Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Roman Christians”
Kliknij ten link, aby zobaczyć inne rodzaje publikacji na ten temat: Roman Christians.
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 50 najlepszych artykułów w czasopismach naukowych na temat „Roman Christians”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj artykuły w czasopismach z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
1
Slater, Thomas B. "On the Social Setting of the Revelation to John". New Testament Studies 44, nr 2 (kwiecień 1998): 232–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500016490.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Revisionists have argued that no empire-wide persecution of Christians occurred in the late first century and that Domitian was neither a persecutor of Christians nor an evil, incompetent ruler. This essay agrees with those points but also argues that a closer examination of extant Roman and Christian late first/early second century writers demonstrates that Christians were held in low esteem and suffered in Roman society because of their religious convictions. This study argues that Revelation was a Christian response to religio-political pressures by indigenous Asian pagans upon Christians to conform to traditional social practices in Roman Asia.
2
Ambach, Florian. "Christenverfolgungen im Römischen Reich. Elemente eines imperialen Niedergangs". historia.scribere, nr 10 (19.06.2018): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.10.101.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire: Elements of an imperial declineThe following seminar-paper aims to examine how the persecution of Christians in the early centuries of the Christian era relates to the decline to the Roman Empire. It gives an overview of the period from Nero’s persecutions in 64 AD to the legalization of Christianism in 313 AD, or the end of the civil wars between Constantine and his rivals Maxentius, Maximinus Daia and Licinius around 324 AD respectively. It puts a special emphasis on the essential characteristics of what is called an “empire”.
3
Karivieri, Arja. "Divine or Human Images? Neoplatonic and Christian Views on Works of Art and Aesthetics". NUMEN 63, nr 2-3 (9.03.2016): 196–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341420.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This paper explores how Neoplatonists and Christians experienced and interpreted works of art, and how views on artists and individual works of art, such as Pheidias’ Zeus in Olympia, were expressed by the representatives of traditional Greco-Roman religions and Christians. The way the value of a work of art was expressed in Greco-Roman literature is compared with the comments and opinions of Neoplatonists and Christian authors, which show that art and its appreciation and function are closely connected to the relationship to God in ancient sources. The ideal of beauty took its place to enrich also the Christian view of aesthetics and enhanced the development of both Greco-Roman and Christian art.
4
Aydin, Mahmut. "Changing Roman Catholic Christologies". American Journal of Islam and Society 18, nr 3 (1.07.2001): 17–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i3.2004.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The person of Jesus Christ does not only play a key role in the Christiandialogue with non-Christians, but it is also the central issue in thecurrent debate on the Christian theology of religions. Within thiscontext, after the 1970's, some individual theologians and thinkers haveattempted to study the status of Jesus by questioning seriously thetraditional Christian beliefs and doctrines that this study criticallyevaluates. A number of works which discuss the uniqueness of JesusChrist and the possibility of reinterpreting traditional doctrines in thelight of new developments and the practical implications of dialoguewith people of other faiths.
5
Estep, James Riley. "Philosophers, Scribes, Rhetors … and Paul? The Educational Background of the New Testament". Christian Education Journal: Research on Educational Ministry 2, nr 1 (maj 2005): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073989130500200102.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Of increasing interest to New Testament scholars is the educational background of Paul and the early Christians. As evangelical educators, such studies also engage our understanding of the Biblical and historical basis of Christian education. This article endeavors to ascertain the early Christian community's, and particularly Paul's, assessment of education in first-century A.D. Greco-Roman culture as one dimension of the interactions between the early Christian community and its culture. It will (1) provide a brief review of passages in the New Testament that reflect or interact with the educational community of the first-century A.D., (2) Conjecture Paul's assessment of education in Greco-Roman culture, with which early Christians interacted, (3) Itemize implications of Paul's opinion on Greco-Roman education for our understanding on the formation and history of Christian education, and finally (4) Address the need for further study of the subject.
6
Beavis, Mary Ann. ""Pluck the rose but shun the thorns": The ancient school and Christian origins". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 29, nr 4 (grudzień 2000): 411–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980002900402.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Although early Christianity had a "scholastic" dimension at an early stage, the place of the Greco-Roman urban institution of the school in the lives of Christians and the role of education in the development and dissemination of Christianity has not received much attention in recent scholarship. This article revisits this topic, with special reference to the concept of "competition." Three conclusions result: Christian students and teachers typically resorted to pagan schools; the Greco-Roman school system provided Christians with education in grammar and rhetoric that they put to good use in undermining paganism; and, to some extent, the schools may have provided a forum for proselytizing on the part of some Christian teachers and pupils.
7
Stenschke, Christoph W. "“Your Obedience is Known to All” (Rom 16:19)". Novum Testamentum 57, nr 3 (23.06.2015): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341492.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In Romans does Paul refer on several occasions to Christians other than the addressees. This essay gathers these references and examines their function in the overall argument of the letter. It argues that these references to individual Christians, the Christians of whole regions or even the wider Christian community, play an important role for the self-representation of Paul. In addition, they serve to place the Roman audience in the wider community of faith in which Paul claims to be well rooted and accepted. Thus he deserves full support for his further mission in the West. His upcoming visit to them and his request for their future support is far from a mere private matter. Furthermore, these references contribute to our understanding of Paul’s understanding of the nature of the church and to understanding the translocal nature of early Christianity.
8
DE BLOIS, Lukas. "Christians and Roman Imperial Politics". Het Christelijk Oosten 53, nr 1 (28.02.2005): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/co.53.1.1046.
Pełny tekst źródła
9
DE BLOIS, Lukas. "Christians and Roman Imperial Politics". Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 53, nr 1 (1.01.2001): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jecs.53.1.1046.
Pełny tekst źródła
10
Chin, Catherine M. "Christians and the Roman Classroom". Augustinian Studies 33, nr 2 (2002): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies200233219.
Pełny tekst źródła
11
Monnickendam, Yifat. "BIBLICAL LAW IN GRECO-ROMAN ATTIRE: THE CASE OF LEVIRATE MARRIAGE IN LATE ANTIQUE CHRISTIAN LEGAL TRADITIONS". Journal of Law and Religion 34, nr 2 (sierpień 2019): 136–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2018.40.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractWhat happened to biblical law when transferred into late antique Christianity? How can answering this question provide a paradigm that helps us understand the rise and development of late antique Christian legal traditions? In the first centuries of the Common Era, the Christian legal tradition began to evolve in Roman, Greek, rabbinic, and biblical contexts. Focusing on the biblical institution of levirate marriage, this article offers a paradigm that elucidates how Christians might have adopted, adapted, and sometimes rejected their legal heritage; it may illuminate the overall development of Christian legal discourse. Following a short survey of the rabbinic adaptation of biblical levirate marriage and the Roman and Christian rulings regarding this practice, I analyze the Christian exegetical and theological discourse on levirate marriage, focusing on the acceptance or rejection of levirate marriage as a whole and adaptations to the biblical institution. This analysis demonstrates the disparity between the rabbinic discourse, the Christian and Roman rulings, and the theological and exegetical discourse. It shows how Christians remodeled their biblical heritage according to Greek and Roman legal concepts, namely the Roman adoption and the Greek epiklerate, and treated it as part of inheritance law and child-parent relationships, whereas the rabbis used different adaptations and treated it as part of matrimonial law and sexual relationships. This discussion therefore recontextualizes the legal discourse, positioning the Christian approach to levirate marriage as a complex case of legal transplant and adaptation of a legal heritage.
12
McKECHNIE, PAUL. "Christian Grave-Inscriptions from the Familia Caesaris". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, nr 3 (lipiec 1999): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999001761.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In this article I shall republish a small corpus of epitaphs from the Roman imperial household, with apparently Christian features. These texts have not previously been published together. The dating of these inscriptions will be discussed, and inferences about the Christian community in the imperial service during the Severan period will be drawn from the points of comparison which can be made between the texts.It has long been known from literary sources that there were Christians in the emperors' service in these years. For the generation after Justin Martyr's death, Christian literature provides three references to Christianity in the familia Caesaris. Hippolytus says that Callistus, later to be bishop of Rome, was the slave of Carpophorus, a Christian ‘of the emperor's household’ during the reign of Commodus (180–92). Irenaeus, writing in that reign, refers in the course of a theological argument to ‘those in the royal palace who are believers’, without giving any hint about the number of Christians involved. Then in the 190s Tertullian's Apologeticum lists the palace along with other commanding heights of Roman life in which, he asserts, Christians have established a presence. By this time it was evidently well-known in Christian circles, including in the provinces, that there were Christians in the familia Caesaris: of these three authors, only Hippolytus was based in Rome where the imperial household was centred.
13
Jońca, Maciej. "IIS QUI AD ME TAMQUAM CHRISTIANI DEFEREBANTUR, HUNC SUM SECUTUS MODUM. ŚRODKI DOWODOWE ZASTOSOWANE W PROCESIE CHRZEŚCIJAN PONTYJSKICH W RELACJI PLINIUSZA MŁODSZEGO (EP. 10,96)". Zeszyty Prawnicze 5, nr 2 (14.06.2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2005.5.2.05.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
<In>iis quiad me tamquam christiani deferebantur, hunc sum secutus modum. Evidence Applied in the Persecution of Pontian Christians According to Pliny the Younger (Ep. 10,96)SummaryIn 1st and 2nd centuries A. D. Christians were occasionally persecuted and punished just for being Christians (nomen christianurn). The letter drafted by Pliny the Younger to emperor Trajan constitutes the most significant non-Christian source providing information on the procedures applied in these circumstances. Pliny mentions three groups of people that emerged due to the presented above activities: the Christians, who did not renounce their faith at court, falsely accused pagans and apostates. A governor asked those who refused to abandon their faith before executing them. The execution did not apply to Roman citizens who, according to law, were sent to Rome. Apostates and pagans underwent special tests. In order to prove that they were not Christians the governor made them call the names of gods and perform sacrifices before the image of the emperor and gods, which was followed by the course on Christ. However, it was not a refusal to participate in the rituals that led to a punishment but their attachment to Christian community. Therefore, a ceremony of purely religious nature became a real proof applied in judicial proceedings. Although the emperor expressed his approval for governor’s measures, he did not establish any general rule concerning the prosecution and punishments of Christians.
14
Weiss, Daniel H. "Christians as Levites: Rethinking Early Christian Attitudes toward War and Bloodshed via Origen, Tertullian, and Augustine". Harvard Theological Review 112, nr 04 (11.09.2019): 491–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816019000257.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractThis article seeks to break the scholarly deadlock regarding attitudes toward war and bloodshed held by early Christian thinkers. I argue that, whereas previous studies have attempted to fit early Christian stances into one or another “unitary-ethic” framework, the historical-textual data can be best accounted for by positing that many early Christian writers held to a “dual-ethic” orientation. In the latter, certain actions would be viewed as forbidden for Christians but as legitimate for non-Christians in the Roman Empire. Moreover, this dual-ethic stance can be further illuminated by viewing it in connection with the portrayal in the Hebrew Bible of the relation between Levites and the other Israelite tribes. This framing enables us to gain a clearer understanding not only of writers like Origen and Tertullian, who upheld Christian nonviolence while simultaneously praising Roman imperial military activities, but also of writers such as Augustine, whose theological-ethical framework indicates a strong assumption of a dual-ethic stance in his patristic predecessors.
15
Ward, Roy Bowen. "Women In Roman Baths". Harvard Theological Review 85, nr 2 (kwiecień 1992): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000028820.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In 177 CE Christians in Lugdunum and Vienna in Gaul were persecuted, and some were martyred. The survivors sent a letter by Irenaeus to the churches in Asia and Phrygia describing what happened. Among other things, they complained that they were excluded from the baths (βαλανεῖα). Later in his Adversus haereses (ca. 190 CE) Irenaeus referred to a story he claimed stemmed from Polycarp of Smyrna, who died ca. 156 CE, about John the disciple going to the public baths (βαλανεῖον) in Ephesus where he saw Cerinthus. Tertullian of Carthage in his Apologeticum (197 CE) claimed that the Christians were no different from other people: they went to the forum, the food market, and the baths (balneia). These three passages, among the earliest references to Roman baths by Christians, suggest no ethical reservations about going to the baths. An interesting question arises: Were there women in these baths?
16
Jr., Michael Dimaio,, Marta Sordi i Graham Anderson. "The Christians and the Roman Empire". Classical World 91, nr 4 (1998): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352081.
Pełny tekst źródła
17
Bates, Richard L., Marta Sordi i Annabel Bedini. "The Christians and the Roman Empire". Classical World 82, nr 3 (1989): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350376.
Pełny tekst źródła
18
Benario, Herbert W., i Dorothy Watts. "Christians and Pagans in Roman Britain". Classical World 86, nr 2 (1992): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351292.
Pełny tekst źródła
19
Staples, Peter, i Marta Sordi. "The Christians and the Roman Empire". Review of Religious Research 37, nr 2 (grudzień 1995): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3512413.
Pełny tekst źródła
20
Henig, Martin, i D. Watts. "Christians and Pagans in Roman Britain". Britannia 23 (1992): 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526149.
Pełny tekst źródła
21
Goodman, Martin. "Jews and Christians: Graeco-Roman Views". Journal of Jewish Studies 37, nr 1 (1.04.1986): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1268/jjs-1986.
Pełny tekst źródła
22
Bryant, Joseph M., Marta Sordi i Anna Bedini. "The Christians and the Roman Empire". Review of Religious Research 30, nr 1 (wrzesień 1988): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511847.
Pełny tekst źródła
23
Benko, Stephen, Marta Sordi i Annabel Bedini. "The Christians and the Roman Empire". American Historical Review 93, nr 1 (luty 1988): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865711.
Pełny tekst źródła
24
Clifford, Richard. "Changing Christian Interpretations of the Old Testament". Theological Studies 82, nr 3 (wrzesień 2021): 509–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00405639211033975.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In first-century CE Judaism, the Scriptures validated Jesus and his message, but later Christians “read back” to Old Testament sources of New Testament texts. Constant alluding to a past document tended to make the document look obsolete and useful only as a source. Can the Old Testament regain its generative power for Christians today? The article sketches the first-century Christian situation, looks at subsequent interpretation, and calls on recent Roman Catholic documents to revise old assumptions.
25
WAGEMAKERS, BART. "Incest, Infanticide, and Cannibalism: Anti-Christian Imputations in the Roman Empire". Greece and Rome 57, nr 2 (21.09.2010): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383510000069.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the early Imperial Age, the steadily growing Christian movement was viewed with suspicion by both the authorities and the people of Rome; in the second century, the Roman rejection of Christian teachings, customs, and practices resulted in a most intriguing counter-movement. During this century, two types of negative response to the Christian faith had become established. The first encompasses the anti-Christian accusations circulating among the Roman population during most of the period, occasionally resulting in Christians being persecuted. At the end of the century, supplementary controversy arose from within the intellectual world. Those who engaged in this polemic were authors who had studied Christian customs, and who consequently targeted the substance of the Christian teachings.
26
Swist, Jeremy J. "Satan’s Empire: Ancient Rome’s anti-Christian appeal in extreme metal". Metal Music Studies 5, nr 1 (1.03.2019): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/mms.5.1.35_1.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article discusses the previously unexplored intersection of the reception of classical antiquity in extreme metal with Satanic and anti-Christian themes. It is demonstrable that the phenomenon has roots in the genesis of extreme metal itself, especially in its inheritance from biblical and literary history of the associations between Satan and Roman emperors. As extreme metal evolved over the past three decades, that theme combined with the perception that imperial Rome had undertaken widespread and sustained persecutions of Christians, including spectacular executions for the sake of popular entertainment, throughout the three-century history of the early Church. This is despite the consensus of many modern historians that the Romans were largely tolerant of Christians and persecutions were brief, isolated, more humane, and cost much fewer lives than early Christian sources suggest. It is evident that metal artists inherit, and thereby perpetuate, a tradition manufactured by Christian sources that have largely been debunked; yet these artists depart from those Christian sources by denying the appeal of martyrdom and shifting sympathies to imperial Rome and its ‘Satanic’ emperors. Like Satan himself, these emperors function as symbols of masculine aggression and liberation of the passions from contemporary political and moral systems. Such anti-establishment sentiments, especially among Italian artists, can manifest in fantasies of a Roman Empire reborn. By their artistic license, extreme metal artists continue to reshape a literary and artistic legacy of the imperial Rome and constructions of persecution narratives developed over the course of the late antique, medieval and modern periods.
27
Yilmaz, Yonca, i Mine Tanaç Zeren. "The Responses Of Antakya (Antioch) Churches To Cultural Shifts". Resourceedings 2, nr 3 (12.11.2019): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.21625/resourceedings.v2i3.636.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Antakya (Antioch), located in the southern region of Turkey, is one of the oldest settlements in the country. Its history dates back to the prehistoric times. It has been through countless invasions throughout its history. It has been dominated by various civilizations and has been the center of many religions. The city, which was founded by Alexander the Great in the Roman period, has many routes to nearly all directions as a result of its geographical location. Due to its context, this makes the city the point of convergence of cultures. After the Roman period, Byzantine and Arab-dominated city (AC 395 — AC 963), were exposed to constant war between the Christian and Muslim communities for the domination right to the city. Today in Antakya, although the majority of the population is Muslim and Christian, the Sunni Arabs, Sunni Turks, Shia Arabs, Assyrians, Catholics, Orthodox Christians, Protestant Arabs, Arabs, Armenians, Jewish people and other minority groups all live together in harmony, thus forming the dynamics of multicultural city structure. The name “Christian” was first coined in this historic city. Antakya also hosts the Church of Saint Peter, which is believed to be one of the earliest Christian houses of worship, making it extremely valuable for Christianism. Indigenous inhabitants of Antakya have lived in the same land since the foundation of Christianity. Today, 90 percent of the Christians are Orthodox, 10 percent are Protestants and other believers, where the population of Christians are decreasing. Bearing in mind the aforementioned history and context, a research was conducted on the Orthodox Church, Antakya Protestant Church and Vakıflı Armenian Church which all still exist to this day in the city. Purpose of the research is to evaluate the structure of the churches in regards to the following parameters;- The responses of the churches to the indigenous inhabitants- Cultural shifts in the ever-changing sociocultural values of the society- The city image they present.The reason behind choosing these three structures for the study is the fact that all three structures boast Christian symbolism and imagery.
28
Weima, Jeffrey A. D. "The Reason for Romans: The Evidence of Its Epistolary Framework (1:1–15; 15:14–16:27)". Review & Expositor 100, nr 1 (luty 2003): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730310000102.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The epistolary framework of Romans provides a crucial key to answering the difficult and much debated question of why Paul wrote this epistle. For the letter opening (1:1–7), thanksgiving section (1:8–15), apostolic parousia (15:14–32), and letter closing (15:33–16:27) all establish the authority of Paul's apostleship and of his gospel over the Roman Christians in a way that wins their acceptance of his gospel as it has been “preached” in the body of the letter. Paul believed himself to be both divinely obligated and uniquely qualified to share with the Roman Christians his gospel in the conviction that this would result in the strengthening of their faith. All other proposed reasons for the writing of Romans, therefore, must be integrated into Paul's primary concern “to preach the gospel also to you who are in Rome” (1:15).
29
Atabik, Ahmad. "CLASH OF WEST AND EAST CIVILIZATIONS IN QUR’AN INTERPRETATION". ADDIN 11, nr 1 (18.05.2017): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/addin.v11i1.2222.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article describes the clash of west and east civilizations from the perspective of the Qur’an interpretation. As is well known that the Qur’an reveals a clash of civilizations between the West which is represented by the Roman and the east are Persian. The clash occurred for many years. This war began with the triumph of Persians, the Qur’an clearly interpreted that nine years later the Roman defeat the Persian. Roman Empire which is meant by ar-Rum is the Kingdom of Eastern Roman centered in Konstantinopel, not the Western Roman kingdom centered in Rome. The West Roman kingdom, before the events, recounted in this verse occurs has collapsed in 476 CE. The Romans are Christians (people of the scripture), and the Persians religion Majusi (idolaters).
30
Luke, Trevor. "The Parousia of Paul at Iconium". Religion and Theology 15, nr 3-4 (2008): 225–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430108x376528.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractThis article explores the parousia reception, instead of the arena, as a locus for spectacle production in the Roman Empire, specifically in certain passages of early Christian literature. Not only did Christians apply the familiar image of parousia to their eschatology, but they also produced new truths about empire and the location of legitimate authority through their creative production of distinctive parousia spectacles. Through these literary spectacles, old truths about the body and authority were challenged as Christians developed a cosmology for the parousia spectacle that both transformed parousia and also served as a new hermeneutic for interpreting such ceremonies. The arrival of Paul at Iconium represented a radical reinterpretation of parousia in that it shifted the locus of spectation from the emperor to the individual Christian. In producing and consuming their own parousia spectacles, Christians participated in imperial discourse.
31
Latham, Jacob A. "From Literal to Spiritual Soldiers of Christ: Disputed Episcopal Elections and the Advent of Christian Processions in Late Antique Rome". Church History 81, nr 2 (25.05.2012): 298–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640712000613.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
There were at least five disputed episcopal elections in the fourth through the sixth centuries. This intra-Christian competition did not, however, lead to the contestation of space in the form of processions as it did, for example, in Constantinople. At Rome, intra-Christian competition took the form, at least rhetorically, of siege and occupation. Instead of conquering urban space through processions—impossible as the Roman aristocracy and their patronage of traditional spectacles still dominated and defined the public sphere—Roman Christians resorted to warfare, until the mid-sixth century C.E. when an impoverished aristocracy ceased to lavish its diminished wealth on traditional forms of public display.Throughout all of these electoral disputes a number of elements consistently emerge: one, the use of martial language to describe the events; two, the concentration on a few contested sites; and three, internal divisions among Roman Christians. A strategy of militaristic occupation of centrally important churches clearly marked these schisms, as each side marched upon and occupied the principal churches of Rome, invading and expelling their enemies from other principal churches when they could. The martial language in the descriptions of these conflicts often veered close to the religious, indicating, hinting, that the origins of Christian processions lie in conflict and battle. From the literal soldiers of Christ, armed with clubs, rocks, and swords, emerged spiritual soldiers bearing crosses and singing hymns.
32
Vanderwilt, Jeffrey. "Eucharistic Sharing: Revising the Question". Theological Studies 63, nr 4 (grudzień 2002): 826–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056390206300408.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
[The author provides a brief examination of Roman Catholic norms for sharing communion with non-Catholic Christians. He then discusses three areas of concern with respect to these norms as currently formulated: the Eucharist as the cause and expression of unity; the Eucharist in the context of Christian initiation; and Christian ministry with respect to eucharistic sharing. He concludes by offering four modest proposals to revise the question of eucharistic hospitality.]
33
Granger Cook, John. "Chrestiani, Christiani, Χριστιανοί: a Second Century Anachronism?" Vigiliae Christianae 74, nr 3 (2.06.2020): 237–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341410.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract Brent D. Shaw has questioned the historicity of the Neronian persecution based on two arguments from silence: Tacitus’s use of the term “Christians” is an anachronism; and Suetonius knows of no connection between the fire in Rome and Nero’s police actions against the Christians. Both of these untestable arguments from silence are inherently weak logically. One can make a good case for the claim that Chrestianus, Christianus, and Χριστιανός are not creations of the second century and that Roman officials were probably aware of the Chrestiani in the 60s. Tacitus’s and Suetonius’s accounts of the persecution are fundamentally reliable.
34
Petitfils, James. "Apparently Other". Journal of Religion and Violence 5, nr 3 (2017): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv20181944.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In conversation with recent scholarship on Roman physiognomy, dress, and imperial prose fictions, this article traces the way in which ancient Christian martyr texts participate in broader Roman discourses of appearance and status in their construction of the Christian and the non-believing, apostate, or blaspheming other. After introducing the nexus between appearance, status, and identity in Roman society and culture more generally, this article considers the way in which these physiognomic and sartorial conventions function in two imperial prose fictions—Longus’s Daphnis and Chloe and Apuleius’s Metamorphoses—before turning to a similar consideration of two Christian martyr texts, namely, the Passion of Perpetua and Felicity and the Letter of the Churches of Vienne and Lyons. The article contends that the martyr texts, like the imperial fictions, construct the other, in part by appealing to long-standing Roman physiognomic and sartorial expectations. The non-believers, apostates, and blasphemers are visibly conspicuous for their non-elite deportment and slave-like physical features—features which, in a Roman context, mark their bodies as legitimate objects of violence. The Christians, in contrast, showcase a posture befitting the elite (those safeguarded from licit violence), not that of slaves or low-status damnati/noxii (those condemned to violent death in the Roman arena). In so doing, these martyr texts literarily reimagine Roman social strategies of violent humiliation as celebrations of honorable Christian identity, while they simultaneously deploy characteristically Roman discursive strategies to construct a humiliated, blaspheming other.
35
DeForest, Dallas. "Between Ideology and Social Practice: Baths and Bathing in Christian Communities in Late Antiquity". Journal of Ancient History 6, nr 1 (4.06.2018): 136–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2017-0025.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractScholars of Late Antiquity have explored rhetorical constructions of the Christian life from many different angles, yet they have not done so in the context of public bathing culture. This article explores the polyvalent ways in which baths and bathing culture were used in rhetorical constructions of the Christian life in Late Antiquity, and how, in turn, this discourse structured Christian communities ideologically and affected the attitudes and practices of the laity. Since bathing culture was intimately associated with the Roman body, self, and personal appearance, it was implicated in rigorist Christian discourse quite commonly. Ultimately, this article demonstrates that Late Antique Christians, especially rigorists, wrote about baths and bathing because it was an important element in constructing a framework for an idealized Christian life and maintaining meaningful divisions within the Christian oikoumene based on ascetic practices and spirituality. But these writings should not be taken as an accurate reflection of social practice or mentalities concerning bathing in Late Antiquity, although certain changes, which reflect the importance of the ideal among the laity, are notable. In the end, Late Antique Christians emerge here as quite Roman in the manner in which they cared for their bodies, personal appearance, and health. And public bathing culture allows us to glimpse the rich social mosaic of Late Antiquity vividly.
36
Petkovic, Zarko. "Auctoritas Maiorum in the edict of Galerius of 311 ad". Starinar, nr 63 (2013): 245–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1363245p.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The phraseology of the Edict of Toleration issued by Galerius in 311 reveals a unique motive on the part of the emperor for his persecution of Christians: the Christians had abandoned the religious convictions of their ancestors and made their own laws, which consequently had led them - allegedly - into atheism. Galerius issued an order that they (the Christians) should return to the practices established by their own forefathers. Thus, the re-establishment of mos maiorum, endangered by Christian 'atheism', was Galeirus' prime motive for confronting the new religion. If this was the real motive, it was carefully chosen: mos maiorum was the key point for the preservation of traditional (pagan) religion, social order and the Roman Empire, as Ciciero and Symmachus put it. When Galerius proclaimed, on his death?bed, that Christians should pray for his salvation, he remained devoted to his polytheistic convictions.
37
PUTNEY, MICHAEL. "A Roman Catholic Understanding of Ecumenical Dialogue". Ecclesiology 2, nr 2 (2006): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174553206x00052.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract<title> ABSTRACT </title>The Decree on Ecumenism and subsequent ecumenical documents indicate a growing commitment to ecumenical dialogue in the Catholic Church. Given the ecclesiology of communion of the Second Vatican Council and foundational ecumenical texts in St John's Gospel, it would be impossible for the Roman Catholic Church to be faithful to Christ if it were not engaged in dialogue with other Christian communions. Such dialogue is necessary for its own self-realization. Only through dialogue will it hear the call to conversion and receive the gifts that only other Christians can offer. for the Catholic Church to cease to be involved in ecumenical dialogue would be not just a moral failure, but an ecclesiological breakdown.
38
Hegedus, Tim. "The Magi and the Star in the Gospel of Matthew and Early Christian Tradition". Articles spéciaux 59, nr 1 (22.04.2003): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/000790ar.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract The Matthean pericope (2.1-12) of the Magi and the star of Bethlehem prompted a variety of responses among early Christian commentators of the second to the fifth centuries. These responses reflect a range of attitudes among the early Christians towards astrology, which was a fundamental and pervasive aspect of ancient Greco-Roman religion and culture. Some early Christian writers repudiated astrology absolutely, while others sought to grant it some degree of accommodation to Christian beliefs and practices. Interpretations of the Matthean pericope offer an index to the range of such views. This paper examines the motifs of the Magi and of the star in Matthew 2.1-12 as well as a number of early Christian interpretations of the pericope as evidence of a pattern of ambivalence in early Christian attitudes toward Greco-Roman astrology.
39
Frederiks, Martha Th, i Nienke Pruiksma. "Journeying Towards Multiculturalism? The Relationship between Immigrant Christians and Dutch Indigenous Churches". Journal of Religion in Europe 3, nr 1 (2010): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489209x478328.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractDue to globalisation and migration western Europe has become home to adherents of many different religions. This article focuses on one aspect of the changes on the religious scene; it investigates in what way immigration—and Christian immigrant religiosity particularly—has affected the structure and identity of the Dutch Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant Church in the Netherlands. We argue that the Roman Catholic Church in the Netherlands has been able to accommodate a substantial group of immigrants whilst the PCN seems to encounter more problems responding to the increasingly multicultural society. We conclude that both churches, however, in structure and theology, remain largely unaffected by the influx of immigrant Christians.
40
ΙΩΣΗΦ, ΔΕΣΠΟΙΝΑ. "CHRISTIANOS AD LEONEM. ΟΙ ΔΙΩΓΜΟΙ ΤΩΝ ΧΡΙΣΤΙΑΝΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΕΣ ΤΟΥΣ. Η ΠΕΡΙΠΤΩΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΠΕΡΠΕΤΟΥΑΣ". Μνήμων 26 (1.01.2004): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.839.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
<p>Despina Iosif, «Christianos ad Leonem». The Case of Perpetua</p> <p>Two Greek editions of the diary of Perpetua have recently appeared, one by Polymnia Athanassiadi and the other by Thanassis Georgiadis, both bound to attract attention. Perpetua lived at Thuburbo Minus, west of Carthage in North Africa. She was an upper class, well-educated Roman citizen, twenty-two years of age, newly married and mother of a baby boy, who converted to Christianity and chose martyrdom instead of sacrificing to the traditional gods of the Roman Empire. Her decision was interpreted as an insult to the gods and the emperors, and a direct challenge to the established order and resulted in her being sentenced to death to the beasts of the arena in Carthage in 203 CE. It was a well-established Roman belief that the traditional gods offered military victories, stability, prosperity and grandeur to the Roman people. In return and to secure the continuation of this benevolence, the Roman people carried certain strictly defined rites in honour of their gods. Pagan religion was less a matter of personal devotion than of national significance. The Christians despised the traditional gods, declaring that they did not exist or that they were malevolent demons and neglected or obstructed the traditional religious rites. This conduct disrupted the agreement the Romans had made with their gods and made the empire vulnerable. From the second century on, natural disasters were being attributed to the wrath of gods as a result of the Christian atheism and the hatred Christians allegedly had for the world. It is extremely fortunate that Perpetua's diary, which she kept while in prison awaiting her death, has survived. It is a bold, vivid and honest account of her prison life, her dreams and the hopeless efforts of her father to persuade her to conform and sacrifice. The fact that the text praised prophesy and placed martyrs above the established church hierarchy led scholars to believe that is was a Montanist product. Fourth and fifth century bishops felt uncomfortable with Perpetua's diary and surrounded it with homiletic commentaries. Instead of letting the text speak directly to the community of the faithful, they guided the understanding of words, subtly changing its messages, and controlled its dissemination. They made Perpetua less appealing as a role model and less threatening to the social order. The impression and fascination her diary exerted, however, remain unchanged.</p>
41
Wade, Janet. "The eternal spirit of Thalassa: The transmission of classical maritime symbolism into byzantine cultural identity". Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 14 (2018): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2018.1.4.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In antiquity, the sea held an important place in the hearts and minds of those living in the Mediterranean region, and maritime motifs were popular across a range of literary and artistic genres. Classical maritime imagery was transmitted almost seamlessly into early medieval and Byzantine cultural identity, despite its overt polytheistic connotations. Mosaics depicting maritime deities and mythological seafaring scenes were installed in private residences and Christian churches. Poets wrote of Fortune steering the ship of life and orators spoke of leaders at the helm of their state. Didactic and ecclesiastical texts taught of the corrupting nature of merchants and the sea, and compared the trials and tribulations of everyday life and faith with storms and squalls. The Christian church also became viewed as a ship or safe harbour. Seafaring imagery was regularly imbued with both traditional and contemporary religious, political, and cultural relevance. This paper argues that the ongoing popularity of maritime symbolism was not only a throwback to classical times or because seafaring themes had a greater relevance to Christians than non-Christians. Thalassa (the Sea) had always been important in Greek and Roman thought, and she acquired a more tangible and pervasive presence in the lives of those in the late antique Roman East. Unlike Rome, the eastern capital at Constantinople was itself a great maritime entrepot. The maritime cultural milieu that dominated coastal Mediterranean regions played an influential role in the city and its far-reaching empire. Constantinople sat at the centre of a vast network of seaports and was a major hub of Roman culture and communication. With the city's foundation, classical maritime imagery acquired a contemporary cultural and political relevance; even as the Graeco-Roman world slowly evolved into a Christian one.
42
Brock, Brian. "Prayer and the Teaching of Christian Ethics: Socratic Dialogue with God?" Studies in Christian Ethics 33, nr 1 (29.10.2019): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946819884552.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In his Confessions Augustine recasts the Greco-Roman dialogue as a conversation with God. This repositioning of the premier pedagogical form of the ancient world Augustine takes as an implication of the Christian confession of God as a speaking God. Introducing Jewish forms of prayer into the Greco-Roman dialogue form transforms it in a manner that has implications for the teaching of Christian ethics today, in offering a theologically elaborated model of the formative and investigative power of conversation. Conversational learning is a practice in which finite creatures lovingly explore a creation that cannot be comprehended completely. Christians understand this formative and explorative conversation as a conversation with God, mediated by Scripture, which prepares its participants to model trust-building conversation in public.
43
Caban, Peter. "The Status of the Liturgy in the Christian East and Liturgical Differentiations". Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 70, nr 1 (31.03.2017): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.231.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
These types of liturgies and liturgical rites show us the richness that is present in the Christian East and West. They are the liturgical traditions of the Church, which preserves the continuity of the Christian liturgical tradition from the perspective of historical context in the environment where Christians live. Despite the glory of Constantinople, the Eastern Churches have preserved their own liturgies and rites. Although they are in smaller number, they are nonetheless still preserved in the liturgy despite circumstances hostile to Christianity and the influence of Islam. Local traditions in the West were gradually vanishing and the Roman liturgy had to confront life in Gallia. The celebration of the liturgy in the West according to the Roman model in the city of Rome and in areas under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Roman was preserved in the Latin Church until the beginning of the eighth century. Then there came a very important breaking point when the focus of the cultural-political and Church life was moved from the Mediterranean area into the German and especially Frankish areas north of Alps. This led to the enormous spread of the influence of Roman liturgy, but, on the other hand, the Roman liturgy was merged with non-Roman liturgical traditions. This was the period of Christian Middle Ages.
44
Kolodnyi, Anatolii M. "The Milan Edict of 313 is now 1700. The text of the Edict of Milan is translated into Ukrainian". Ukrainian Religious Studies, nr 67 (28.05.2013): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2013.67.326.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Something like this Edict is not particularly fond of mentioning Christian denominations and Christian authors. He was promulgated by the co-rulers of the Roman Empire Constantine-August and Lycin-Augustus. This is the first official document that testified to the right of Christians to freedom in the empire, but has not yet completed them, but only equaled with other religions. Probably this equality is declared by Edict and does not console the Christian apologists, because for them, only Christianity is a true religion. Below, we print the text of the Milan Edict in Ukrainian.
45
Kolodnyi, Anatolii M. "Milan edict. Text of the document". Religious Freedom, nr 17-18 (24.12.2013): 58–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2013.17-18.985.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Something like this Edict is not particularly fond of mentioning Christian denominations and Christian authors. He was promulgated by the co-rulers of the Roman Empire Konstantin Avgust and Litsiny-August. This is the first official document that testified to the right of Christians to freedom in the empire, but has not yet completed them, but only equaled with other religions. Probably this equality is declared by Edict and does not console the Christian apologists, because for them, only Christianity is a true religion. Below, we print the text of the Milan Edict in Ukrainian.
46
Hurley, Robert. "Ironie dramatique dans la mise en intrigue de l'empire en Romains 13, 1-7". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 35, nr 1 (marzec 2006): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980603500103.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Most attempts to explain Romans 13:1-7 proceed from the premise that Paul is speaking plainly and directly as he recommends that Christians adopt a respectful and obedient attitude towards those servants of god, the Roman authorities. Historically, Christians have read the passage as an endorsement of all governmental authority, a conclusion which appears repugnant to most exegetes in the wake of the Shoah and similar government-sponsored atrocities. While some authors explain the passage away by supposing it to be an interpolation, others maintain that it becomes understandable only if one takes into account a very particular set of historical circumstances. Given that elsewhere Paul clearly condemns the lords of the age and their magistrates—most notably for the crucifixion of Jesus and their corrupt practises—a reading of his recommendation in Romans 13 at face value produces insurmountable internal contradictions in the Pauline corpus. When this passage is approached with literary sensibilities, another interpretive option presents itself. The following article proposes an ironic reading of Romans 13:1-7 based on an analysis of a set of internal textual clues (suggested by the theoretical work of Wayne Booth) and supported by recent research into the relations between the nascent church and the oppressive Roman Principate.
47
Neil McLynn. "Pagans, Christians and Emperors in the Roman World". Journal of Classical Studies ll, nr 23 (grudzień 2008): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2008..23.241.
Pełny tekst źródła
48
Jones, J. Estill. "Book Review: Jews and Christians: Graeco-Roman Views". Review & Expositor 83, nr 4 (grudzień 1986): 654. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463738608300448.
Pełny tekst źródła
49
Millett, Martin. "Christians and Pagans in Roman Britain. By DorothyWatts". Archaeological Journal 149, nr 1 (styczeń 1992): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1992.11078021.
Pełny tekst źródła
50
Benko, Stephen. "The Christians and the Roman Empire. Marta Sordi". Journal of Religion 68, nr 1 (styczeń 1988): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/487722.
Pełny tekst źródła