosetti tried to help her adoptive country evolve and become a modern unitary state. Besides playing an active role in the escape of her husband and of other revolutionaries arrested by the Turks, she was also the mother of eight children (only four survived) in whom she instilled the most fervent patriotism. Last, but not least, the wife of C. A. Rosetti used her literary talent for pedagogical purposes in order to educate the younger generations according to the desiderata of a new Romanian society. Admired by her contemporaries and by her followers, her portrait was immortalized by C. D. Rosenthal in the famous painting “Revolutionary Romania”, becoming a symbol of the love and of the power of sacrifice for her country.
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Hitchcock, Michael. "The Romanian Revolution: Media Coverage and the Minorities". Anthropology Today 6, nr 3 (czerwiec 1990): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3032721.
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Reisz, Robert D. "Curricular Patterns before and after the Romanian Revolution". European Journal of Education 29, nr 3 (1994): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1503741.
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Guţan, Sabin. "The Romanian Revolution of 1989 - An Armed Conflict?" International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, nr 2 (1.06.2019): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0068.
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Abstract The violent events of December 1989 in Romania, which led to the removal of the Communist regime from power are still shrouded in mystery today. The social disorder and the political chaos of those days overlapped with the violent use of the armed forces that used all kinds of weapons. During the armed confrontations, many casualties (military and civilian) and destruction of goods, including cultural ones, took place. In the years following these events a series of theories, hypotheses, controversies, and trials have emerged, but no one has clearly defined the legal nature of this social-political crisis. The purpose of this scientific approach is not to analyze the events and crimes committed in December 1989, but to determine whether and to what extent the international humanitarian law can be applied to these events.
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Burke, James F. "Romanian and Soviet intelligence in the December revolution". Intelligence and National Security 8, nr 4 (październik 1993): 26–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529308432224.
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Pusca, Anca. "Restaging the 1989 revolution: the Romanian New Wave". Cambridge Review of International Affairs 24, nr 4 (grudzień 2011): 573–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2011.558888.
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Iovan, Marţian. "Simion Bărnuţiu – Pioneer in the development of the law sciences and of the legal education in Romania". Journal of Legal Studies 20, nr 34 (1.12.2017): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jles-2017-0016.
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Abstract The author analyses in this paper S. Bărnuţiu’s contribution to the establishment of the legal education and to the development of the sciences of the Law in the Romanian area during the mid-19th century. Adept of the natural law philosophy, ardent promotor of human and people’s rights, Bărnuţiu remains a personality of reference in the Romanians’ history not only for being the political leader and ideologist of the Transylvanian 1848 Revolution, but also for establishing the legal education at the University of Iasi by inspiring himself from the curriculum of the profile schools of law from the Western Europe. Having a unitary conception on the law and on the history of law, considering the law from a systemic perspective, Bărnuţiu contributed into the edification of a modern, constitutional, and democratic State in the united Romanian Principalities.
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Gheorghe, Andrei. "Discursive Strategies of a Populist Leader in 2020 Romanian Legislative Elections: The Rhetoric and Political Style of George Simion". Journal of Romanian Studies 4, nr 2 (1.10.2022): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/romanian.2022.14.
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Rhetoric and the politician’s political style are some of his/her most important tools and the technological and media revolution, mobile devices and social networks, have further emphasized their importance. The social networks help politicians to target a very circumscribed audience with their rhetoric, while mobile devices enable them to retain contact with their supporters and to exhibit their political style, in this instance populism. The article examines the speeches of the leader of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians Party (AUR), a new national-populist Romanian party, through the perspective of Chaim Perelman’s New Rhetoric and the populist style. The theory developed around the concept of fake news was also used in the development of the argument. According to this theory, the latest developments in the communication industry boosted the fake-news phenomenon, which, in turn, helped the populist leaders. The article is divided into four parts, each part addressing the theory around the new rhetoric; the theory of political style, i.e. populism; the qualitative case study; and the conclusions.
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Spiridon, Monica. "Literature and the Symbolic Engineering of the European Self". European Review 17, nr 1 (luty 2009): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798709000623.
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My study draws on the construction of a pro-European identity in modern Romania, a process set in motion by two main engines: a political one (the export around 1848 of the Great French Revolution, in a ‘tamed’ version, to Eastern Europe) and a cultural one (the emergence of Paris as the capital-city of European modernism). Born at the periphery of the continent, the Romanian identity project puts on display a series of insightful dimensions: a logic of homogenization, a centripetal pull towards centralization, linguistic standardization and unity, against any centrifugal forces of cultural difference, a top-down dynamics and, finally, an imaginary self-colonizing drive. As illustrated by the Romanian case, the paradigm of European nationalism opened up new ways of linking nation-building to the needs of modern societies and the interests of professional elites.
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Schmitt, Oliver Jens. "Approaching the Social History of Romanian Fascism". Fascism 3, nr 2 (27.10.2014): 117–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00302005.
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This article explores fascist mobilization in Romania on a regional and local level. Focusing on the south-western Romanian county of Rîmnicu Vâlcea it combines qualitative analysis with the quantitative analysis of approximately 1,350 members of the Legionary Movement. Vâlcea provides an example of a district which was not a fascist stronghold: the fascist leader Corneliu Zelea Codreanu failed to establish a stable organizational network. Only when the local bishop actively supported small circles of young village intellectuals did fascist mobilization gain momentum. The overwhelming peasant majority of members joined the movement rather late (1937). This article concludes that there were differences between village intellectuals who believed in an ideological community of creed and peasant members who strove for social revolution.
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Mustata, Dana. "«The Revolution Has Been Televised…». Television as Historical Agent in the Romanian Revolution". Journal of Modern European History 10, nr 1 (luty 2012): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2012_1_76.
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Fischer-Galati, Stephen. "Jew and Peasant in Interwar Romania*". Nationalities Papers 16, nr 2 (1988): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408082.
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Common historical wisdom has it that the Peasant Revolt of 1907 and the elections of December 1937 reflected the profound anti-Semitism of the Romanian peasantry. And since the events of 1907 and 1937 have also been looked upon as decisive in determining the course of the history of the peasantry, if not of Romania as such, it seems only proper to assess the accuracy of these contentions.The revolt of 1907 was indeed a social movement directed against the exploitation of the impoverished Moldavian and Wallachian peasantry by Romanian landlords and Jewish “arendaşi” (Leaseholders). After 1907, and throughout the interwar years, Romanian historiography and political propaganda stressed the anti-Semitic character of the uprising in an effort to exonerate the absentee, and other, Romanian landowners and to emphasize the exploitative nature of Jews and Jewish capitalism. The Jewish question was organically connected with the peasant question in a variety of ways, all condemnatory of Jewish and Judaizing capitalism.As none of the major political parties of pro-World War I Romania—or, for that matter, few of interwar Romania as well—paid more than lip service to the economic and social plight of the peasants, it was convenient to regard the Jew as the root cause of all the evils affecting the peasantry. Before World War I, populists and, paradoxically, socialists enunciated political theories regarding “neoserfdom,” which, however different in origin, converged in demands for radical land reform. The reform came not because of such demands but because of the Bolshevik Revolution and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. Officially, it was unrelated to any political ideology, certainly separated from the Jewish question which, in theory, was resolved concurrently with the peasant question through the granting of citizenship and extension of political rights to the Jews of Romania. Following the countrywide agrarian reform in Greater Romania the peasant and the Jewish questions were in fact severed as Jews and Jewish capitalism had virtually no connections with the land.
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Inikova, Svetlana A. "OLD BELIEVERS OF ROMANIA IN THE 21ST CENTURY: NEW CHALLENGES TO OLD TRADITIONS". Vestnik of Kostroma State University, nr 3 (2020): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2020-26-3-93-99.
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Russian Old believes – Lipovans – have always been part of the Russian world, the guardians of the old Orthodox faith and Russian culture. For a long time, they managed to maintain a religious and cultural distance from the rest of the Romania’s population and to restrain the pace of inevitable assimilation. Over the past thirty years, cultural globalisation has become the new tremendous threat. The article, written on the materials of the expeditions to the Romanian Lipovans conducted in 2009–2019, shows how radically the life of the Lipovans changed after the revolution of 1989, and especially after Romania had joined the European Union. Migration of able-bodied Lipovans abroad changes their way of life, affects the level of religiosity, contributes to the assimilation of European values and objectively leads to the undermining of the foundations of the Оld believers’ Church. Children, young people and the most of the middle generation, have been included in the Romanian-European information space, and this group sees complete loss of the Russian language. At the same time, the Lipovans of the older generation and other part of the middle generation are trying to stay within the traditional way of life and to keep the Russian language in communication. This situation leads to the loss of continuity and the termination of the reproduction of Russian culture in the Lipovan’s diaspora, to the rejection of the identity.
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Chapelan, Liri-Alienor. "The Media Offsprings of the Romanian Revolution: A comparative analysis". Aniki: Revista Portuguesa da Imagem em Movimento 11, nr 1 (29.01.2024): 155–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14591/aniki.v11n1.1013.
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The Romanian revolution of December 1989 was a political event, a media event and a media-theoretical event. It provoked an impressive amount of speculation on the mere possibility of history under the new mediatic conditions, which reduced its images to a parade of symptoms of the ever-growing tendency of politics towards spectacularization and even self-annihilation. Instead of trying to develop a similarly encompassing theory on the audiovisual representation of the revolutionary fact, the present article concentrates on three different media objects made after 1989: (1) Harun Farocki and Andrei Ujică’s documentary essay Videograms from a Revolution; (2) the YouTube clip December 22, 1989 Romanian Revolution Uncut; and (3) Corneliu Porumboiu’s fiction feature 12:08 East of Bucharest. These objects are analysed transversally and in shifting pairs, with a focus on their concrete audiovisual language, in connection with issues such as discursive and manipulation strategies, historical legitimation attempts and hierarchical media models. The aim is to transform these works into oblique, yet more empirical access points to the implications of the status of the events of December 1989 as the first full-fledged “televised revolution” for the collective memory, as well as for later audiovisual reworkings of that historical moment.
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Colăcel, Onoriu. "Regional Identification in Present Day Romania. The Case Study of Suceava County". Messages, Sages and Ages 2, nr 1 (1.08.2015): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/msas-2015-0001.
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Abstract In the aftermath of the 1989 Revolution, Romanian mainstream culture set out to reclaim the pre- Communist legacy of the country. The ‘golden age’ of interwar was the obvious choice; both popular and academic debates on Romanian identity looked back at the time of the so-called Greater Romania. The present day Suceava County is singular in its regional identification with the former Habsburg Duchy of Bukovina. The Austrian occupation of the Northern part of the historical principality of Moldova between 1775 and 1918 provides an identity building opportunity to the locals who seem to find fault with Moldovan regional designation. Bukovina comes into the picture of the hospitality industry mostly, yet there is more to the Bukovinian identification. The literature published by Suceava County Council appears to employ a marketing strategy for the same hospitality industry that dwells on what is, essentially, the colonial past of the area. At odds with Romanian self-identification, the narrative of Bukovina underpins the discourse of local government as a means to foster brand awareness for the entire county, although Southern Suceava was never incorporated into the Habsburg/Austro- Hungarian Empire
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Butyrska, Iryna. "The Development of Politics and the Economy of Romania in the EU". Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, nr 37-38 (12.12.2018): 131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.131-139.
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The article proves that an important task of adaptation to new conditions,in which Romania is developing as a full member of the EU,is the "europeanization" of its political and economic spheres,the very mentality of Romanian society.Modern Romania is a state that has radically changed in comparison with that,which in 1989 survived the most turbulent anti-communist revolution in the CEE.Romania has adopted "Europeanism" as a national long-term development project,but ten years after the accession did not convince the partners of the opportunity to enter the Schengen area and protect the external borders of the EU.
The global crisis of 2008-2009, the struggle of political forces in the parliament, various institutions of other branches of power and beyond,unsolved corruption at all levels – from central to local authorities, has negatively impacted on the vital activity of the state.The deep downturn experienced by the Romanian economy makes the introduction of the scenario of future development created quite problematic.At the same time, the role of the state has not decreased in crisis conditions.There is a growing need to strengthen the function of regulation, control over market relations, increasing the value of the management function.
Keywords: European Union, European Commission, Romania, integration, political parties, public organizations, government, economy
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Cernaianu, Sorina, i Claude Sobry. "The Development of Winter Sports Tourism in Romania – A Historical Approach". European Journal of Tourism Research 16 (1.07.2017): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54055/ejtr.v16i.274.
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The aim of this study is to present a historical approach of Romanian winter sports tourism focused on the importance and the future-oriented development of the skiing activity and ski resorts, having as landmarks: the end of the 19th century, the beginning of the communist regime (1948) and the fall of the communism (the Revolution of 1989). Based on a bibliographic documentation and statistical data, the study underlines mainly the development particularities of winter sports tourism for each period of time. Winter sports have been practiced in Romania since the end of 19th century. Many sports associations and clubs from different regions of the country having as objective to promote winter sports appeared at that time. During the communist period ski areas were not a priority. A series of investments was made in order to increase the accommodation capacity. The intense political, social and economic transformation experienced by Romania during the first years following the Revolution of 1989 led to a lower demand of tourism services which affected the development of winter tourism. Romania does huge efforts to develop the ski activity which will positively influence the evolution of winter sports tourism.
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Casu, Igor. "Exporting Soviet Revolution: Tatarbunar Rebellion in Romanian Bessarabia (1924)". International Journal of Intelligence, Security, and Public Affairs 22, nr 3 (1.09.2020): 224–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23800992.2020.1839846.
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Foerster-Pastor Foerster-Metz, Ulrike Stefanie, i Nina Golowko. "Employability skills for the Romanian outsourcing industry". Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 11, nr 1 (1.07.2017): 1068–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/picbe-2017-0110.
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Abstract The Romanian outsourcing sector as part of the service sector has evolved enormously in the last decade in Romania. Foreign Direct Investments in this sector continue to grow, thus the sector employs more than 100.000 people in 2016 in Romania. However, companies claim not to get the right skills from employees which will allow them to move the latter from a purely service sector to more value-added services. Therefore, there is a need to generate a workforce with the necessary employability skills which will serve the industry, thus allowing the continuity of growth as well as permitting to be competitive in regards to other East European countries in the outsourcing industry as salaries rise in the Romanian industry and the industry is being pressured by the 4th industrial revolution. So far, many Romanian studies have been done reflecting the skills need from the sector by using in first instance the questionnaire methodology or global surveys mostly on a very holistic view. This paper shows a new approach by deriving the skills needed by employers from their own data base: mainly job descriptions published in companies or recruitment sites by analysis of job entry positions. This allows a close and accelerated approach to define skills needed without a too high time delay in addition it permits to understand if the outsourcing industry is moving towards digitalization. The job descriptions are analyzed by using the method of qualitative content analysis according to Mayring (2014) using specific criteria based on literature review of employability skills. Key findings show that there is a need for specific skills technical skills but a trend to a higher demand in soft skills.