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1

Elmayer, Abdulhafid Fadil. "Tripolitania under the Roman Empire". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.425735.

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2

Wilkinson, Sam. "Republicanism in the early Roman empire". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.531289.

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Avidov, Avi. "Processes of marginalization in the Roman Empire". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273067.

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Chan, Pui Ting Jocelin. "Roman Roads and the Economy of Empire". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29682.

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My thesis explores Roman Republican roadbuilding and how road networks produce the space of empire. The roads in question are the viae publicae, the cross-country public highways that Rome built from the fourth century onwards as it expanded across the Italian peninsula. These roads were large scale and engineered for vehicular transport. The function of the roads has attracted debate, with scholars asserting that they were built for military, strategic, economic, electoral, or elite networking purposes, among other things. All of these are valid purposes for the Roman roads, but they had an even more important function in the bigger picture of imperialism. I argue that though the Romans deployed unique technologies in their roadbuilding, the purpose is comparable to similar networks in the premodern and modern world and in each case territorial empires were concerned with using roads to hold together annexed land. In each case, the scaling up of engineering technology was important for ease of travel, which in turn facilitated control. Especially in the middle Republic, we can observe that roads and imperial projects at large, including colonisation, engaged a broad swathe of the Roman population in reproducing the economy of empire. All the while, military operations were intensifying across Italy. Expansionism was not driven solely by the political class but rather the whole society sought to profit from it. Ultimately, the Roman roads of the middle Republic fuelled the economy of empire: funding expansionist war, providing land to sustain the infantry classes, erasing or obscuring indigenous knowledge, and tying that land back to Rome.
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5

Pobjoy, Mark. "Rome and Capua from Republic to Empire". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319093.

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Collar, Anna. "Networks and religious innovation in the Roman Empire". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/55073.

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Why do some religious movements succeed and spread, while others, seemingly equally popular and successful at a certain time, ultimately fail? It is from this starting point that this thesis approaches religious success or failure in the Roman Empire: exploring a new analytical method for understanding religious change: network theory. The thesis forms two parts. Part I sets out the theoretical frameworks. The focus of network theory is on the processes by which innovation spreads: how interconnectedness facilitates change. Although some innovations might be ‘superior’, viewing success or failure as the result of interplay between inherent qualities of a religious movement and the structure of the social environment in which it is embedded means it is possible to reduce value judgements about superiority or inferiority. The discussion then turns to religious change. The key point is that sociologists of religion can explain something of the processes of religious conversion (or ‘recruitment’) and the success or failure of a religious movement through an analysis of social interactions. Finally, I explain how I shall use networks both as a heuristic approach and a practical modelling technique to apply to the epigraphic data, and detail some of the previous application of networks to archaeological test cases. Part II applies these methods to the epigraphic data of three religions. In Chapter Four, I examine the cult Jupiter Dolichenus, arguing that the previous explanations for the success of the cult are untenable, showing from the epigraphy that the cult spread through a strong-tie network of Roman military officials. In Chapter Five, I look at the development of Jewish identity in the Diaspora, showing that, during the second century AD, Diaspora Jews began to actively display their Jewish identity in their epitaphs. I argue that this re-Judaization represents the ‘activation’ of an ethno-cultural network, as a response to the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem and the crushing of the Bar Kokhba rebellion; the visible remains of the rabbinic reforms. In Chapter Six, I discuss the cult of the ‘Highest God’, Theos Hypsistos, taking Mitchell’s argument further to suggest that the huge increase in the dedications during the second-third centuries is not simply a reflection of the epigraphic habit, but rather, that the cult of Hypsistos was swelled by the Gentile god-fearers, as a result of the changes happening within Judaism itself at this time.
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7

Plant, Richard. "English Romanesque architecture and the Holy Roman Empire". Thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367929.

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8

Kelly, Christopher Mark. "Corruption and bureaucracy in the later Roman Empire". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272248.

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Noy, D. "Studies in marriage in the Roman world in the pre-Christian Roman Empire". Thesis, University of Reading, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376814.

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10

Da, Tos Loussia. "Orner le forum : décor des centres civiques d'Aquitaine, de Narbonnaise et de Tarraconaise sous le Haut-Empire". Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOU20127/document.

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Les recherches portant sur les fora provinciaux effectuées au cours des dernières décennies ont permis de redéfinir un certain nombre de leurs caractéristiques. L’étude du décor de ces centres civiques dans sa globalité constitue alors une approche susceptible d’apporter une meilleure compréhension de ces espaces. Cette première approche du sujet a pour objectif d’aborder la question du dialogue entre les images présentes sur le forum et leurs contextes. Le décor figuratif permet de définir les principales thématiques, qui sont souvent complétées par des décors non figuratifs, et qui participent à la diffusion de l’idéologie impériale. Ce décor doit ensuite être contextualisé, afin d’en comprendre la conception, et d’aborder la question de sa réception par le spectateur
Over the last few decades, studies on provincial fora defined some of their characteristics. A global approach of their decor can bring about a better understanding of these spaces. The link between the images and their contexts will be examined. The study of the images will be associated with the study of non iconographical elements of the decor in order to define the main themes represented on the fora. The definition of several contexts will help to understand how the decor was conceived and seen at the time
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11

Ansel, Christelle. "Les "personnifications des provinces orientales" sur l'architecture romaine". Thesis, Lille 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL30006/document.

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Ce sujet consiste en l'étude des monuments et des images des provinces dans l'empire romain. il n'a jamais été traité dans la bibliographie scientifique dans la perspective de ce travail ce qui rend son approche innovante. il ne s'agit pas seulement de comprendre et d'expliquer la signification ou la typologie de l'iconographie des provinces de l'empire, mais aussi le contexte urbain et architectural de ce type de décoration., et l'histoire qui est à son origine. la mise en rapport entre les représentations et les divers monuments sur lesquels elles s'installent est très importante. a cela on peut également ajouter le contexte urbanistique de ces architectures transmettant l'image provinciale. la nature du monument a toujours un rapport direct avec les représentations qui y figurent, permettant à la fois de définir la nature du monument par rapport à l'iconographie présente ou l'interprétation des images à travers la fonction du bâtiment.sans renoncer aux aspects techniques, ni au catalogue, indispensables pour l'étude générale, cette recherche propose d'étudier l'ensemble de la documentation (iconographique, épigraphique, textuelle) , et d'analyser également la dimension sociale, urbanistique et historique des images des provinces à l'époque romaine.cette recherche est un complèment de la thèse de fabiola salcedo intitulé africa iconografia de una provincia romana, soutenue en 1996, qui est un travail complet sur l'iconographie de la province de l'afrique
This subject consists of the study of monuments and images of provinces in the Roman Empire
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12

Ouellet, Julian Joseph. "Old world orders: The many faces of sovereignty (Roman Empire, Roman Republic, France, China)". Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3219001.

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13

Wei, Ryan J. Y. "The exercise of friendship in the High Roman Empire". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ouls.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f89cf53e-4492-41e9-b6c9-896d9cbd3285.

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14

Hughes, Jessica Faye. "Embodiments of empire : Roman imperial geography in human form". Thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446136.

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15

Ott, Justin. "The decline and fall of the Western Roman Empire". [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009.

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16

Morrell, Kit. "Pompey, Cato, and the governance of the Roman empire". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/11632.

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This study explores attempts to improve provincial governance in the late Republic, with a particular focus on the contributions of Pompey and the younger Cato. I argue that Romans were more aware of the problems of their empire than is generally recognised and were taking steps to address them. Chapter One examines the programme Pompey implemented as consul in 70 to combat the related problems of exploitation in the provinces and corruption in the courts. In Chapter 2 I turn to Pompey’s eastern campaigns and his attempt to realise an ideal of ethical imperialism. Chapter Three argues for a direct connection between Cato’s Stoic philosophy and his approach to empire, but one that was compatible with constructive action. Chapter Four reviews the context and content of Caesar’s extortion law of 59. I argue that both Pompey and (indirectly) Cato helped to shape the content of the law. The lex Julia was flawed, however, in that it applied only to senators and not to equestrian members of a governor’s staff. Chapter Five explores Pompey’s attempt in 55 to rectify that deficiency (with the support, I argue, of Cato and friends) and Cato’s attempt the following year to achieve something similar through the courts. Chapter Six examines Roman efforts to secure the loyalty of the eastern provinces in the aftermath of Carrhae. The Parthian threat was real, as was the defence response, but there was no notion of ‘avenging Crassus’ in this period. Rather, the disaster was the catalyst for a concerted programme of provincial reform. The final two chapters explore that programme in detail. The lex Pompeia de provinciis of 52—the product of collaboration between Pompey and Cato—provided the legislative framework by transforming the nature of provincial appointments. Cato also gave his name to the policy pursued by those appointed under the law. It promoted not only ethical government but deeper ethical change. This project might have produced lasting reform but for the onset of civil war.
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17

Mairat, Jerome. "The coinage of the Gallic Empire". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:58eb4e43-a6d5-4e93-adeb-f374b9749a7f.

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This thesis presents a new systematic arrangement of the coinage of the Gallic Empire as the basis for a revised edition of Roman Imperial Coinage. The coinage of all denominations, gold, silver and bronze, are unified into a single structure of issues. In 260, Postumus revolted against the Roman emperor Gallienus and took control of the Gauls. The chronology of his reign and of his successors is reviewed. The short reign of Domitianus II is interpreted as a revolt against the elevation of Tetricus. A rearrangement of Tetricus’s coinage supported by the epigraphic evidence proves that the elevation of Tetricus II to the Caesarship must be redated from 273 to 272. The location of the mints is discussed. Conclusive hoard evidence proves that the main mint was located at Trier, and not at Cologne. The study of iconography implies that choices were not necessarily made by the imperial authorities, but that more freedom was given to engravers than is usually assumed. The use of earlier coins as an iconographic repertoire strongly suggests that earlier coins were brought to the mint to be melted down. Metrological analyses of gold coins of the Gallic emperors show for the first time that silver was deliberately added to the alloy, following a practice introduced by Valerian and continued by Gallienus. The debasement of the ‘silver’ coinage is studied in parallel with its contemporary evolution within the Central Empire. Coin circulation is used in order to determine the frontiers of the Gallic Empire. It is demonstrated that the Gallic Empire reached its apogee between 262 and 265, ruling over Britain, the Gauls, Hispania and Raetia. The nature of the Gallic Empire is discussed. It is argued that this ‘Empire’ should not be viewed as a form of separatism, as often claimed, but as the unintended result of a status quo following Postumus’s acclamation and the long postponement of a final confrontation against the emperor of Rome.
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18

Steel, Catherine. "Oratory and Empire : studies in some speeches of Cicero". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286713.

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19

Da, Tos Loussia. "Orner le forum : décor des centres civiques d'Aquitaine, de Narbonnaise et de Tarraconaise sous le Haut-Empire". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2017. http://dante.univ-tlse2.fr/id/eprint/9210.

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Les recherches portant sur les fora provinciaux effectuées au cours des dernières décennies ont permis de redéfinir un certain nombre de leurs caractéristiques. L’étude du décor de ces centres civiques dans sa globalité constitue alors une approche susceptible d’apporter une meilleure compréhension de ces espaces. Cette première approche du sujet a pour objectif d’aborder la question du dialogue entre les images présentes sur le forum et leurs contextes. Le décor figuratif permet de définir les principales thématiques, qui sont souvent complétées par des décors non figuratifs, et qui participent à la diffusion de l’idéologie impériale. Ce décor doit ensuite être contextualisé, afin d’en comprendre la conception, et d’aborder la question de sa réception par le spectateur
Over the last few decades, studies on provincial fora defined some of their characteristics. A global approach of their decor can bring about a better understanding of these spaces. The link between the images and their contexts will be examined. The study of the images will be associated with the study of non iconographical elements of the decor in order to define the main themes represented on the fora. The definition of several contexts will help to understand how the decor was conceived and seen at the time
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20

Milner, Nicholas Peter. "Vegetius and the Anonymus De Rebus Bellicis". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ff73c922-a997-486e-999e-899745f7345a.

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The name, title, literary persona and office of Vegetius are discussed in ch. 1, and although a firm decision is unjustified, comes stabuli seems bettter-attested than praefectus praetorio, come sacrarum largitionum or comes rei privatae. It is suggested that 'Vegetius' is only a cognomen to a true gentilicium 'Flavius'. The author's self-presentation as the Emperor's director of studies-cum-secretary is noticed. Ch. 2 provisionally locates Vegetius in Spanish horse-breeding senatorial circles, and treats his conventional Latin education with little or no Greek, his Vergil-reverence and orthodox Christianity. The date of Vegetius' Epitoma Rei Militaris is analysed in ch. 3 as being before the sack of Rome but in the aftermath of the battle of Adrianople. The Emperor-dedicatee is provisionally identified as Theodosius I. Scholarly debate on the question is thoroughly aired. The genre, literary persona and date of the Anonymus De Rebus Bellicis are argued in ch. 4 against the comparison of Vegetius. The Anonymus is characterized as a thaumaturgical sophist who complied his 'inventions' from older mechanical sources. A late-4th. or early 5th. century date is supported in opposition to the A.D. 360's. Ch. 5 argues that Vegetius' Epitome was intended to describe a Republican legionary organization adapted to late-antique Field armies with the unstated aim of reversing in detail and with specific advantages in mind the rapidly increasing barbarization of the army. Ch. 6 addresses the extent to which tactics and strategic constraints, arms and equipment and siegecraft were understood by Vegetius in contemporary terms, particularly as shown by Ammianus Marcellinus. It is argued in ch. 7 that the sources Vegetius used were late epitomes of the named sources, Cato, Celsus, Frontinus and Paternus, apart from Varro whom he used directly. Massive authorial intervention by Vegetius in the organization and content of the text is analysed.
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21

Mackintosh, Marjorie. "The divine horseman in the art of the western Roman Empire". n.p, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/.

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22

Sullivan, Vanessa. "Increasing Fertility in the Roman Late Republic and Early Empire". NCSU, 2009. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03272009-111414/.

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During the late Republic and early Empire, many Roman citizens emphasized their personal fertility and were concerned with increasing the citizen birthrate. The continuation of individual families, as well as the security of the Roman state and economy relied upon the existence of a stable population. Literary, medical, documentary and legal sources show a variety of political and social means that were employed by men and women of all classes to promote fertility. These means included legislation as well as an emphasis on the non-use of abortion. Medicine also played a role in increasing conception rates, through the involvement of physicians and reliance upon folk medicine. This research shows the critical importance of motherhood to Roman society during this period, and raises questions about the impact that the desire for fertility had upon Roman society.
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23

Jones, Christopher P. "Women in law and Christianity in the later Roman Empire". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325081.

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Friedman, Hannah Ariel. "Industry and Empire : administration of the Roman and Byzantine Faynan". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/4238.

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The aim of this thesis is to gain a greater understanding of metalla, the imperially owned mining and quarrying districts of the Roman and Byzantine Empires. These extraction industries, and their products, were vital for the State to supply the army and to provide metals for coinage and marble for imperial building projects. To meet the largescale production needs of the State, the administration of these regions had to manage, supply and organise the industry. This thesis argues that the administration of metalla profoundly impacted the regional landscape and studying these landscapes can reveal the management strategies employed. To explore these issues the Faynan, a copper mining district located in southern Jordan, is used as a case study. This region has been the focus of intensive survey and presents an exceptional opportunity for studying an industrial landscape. By examining the landscape, and comparing the Faynan case study to other metalla, the specific mechanisms of management used by the administration are revealed. Some methods involved the creation of infrastructure (roads, aqueducts and administrative buildings) to facilitate production. Certain activities and resources were centralised to allow for greater control. Using GIS, it is demonstrated that the administration employed complex understanding of the ability to exert control through surveillance in its placement of structures in the landscape. It is shown that the Faynan and other metalla used multiple strategies to accomplish production. By comparing metalla from a number of regions common patterns emerge and the importance of decorative stone and metal to the imperial State is confirmed. The archaeological record reflects in general and specific ways that landscapes were managed and organised by the mining and quarrying authorities.
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Higgins, Christopher M. "Popular and Imperial Response to Earthquakes in the Roman Empire". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1244049765.

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Kan, Jason. "Cannae, Adrianople and the Comparative Health of the Roman Empire". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1691.

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In its lengthy history, Rome arguably did not suffer a military catastrophe greater than that at Cannae during the Second Punic War in 216 BC and at Adrianople during the Gothic War in 378 AD. Yet not only did Rome recover from both these defeats to win their respective wars, if Rome’s rise and fall were to be captured as a bell-curve, the two defeats would also be interestingly positioned on opposing sides of one another. This thesis will therefore assess the extent to which Rome’s recovery from military disasters can serve as a proxy to the “health” of the Roman Empire. In the process, the differences in Rome’s political unity, social enthusiasm and good fortune between the two cases will be highlighted and discussed.
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Wilkinson, Ryan. "Private Armies and Personal Power in the Late Roman Empire". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193239.

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This thesis' case studies examine the critical roles played by personal power and private armies in the late Roman empire. Chapter 1 examines alleged military corruption in fourth-century C.E. north Africa, arguing that the imperial government's power under the Dominate was diffused among competing interest groups within Roman society, whose interests were not always conducive to the security of the empire as a whole. Chapter 2 argues that bandit-ridden Isauria in Asia Minor was apparently successfully integrated into the imperial system, yet relied heavily on local personal power to control its violence-prone population. Chapter 3 argues that Roman pursuit of private or factional power sealed Rome's loss of the Gallic provinces in the fifth century. Together, these three case studies argue that the later Roman empire was significantly influenced by internal divisions and private power, which were just as important as foreign, 'barbarian' influences in determining the empire's fate.
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Corne, Henriette. "Représentation de la haute société dans le roman français : romain mondain au XIXe siècle (Second Empire)". Nice, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985NICE2015.

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29

Capponi, Livia. "The creation of a Roman province : the case of Augustan Egypt". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288916.

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30

Sarris, Peter Andrew Vincent. "Economy and society in the age of Justinian". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313074.

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31

Watson, Alaric. "The presentation of Imperial authority : problems of continuity in the mid-third century AD". Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1992. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-presentation-of-imperial-authority--problems-of-continuity-in-the-midthird-century-ad(f55a4fdd-a7aa-4c77-a3c9-7cd6980fcbf5).html.

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32

Katsari, Constantina. "The monetary economy of the eastern Mediterranean, from Trajan to Gallienus". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2001. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317573/.

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Although the third century has been characterised by modern scholars as a period of crisis from which only a few historical data have survived, I have been able to establish that the numismatic evidence found at excavated sites or in coin hoards is adequate for a detailed examination of the monetary system, its changes and its effect on the circulation of coinage and the use of money in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. Unpublished material from seven museums in Greece and four museums in Turkey completes the picture, which shows that the circulation of bronze coinage was highly localised, since we rarely find coins away from the province of their production. In some cases, the pattern of the circulation of silver coinage also has localised characteristics. There is also evidence that indicates that, while the production of money was motivated by the political and military needs of the emperor, the wider use of coinage was promoted by a range of social elements that were involved, one way or another, with the local or inter-regional markets. Alterations of any of these factors could affect the circulation of coinage, the monetization of the empire and would eventually lead to adjustments in the currency of an area. Such adjustments that took place during the third century were directly linked with the political and military crisis that took place at the time, and the crisis must have brought about certain administrative and financial decisions that affected also the coinage. The need for an increase in mint output, which would cover the increased needs of the State, resulted the devaluation of gold coinage, the debasement of silver coins, the overvaluation of bronzes and the subsequent establishment of new rates of exchange. Unfortunately the experiments of the central authority did not last and the final collapse of the monetary system in the mid-third century AD marked the end of one economic era and the beginning of another.
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33

Amory, Patrick. "Ethnographic culture and the construction of community in Ostrogothic Italy, 489-554". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272776.

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34

Milton, Patrick Lee. "Protective intervention in the Holy Roman Empire in the early eighteenth century". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607923.

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35

Hesse, Christian. "Amtsträger der Fürsten im spätmittelalterlichen Reich die Funktionseliten der lokalen Verwaltung in Bayern-Landshut, Hessen, Sachsen und Württemberg, 1350-1515 /". Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/62185799.html.

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36

Elliott, Colin Peter. "Money, the State and crisis in the third-century Roman Empire". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.570850.

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The political, economic and social transformations of the so-called 'Crisis of the Third Century' appear to have combined to form a watershed moment in the history of the Roman empire, if not western civilisation in general. In particular, the period's dramatic coinage debasement has been roughly, if not at times self-evidently, correlated with catastrophic economic consequences, most notably price inflation. Apart from the numismatic evidence, the dearth of empirical data has not dissuaded scholars from pursuing quantitative studies of the period. These efforts often rely heavily on positivism in general and the models and assumptions of neoclassical economics more specifically. However, positivism as a rule produces conclusions which are never proven and correlations without firm causal relationships. Thus ancient economic historians are engaged in a seemingly perpetual debate over both the causes and effects of a third-century crisis. This thesis argues that quantification is both unhelpful and impossible in this particular case. Instead, a comparative approach is employed which, rather than comparing historical periods, contrasts the factual with the counter-factual. In questioning why price inflation did not immediately follow third- century debasements, quantity theory is reconstructed as an apodictic counter-factual proposition. In contrast to the predictive aims of neoclassical economics, this approach embraces the clear dissonance between reality and its theoretical alternative, narrowing the analysis to the differences exposed in quantity theory's inapplicability. What emerges is a picture of the third-century monetary economy which is considerably different than previously thought. Recent assumptions which correspond to a narrative of 'crisis' or even 'decline' are questioned, including the breakdown of a monetary monopoly, legal coinage ratios and a pro-growth 'monetary policy.' In fact, such elements may never have been present and the changes in the third century were the result of tensions due to a monetary system which was normally localised, disconnected and plural.
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37

Audley-Miller, Lucy. "Tomb Portraits under the Roman Empire : Local Contexts and Cultural Styles". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.519748.

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38

Guest, Peter S. W. "A comparative study of coin hoards from the Western Roman Empire". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285260.

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39

Ploeg, Ghislaine E. van der. "The impact of the Roman Empire on the cult of Asclepius". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/79956/.

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Asclepius was worshipped in over 900 sanctuaries across the Graeco-Roman world. Although the cult had been disseminated across eastern Mediterranean from the 5th century onwards, it was only when the Romans took over the cult that it was dispersed all over the empire to become an empire-wide cult. This thesis looks at the impact of the Roman Empire on the cult, examining how Rome took over the existing cult, the ways in which Rome influenced it, and the relationship between the religion of Empire and local religion. The key questions that this thesis aims to ask are: How did the Roman Empire impact upon the cult of Asclepius? How were global and regional cult identities articulated in response to each other as a result of this impact? How did increased connectivity between areas play an important part in the creation and stimulation of cultic identities? Did Asclepius’ spheres of influence grow or adapt as a result of Roman benefactions? and What were provincial responses to Roman worship and dissemination of the cult? The timeframe for this thesis will be from 27 BC until Severus Alexander’s death in AD 235. Chapter One will introduce the scope of this thesis as well as the general theories which underpin this research. A survey of the cult before the Augustan period will be presented in Chapter Two. Further chapters will each examine a different aspect of the Roman impact on the cult, with the third focussing on imperial influences and the worship of the god by Roman and provincial elites; the fourth on how the Roman army influenced the cult; the fifth how multiple forms of the god were worshipped side-by-side in North Africa.
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40

Rankov, N. B. "The beneficiarii consularis in the western provinces of the Roman Empire". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e385d9bd-5d2c-46de-808f-3ab6b7fe39e0.

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Beneficiarii consularis were members of the military staffs attached to Roman provincial governors of the Principate, and are well attested epigraph!cally, both at provincial capitals and at outposts along major roads and frontiers of the Western military provinces. They were usually experienced legionaries approaching retirement. and were of senior principalis rank. Each legion in a province provided the governor with (probably) sixty men of this rank. The governor's staff (the officium consularis) assisted the governor in ail his duties, administrative, judicial and military, and the beneficiarii were employed in a variety of roles, appearing in the sources as arresting officers, messengers, servants to the governor and general assistants. To indicate their status as officiales of the governor, they carried a decorated lance-symbol when operating away from the officium. In Britain and the two German provinces they were evidently outposted, apparently for periods of six months at a time, along the roads linking the provincial capitals with the frontiers, with neighbouring provinces, and with Rome, in contrast with the other Western provinces where, for the most part, no such stationes are attested. The stationes have usually been regarded as police posts for the protection of the roads, but this seems unlikely. Although a few stationes fall outside the general pattern and can perhaps be associated with the control of imperial estates, the majority are to be linked with frontier defence. Since the main network of stationes, both in the Germanies and in the rest of Europe first appears in the 160's, they may be seen as a response to the Chattan and Marcomannic attacks. The evidence is consistent with the interpretation of the stationes as relays for the improvement of military communications, those on the frontiers perhaps having an additional role in the coordination of military intelligence-gathering.
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41

Wearring, A. R. "The Manichaean Church : its name and identity in the Roman Empire". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28972.

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There is a substantial body of scholarship published on Manichaean doctrine, and recently several works have appeared, attempting to define its practices. Studies of the Church, however, have mostly been limited to general comments regarding the division between the Elect and the Catechumens, or the numbering of the hierarchy, as preserved in sources as varied as Augustine in fifth century North Africa and the eighth century Chinese documents from Turfan. Where dedicated studies exist, they are usually devoted to the Church in its eastern manifestation, after it had achieved a measure of temporal power. This dissertation considers the Manichaean Church in the context of sources from the Roman Empire. Manichaean documents, primarily the three major texts of the Coptic Medinet Madi ‘library’, will constitute the basis of this examination, although a selection of heresiological sources will also be employed, especially the extensive writings of Augustine of Hippo. Firstly, the still-traditional acceptance of the name ‘Manichaean’ in modern scholarship will be examined, dubious because originally conferred on it by opponents. The dissertation will also touch on the rather thorny issue of Manichaean identity, particularly as regards their understanding of themselves in relation to Christianity. Next it will investigate the names Manichaeans appear to have ascribed to themselves. Language concerning the ‘Church’, as well as terms defining the relationship of followers to the institution, will be examined, and in addition, a selection of other names described as being chosen by Manichaeans for themselves in the heresiological literature will be analysed. This dissertation is thus a significant original contribution to scholarship, in that it contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the Manichaean Church, which has long been a desideratum in the research.
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42

Mackintosh, Majorie Carol. "The divine horseman in the art of the western Roman Empire". Thesis, Open University, 1991. http://oro.open.ac.uk/57334/.

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This thesis examines the image of the mounted god in the western provinces of the Roman Empire. Artists in the provinces often turned to Roman, actually Graeco-Roman, models when developing an iconographical form for local deities. The thesis investigates the transformation of Graeco-Roman imagery and looks at the way artists adapted the Roman forms which would have become familiar to them with the advance of the Roman army and Roman settlement in the provinces of the western part of the empire. The mounted gods discussed are the Celtic Mars and Jupiter, whose Roman names conceal their Celtic identity, Epona, the Dioscuri in the western Empire, the Thracian Rider and the Danubian Rider cult.
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43

De, Jong Lidewijde. "Becoming a Roman province : an analysis of funerary practices in Roman syria in the context of empire /". May be available electronically:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.

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44

Hopkins, Lloyd David Charles. "Fleets and manpower on land and sea : the Italian "classes" and the Roman Empire 31 BC - AD 193". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:29293574-956c-4cb9-b0fd-897dfcccb79f.

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This thesis re-evaluates the nature and roles of the Italian classes (fleets) of the Roman empire between 31 BC and AD 193. Studied through the prism of naval history, the classes have been portrayed either as ineffective forces left to decay, or maritime institutions supporting military logistics. By starting from the position that the classes cannot easily be compared to other fleets, I argue that they should be regarded as a flexible manpower pool, placed in the same broad category as other soldiers in the Roman empire, who were drawn upon to perform a range of tasks on land and sea to the benefit of the Emperor, and who were integrated into systems supporting the functioning of the empire, which I term imperial organics. Chapter One discusses primarily epigraphic evidence for the classis servicemen, to argue that they considered themselves and were considered as milites who were trained to row, and who could be given tasks suitable to their abilities and places of deployment. Chapter Two, building on earlier discussion of the origins of the servicemen, examines second century AD papyrological evidence for recruitment from the Egpytian Fayoum. It posits recruitment systems which relied on several elements outside the control of Roman authorities, but which nonetheless ensured that the Italian classes were a well supplied manpower pool, perhaps because they did not rely on the so-called gens de mer. Chapter Three re-examines the main “naval bases” of the classes at Misenum and Ravenna, arguing that rather than purely military ports they should be understood as sites concentrating imperial resources to aid imperial activity in regions where concentrations of imperial property are attested. Drawing on arguments in the previous chapters, Chapter Four considers three case-studies for the functions of the Italian classes: their role in Roman military mobilisation and redeployment systems, their involvement in imperial communications, and their possible place in a coastal system on the western coast of Italy suggestive of imperial authority and benefaction. In all three it seeks to present evidence for imperial organics, low-level systems, possibly engendered by imperial activity, but which could persist of their own accord and which were essential to the workings of empire.
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45

Lebdiri, Davilla. "La religion dans le roman grec ancien". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010662.

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Le roman grec est une source susceptible de nous apporter un éclairage intéressant sur le tournant des premiers siècles de notre ère qui portent la marque de la seconde Sophistique. Né entre le milieu du Ier siècle et le début du IIe siècle au cœur des provinces orientales hellénophones de l’Empire romain, le roman grec s’est développé aux IIe et IIIe siècles. Pendant longtemps, Callirhoé de Chariton, les Éphésiaques de Xénophon d’Éphèse, les Pastorales de Longus, Leucippé et Clitophon d’Achille Tatius et les Éthiopiques d’Héliodore ont été considérés comme des œuvres purement romanesques et fictives qui n’étaient guère susceptibles d’intéresser les historiens. Pourtant, derrière les innombrables topoi littéraires, nous pouvons déceler un arrière-plan social et religieux qui correspond au contexte de rédaction de chacun des romanciers. Le roman grec nous intéresse en tant que discours sur les realia religieux. Dans chacune de ces œuvres, les Dieux accompagnent les héros dans leurs péripéties ; invocations, offrandes, prières et fêtes religieuses sont la marque de piété assidue et quotidienne. Bien que les auteurs de romans mettent en scène le caractère traditionnel de la religion grecque, ils mettent également en lumière ses évolutions et ses particularités locales. Cette enquête vise à poser un regard sur les pratiques cultuelles des Grecs afin de mieux appréhender les dynamiques structurelles typiques de la société grecque de l’époque impériale
Greek literature is a possible source of information that may enlighten our understanding of the first centuries of the Sophiste era. Born between 100 A.D. and the beginning of the second century in the heart of Hellenic western Greek provinces of the Roman Empire, Greek literature was further developed in the second and third centuries. For a long time, Callirhoé by Chariton, the Ephésiaques by Xenophonof Ephesus, the Pastorales by Longus, Leucippé and Clitophon by Achille Tatius and Ethiopiques by Heliodore were considered as works of art purely Roman and fictional that were far from interesting historians. However, after so much liretary topoi, we can note a social and religious background that corresponds with historical context the writers lived in. Greek literature is interesting as a discource on religious realia. In all these literary works, gods accompany heroes in their adventures : callings, offering, prayers and religious celebrations that mark a daily devotion and piety. Although Greek authors put forward traditional aspects of the Greek religion, they also shed light on Greek society’s evolution and local specialities. This study aims to give a perspective on early Greek cultural practices in order to better understand the era’s typical structural dynamics
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46

Hasegawa, Kinuko. "The familia urbana during the early Empire : a study of columbaria inscriptions". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275948.

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47

Braithwaite, Gillian Mary. "Faces from the past : the face pots and face breakers of the Western Roman Empire". Thesis, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.394084.

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48

Woodhull, Margaret Louise. "Building power : women as architectural patrons during the early Roman Empire, 30 BCE-54 CE /". Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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49

Antiqueira, Moisés. "O império romano de Aurélio Vítor". Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-28022013-122341/.

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Um estudo historiográfico das Historiae abbreuiatae de Aurélio Vítor. Nisto consiste o presente trabalho, que procura determinar de que modo o referido historiador, no ocaso do reinado de Constâncio II, compôs uma narrativa dedicada à história do Império romano em sua totalidade. Para tanto, em primeiro lugar buscamos definir a natureza da obra. Em que pese os nítidos elementos biográficos que a integram, assim como a brevidade do texto, a obra de Aurélio Vítor deve ser pensada enquanto uma história, na medida em que o objetivo do autor se voltava para a exposição das causas que teriam condicionado o curso dos acontecimentos, da batalha de Ácio até o penúltimo ano do governo de Constâncio II. Desta forma, em um segundo momento, analisamos as estratégias de periodização e as concepções que Aurélio Vítor adotou a fim de contemplar a história imperial. As ações e o caráter moral dos sucessivos imperadores emergem nas Historiae abbreuiatae como o motor a partir do qual se movimentava a história da era imperial romana. Isto implicava, pois, o reconhecimento das oscilações que o mundo romano teria vivenciado ao longo de quase quatro séculos e as contradições que animavam a conduta das personagens históricas. Do que resultava, igualmente, na impossibilidade de se identificar um modelo ideal de imperador, em razão dos fatores e das circunstâncias distintas que marcariam o desenrolar da história do Império romano, como narrada por Aurélio Vítor.
A historiographical study of Aurelius Victors Historiae abbreuiatae. That is what defines the present work, which tries to ascertain how the aforementioned historian settled up a narrative about the history of the Roman Empire in the twilight of the reign of Constantius II. Therefore, we discuss at first the nature of the work. Despite the clear biographical trend we can observe in the text, as well as the brevity that characterizes it, the work of Aurelius Victor should be seen as a historical narrative since the author aimed to expose both the causes and the course of Roman imperial history, from the Battle of Actium to the last but one year of Constantius IIs reign. Thereupon we examine the strategies of periodization and the perspectives defined by Aurelius Victor in order to compose his text. In the Historiae abbreuiatae, the conduct showed by the emperors and their moral character represented the driving force of the narrative. That led the author to emphasize the ups and downs of Roman past in almost four hundred years of history. In this sense, Aurelius Victor did not lose track of some contradictions that encourage historical figures into action. That resulted in Aurelius Victors failure to identify an idealized model of Roman emperor due to distinct elements and circunstances that he himself pointed out in the course of the history of the Roman Empire.
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Bocciarelli, Dorian. "Le principat de Galba : étude historique et numismatique". Thesis, Paris, EPHE, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EPHE4074.

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Au printemps 68, les provinces occidentales se révoltèrent contre Néron. Elles choisirent pour le remplacer Servius Sulpicius Galba, un sénateur d’une antique noblesse qui avait connu une brillante carrière politique et qui était légat d’Auguste propréteur de l’Hispanie Citérieure au moment de l’insurrection. Galba dut alors organiser la révolte et lever les troupes qui seraient nécessaires à cette entreprise. Proclamé empereur par les prétoriens et le Sénat après le suicide de Néron au mois de juin 68, il quitta sa province et se mit en route vers Rome. Parvenu dans la capitale de l’Empire, le nouveau prince fut confronté à des difficultés de taille : les finances de l’État romain se trouvaient dans une situation très préoccupante à cause des largesses de Néron. Par ailleurs, puisque Galba était le premier empereur qui ne faisait pas partie de la famille julio-claudienne, il dut trouver les moyens d’assurer la légitimité de son élévation au sommet de l’Empire. Les sources littéraires concernant l’année 69 sont nombreuses ; moins bien connue, l’année 68 nous a semblé pouvoir être étudiée grâce au recours aux sources numismatiques, car elles permettent d’appréhender les principales caractéristiques du principat de Galba : financement d’une révolte contre le pouvoir central, paiement de la solde des légionnaires, redressement des finances de l’État et légitimation de la position du nouveau prince. L’étude des monnaies, s’appuyant sur la constitution d’un corpus de quelque 7.300 exemplaires à l’effigie de Galba, permet à la fois de combler les manques des sources littéraires relatives à l’année 68 et de confronter divers types de sources pour améliorer la connaissance de son principat
In the spring of AD 68, the Western Provinces rebelled against Nero. To replace him, they chose Servius Sulpicius Galba, a senator of ancient nobility who had known a brilliant political career, and who – at the time of the insurrection – was legatus Augusti pro praetore of Hispania Citerior. Galba then had to organise the revolt, and raise the troops required for this enterprise. Acclaimed Emperor by the praetorians and the Senate after Nero’s suicide in June 68, he left his province and went to Rome. Once in the Empire’s capital city, the new prince was faced with major difficulties: the State’s finances were in a very worrying shape because of Nero’s largesse. Furthermore, Galba being the first emperor not to belong to the Julio-Claudian family, had to find ways to ensure the legitimacy of his elevation to the throne. Literary sources regarding the year 69 are numerous; the year 68, meanwhile, is less well known, but is possible to study in the light of numismatic sources, as they allow us to apprehend the main characteristics of Galba’s Principate: financing a revolt against the central power, paying the legionaries, rectifying the State’s finances, and legitimising the new prince’s position. The study of coinage, based on the establishment of a corpus of some 7300 specimens with Galba’s effigy, allows us to fill the gaps of literary sources concerning the year 68, and to approach various types of sources in order to improve our knowledge of his Principate
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