Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Revolution of 1956”
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Green, A. Richard, Jeffrey K. Aronson i Peter M. Haddad. "Examining the ‘psychopharmacology revolution’ (1950–1980) through the advertising of psychoactive drugs in the British Medical Journal". Journal of Psychopharmacology 32, nr 10 (25.09.2018): 1056–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269881118796810.
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Background: Many modern pharmaceutical products were launched during 1950–1980, as reflected in advertisements in the British Medical Journal ( BMJ). One of the first therapeutic areas to benefit from novel effective medications was psychiatry. Methods: We examined BMJ advertising material between 1950 and 1980, including every other issue over six-month periods (October–March) in 1950/1951, 1955/1956, 1957/1958, 1960/1961, 1962/1963, 1965/1966, 1967/1968, 1970/1971, 1972/1973, 1975/1976, 1980/1981. We recorded numbers of adverts for all pharmaceutical products and for psychiatric drugs; we also recorded trade names, generic names and marketing company. Results: Advertising in BMJ peaked in the 1960s and declined markedly in the 1970s. Adverts for psychiatric drugs as a percentage of total pharmaceutical product advertising was broadly similar during 1955–1980, but with peaks in 1960/1961, 1970/1971 and 1975/1976, reflecting the entry of several novel compounds into the market. The peak marketing of antipsychotic drugs, sedatives and anxiolytic drugs was in 1960 and of antidepressants 1970. The time course of the rise of tricyclics and the switch from barbiturates to benzodiazepines can be seen. Drugs for psychiatry rose from ninth (1955/1956) to fourth (1975/1976) in terms of the number of products in the top 10 therapeutic areas. There is no evidence that they were advertised more aggressively (number of adverts/number of products). Conclusions: The birth of modern psychopharmacology is reflected in th e advertising of psychiatric drugs in BMJ. Many drugs currently used, or their closely related successors, were launched in the early to mid-1960s. This rise in modern pharmaceuticals preceded several other major therapeutic areas.
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Garver, John W. "Shi nian lunzhan, 1956–1966, Zhong Su guanxi huiyilu (Ten-Year War of Words, 1956–1966, a Memoir of Sino-Soviet Relations). By Wu Lengxi. [Beijing: Zhongyang wenxian chubanshe, 1999. Two volumes. 940 pp.]". China Quarterly 173 (marzec 2003): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903000111.
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This is the most detailed account to date of Chinese decision-making during the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations from 1956 to 1966. Wu Lengxi was head of Xinhua news agency from 1952 to 1966 and general editor of Renmin ribao from 1957 to the start of the Cultural Revolution.
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Albert, Zoltán Máté. "Short History of the so-called Kossuth Coat of Arms after 1956". Ephemeris Hungarologica 3, nr 2 (2023): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.53644/eh.2023.2.5.
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The so-called Kossuth coat of arms (together with the national flag with a hole in the middle) became the symbol of the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1956. Although the Soviet Union repressed the Hungarian Revolution on 4 November 1956, the Kossuth coat of arms remained the symbol of the state from late 1956 to early 1957. Moreover, a peculiar version of it (the second field of the coat of arms changed from red to blue) appeared. At the time of the fall of communism in Hungary, an important question was which version of the historical forms of the Hungarian coat of arms would become the state symbol. For the Hungarians, the Kossuth coat of arms is the symbol of the revolution, while the coat of arms with the Holy Crown of Hungary symbolizes the thousand- year-old statehood. The proclamation of the Republic of Hungary was on 23 October 1989 (on the 33rd anniversary of the Revolution of 1956) and the Kossuth coat of arms was also very popular. Finally, the ‘full form’ of the Hungarian coat of arms (with the crown) became official, expressing that the Holy Crown is a symbol of the Hungarian statehood, regardless of the form of government.
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Tunç, Bilal, i Orsolya Falus. "Relations Between Turkey and Hungary in the Democratic Party Period (1950–1960)". Politics in Central Europe 17, nr 2 (27.07.2021): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0015.
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Abstract The decennium historical process in Turkish political history between 1950 and 1960 is called the Democratic Party (DP) era. During this period, important issues took place in Turkish foreign policy. Our aim is to reveal the political, commercial and social relations between Turkey and Hungary in the light of archive documents within the scope of important events in Turkish foreign policy. The aim of this article is to emphasise how the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 affected the relations between the two countries and to prove with documents that Turkey supported Hungary during the revolution. This study has been created by benefiting from archive documents, national newspapers and copyrights from both target countries. The study also commemorates the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which erupted 65 years ago this year. Finally, this article entitled Relations between Turkey and Hungary during the Democratic Party Period (1950–1960) is a qualitative study prepared using the document analysis technique.
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Jancsák, Csaba. "Whose Association Is It?" Belvedere Meridionale 33, nr 4 (2021): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2021.4.5.
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MEFESZ (Association of University and College Students, AHUCS), which is considered to have been the spark of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, was founded at the University of Szeged on 16 October 1956. The acronym (MEFESZ) appeared three times in the Hungarian history of the second half of the 20th century (in 1945, 1948, and 1956), and all three of them were youth and education organisations. The few years of the existence of each ‘MEFESZ’ has many lessons to teach. The three organisations, abbreviated identically but different in long forms of their names, each had different objectives and roles. In this paper, we show that the 1956 AHUCS (the third MEFESZ) was not a successor to either of the earlier organisations: the first MEFESZ of the period of the “tentative democracy” (1945–1948) and the second MEFESZ (in the first period of the communist dictatorship, 1948–1950). The precursor of the 1956 revolution (MEFESZ3 , AHUCS) was a new grassroots initiative, grounded in democratic principles in its aims, programs, and missions. The 1956 AHUCS organisation was not an umbrella organisation of student associations like the first MEFESZ organisation. The founders of the 1956 AHUCS were deliberate in not seeking to become the sole, unified organisation of university youth (like MEFESZ).
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Glaberman, Martin, Sandor Kopacsi i Janos Berecz. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956". Labour / Le Travail 24 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143256.
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Tae Soo Chung. "The Hungarian Cinema After the 1956 Revolution, 1956∼1967". Film Studies ll, nr 68 (czerwiec 2016): 187–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.17947/kfa..68.201606.007.
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Valuch, Tibor. "Following the Life Stories of Participants in the 1956 Hungarian Revolution". Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (11.10.2016): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.253.
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To date, analyses of the 1956 Revolution have devoted little attention to examining the events pertaining to this period from the aspect of social history. In this study Valuch explores the life stories of those who participated in these events from six decades ago in an attempt to introduce the most important characteristics determining various life phases from before and after the revolution. Based upon life interviews conducted during the 1990s with former 1956 participants living mainly in the city of Debrecen and its surrounding Hajdú-Bihar County, Valuch’s examination outlines those experiences determining their socialization, including family background, political attitudes predating the revolution and political activity conducted during 1956. His focus will then turn to the issue of how these individuals experienced the period of retribution following the revolution as well as attempts by the Kádár regime to marginalize participants in the 1956 Revolution. What general effect did collaboration with the revolutionary movement have on life during the Kádár regime and the political attitudes held by these individuals? In the final section, factors characterizing life stories from the 1956 period will be analyzed.
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Kunt, Gergely. "The Collaborative Illustrated Diaries of Two Preadolescent Boys During the 1956 Revolution." Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (11.10.2016): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.252.
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In this paper, Gergely Kunt analyzes the collaborative diary writing of two preadolescent boys from the period of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, during which they decided to act as reporters and writers to create their own chronicles of the events transpiring between October 1956 and March 1957. Twelve-year-old Gyula Csics and thirteen-year-old János Kovács were close friends and neighbors in a tenement house in Budapest, which resulted in their collaborate project of writing and illustrating their own diaries in an attempt to record the events of the Hungarian Revolution. During this collaborative project, they would read and copy each other’s diaries, which primarily focused on public events, rather than the preadolescents’ private lives. In addition to their handwritten entries, the two boys illustrated their diaries with drawings that depicted street fights or damaged buildings, as well as newspaper clippings and pamphlets, which they had collected during and after the Revolution.
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Szegedy-Maszák, Mihály. "Hungarian Writers in the 1956 Revolution". Hungarian Studies 20, nr 1 (czerwiec 2006): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/hstud.20.2006.1.7.
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Mosher, John. "Explosion: The Hungarian Revolution of 1956". History: Reviews of New Books 36, nr 1 (wrzesień 2007): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2007.10527130.
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Cox, Terry. "Reconsidering the Hungarian revolution of 1956". Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 13, nr 2 (czerwiec 1997): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279708415341.
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Jaeckel, N. K. "Litvan, Ed., The Hungarian Revolution Of 1956 - Reform, Revolt, And Repression, 1953-1963". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 22, nr 2 (1.09.1997): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.22.2.105.
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Hungarian historians have seized the moment that the collapse of Communism offered them--to tell the "first authentic" history of the 1956 Revolution as experienced by its participants. A largely primary resource resulted from reliance on eyewitness and participant accounts as well as previously unavailable classified documents. The exceptions consist of the first chapter, written expressly for this English translation describing the post-war period that culminated in the Revolution, and an Afterward that ties everything together.
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Pastor, Peter. "The American Reception and Settlement of Hungarian Refugees in 1956–1957". Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (11.10.2016): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.255.
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In the wake of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, close to two hundred thousand Hungarians crossed into Austria. About thirty thousand of these refugees were allowed to enter the United States. Their common experience of living under totalitarian communism and participating or being a witness to the exhilarating thirteen days of the revolution and their sudden, previously unplanned, departure from the homeland gave them a collective identity that was different from the one shared by the people of previous waves of Hungarian influx to the United States. The high educational level of the refugees attained before and after their arrival made their absorption into the mainstream relatively easy. The integration process was facilitated by the shaping of a positive image of the 1956 refugees by the US government and the media. The reestablishment of the communist system in post-1956 Hungary contributed to the perception that, for the refugees in the United States, there was no hope for return to the homeland. This assumption strengthened the attitudes of those who wished to embrace the American melting pot model. Many of the 1956-ers in the United Sates, however, were also comfortable with the notion of ethnic pride and believed in the shaping of a dual national identity.
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Chang, Eileen. "Chinese Translation: A Vehicle of Cultural Influence". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 130, nr 2 (marzec 2015): 488–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2015.130.2.488.
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Translation played a central role in the life of Eileen Chang (Zhang Ailing, 1920-95). One of the most iconic figures in twentieth-century Chinese literature, Chang also wrote extensively in English throughout her career, which began in the early 1940s in Japanese-occupied Shanghai. She achieved fame quickly but fell into obscurity after the war ended in 1945. Chang stayed in Shanghai through the 1949 Communist revolution and in 1952 moved to Hong Kong, where she worked as a freelance translator and writer for the United States Information Service and wrote two anti-Communist novels in English and Chinese, The Rice-Sprout Song (1955) and Naked Earth (1956).
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Eckert, Rainer. "Revolution und Prager Frühling". Das Historisch-Politische Buch 66, nr 3 (1.09.2018): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.66.3.426.
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Hannes Lachmann: Die „Ungarische Revolution“ und der „Prager Frühling“. Eine Verflechtungsgeschichte zweier Reformbewegungen zwischen 1956 und 1968Martin Schulze Wessel: Der Prager Frühling. Aufbruch in eine neue Welt
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Warmuz, Daniel. "Węgierski Październik ’56 oczami dziecka. Trzy (warianty) lektury". Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka, nr 29 (1.03.2017): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsl.2016.29.11.
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The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate three possible methods of reading and interpreting three consequent literary works on the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 that describe the events from a perspective of an adolescent boy. The mentioned works are the following: The Radiance of Childhood (Gyermekkor tündoklete) by Istvan Kovacs, Hungarian Revolution 1956: Diary (Magyar Forradalom 1956. Naplo) by Gyula Csics and Kalef by Zsolt Berta. The first demonstrated approach provides a documentary-like look on the October 1956 that is given by dint of (auto)biographical elements or diaristic form. The second method ensures much closer analysis of the Hungarian history across time (before, during and after the Revolution) and space (Hungarian country and Budapest). The third approach targets the aspects of initiation into adulthood, masculinity and Hungarian history of the 20th century that allows to read the three stories as a novels of initiation.
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Jobbitt, Steven. "Hungarian Martyrs, Refugees, and the Politics of Anticommunism in Salazar’s Portugal, 1956–1957". Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (11.10.2016): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.263.
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This article summarizes the findings of Jobbitt’s early research into the experiences of Hungarian migrants in Portugal after World War II, and the way in which the Hungarian Revolution and its suppression in 1956 was politicized by Prime Minister António de Oliveira Salazar’s Estado Novo [‘New State’]. Recognizing the propagandistic value of the 1956 Revolution and the refugee crisis that it created, the Salazar government celebrated Hungary’s freedom fighters as martyrs while simultaneously painting an idealized and simplistic picture of an honorable Christian nation locked in a fundamentally moral struggle against the civilizational threat posed by Soviet barbarism and communist terror. However, in attempting to align its own political and ideological message with the actions of Hungary’s revolutionaries and the suffering of its refugees, the Salazar regime ran the very real risk of highlighting the numerous contradictions, shortcomings, and injustices that defined the Estado Novo. Ultimately the Salazar regime’s propagandistic support of the Revolution betrayed the hypocrisy of an authoritarian, clerico-fascist state, one that was not only unwilling to accept Hungarian refugees on a long-term basis, but also guilty of suppressing its own people and its non-European colonial subjects.
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Partos, Gabriel. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: reform, revolt and repression, 1953–63". International Affairs 73, nr 1 (styczeń 1997): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623584.
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Mellis, Johanna. "From Defectors to Cooperators: The Impact of 1956 on Athletes, Sport Leaders and Sport Policy in Socialist Hungary". Contemporary European History 29, nr 1 (12.11.2019): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000183.
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AbstractThis article examines three case studies between 1951 and 1960 to illustrate how the 1956 Revolution and mass defection of Hungarian Olympic athletes following the Melbourne Games impacted the relations between Hungarian sport leaders and athletes. While sport leaders recognised the need to soften their policies towards athletes, athletes learned that socialist Hungary, and not the capitalist West, oftentimes offered them the best opportunities for their sport career and desired lifestyle. These changes shaped the emerging politics of cooperation in the post-1956 Hungarian sport community, in which cooperative members of both groups could achieve their respective diplomatic, career and lifestyle goals.
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Gibson, Melissa Dana. "1979 and All That: Periodization in Postwar British Theatre History". Theatre Survey 47, nr 1 (13.04.2006): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557406000044.
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Until recently, postwar British theatre history was shaped and bounded by a very stable periodization that located its origin in the premiere of John Osborne's Look Back in Anger at the Royal Court Theatre on 8 May 1956. As the story goes, the new kind of theatre ushered in by the Revolution of 1956 at the Royal Court grew more politicized with a second revolution, the birth of the alternative, or Fringe, theatre in 1968. Ultimately that revolutionary fervor was crushed by the conservative cultural and economic policies of Margaret Thatcher, who was elected prime minister in 1979. Contained within this history are many elements not directly related to the 1956|1968|1979 period markers; however this revolution model and its tripartite division of the era affected the conceptualization and positioning of all events within postwar theatre history.
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Somogyvári, Lajos. "Violence in the Education: The Post-Revolutionary Situation in Hungary (1956-1957)". F1000Research 12 (28.09.2023): 1244. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.140928.1.
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Background: The author attempts to introduce an unusual approach towards schools, universities, and dormitories, including their users (professors, teachers, parents, and students): How can the educational issues be seen through the lenses of special police forces in a specific historical moment? After the 1956 Hungarian revolution, a brutal pacification process took place all over the country, supported by the Soviet troops and special armed forces, police battalions of the restarting communist power. Methods: In this historical study, I used mainly military archive documents to show the perspective of the communist restauration and confront their viewpoints with party reports and some oral histories by eyewitnesses, who suffered several injuries during the repression. The paper is based on narrative analysis, as the official explanation presented various stories to justify their actions, while the reality in the background might be very different from this. Results: Between November 1956 and May 1957, these soldiers or officers became a familiar image in educational institutions. They blamed teachers and professors for misleading their students and thus creating a narrative of the counter-revolution of October 1956, while they identified themselves as parents or teachers (instead of the real ones, who lost their rights to do this, due to the participation in the revolution). Conversely, physical and verbal aggression was a widespread routine of the army officers. Conclusions: In extraordinary situations, during historical crises violence became suddenly real, allowed, and/or supported by many political actors to achieve their goals. After the consolidation of power, these special army and police forces were released and their activities were stopped by the authorities of the Ministry of National Defence because their presence was realized as an uncomfortable situation for the politicians. Such studies may give lessons us to learn, about how these scenes escalate into a point of no return.
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Antypova, Olena. "The 1956 Hungarian Revolution Echoes in Poland". Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, nr 30 (1.11.2021): 342–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.342.
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The article highlights the reaction of Polish society and government to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. It is emphasized that the history of Poland and Hungary was closely intertwined in 1956 and reflected in the course of political events of that time. Poznan workers' uprising in June 1956 caused a great resonance in Hungary and the Hungarian authorities intended to use the events in Poznan as a pretext for resolving the political crisis in Hungary. Hungarian protesters, expressing solidarity with the Polish people and supporting change in Poland, demanded a "Hungarian path to socialism". The Hungarian revolution, which had a bloody and tragic character, had a lively response in Polish society. The activity of Polish information publications and the ways in which information about the Hungarian revolution reached Poland are described. It is emphasized that the speeches and publications of journalists had a significant impact on the attitude of Polish society to the Hungarian Revolution. The activity of the new Polish government in search of like-minded people and allies among the countries of "people's democracy" is analyzed. It is noted that the Polish leader V. Gomulka, proclaiming the "Polish road to socialism", took into account the analogies and similarities between the events and changes that took place in Poland and Hungary. The Polish authorities realised the catastrophe from which their country and the party, which managed to resolve the socio-political crisis in a bloodless way, escaped. Gomulka was convinced that only by resolving the Polish-Soviet problems it was possible to avoid a repeat of Poznan and Budapest. The process of providing humanitarian aid to Hungary by Poland is analyzed. It is noted that the greatest assistance to the Hungarians during the revolution was provided by Poland. The position of the radio station "Free Europe" and the editorial board of "Voice of Free Poland" is revealed. It is noted that the RWE editorial board felt responsible for the accuracy of the information provided, and deeply understood the impact of its broadcasts on the mood of Polish society. It is emphasized that the events of 1956 in Poland and Hungary marked the beginning of the collapse of pro-Soviet totalitarian regimes in Europe
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Békés, Csaba. "The 1956 Hungarian Revolution and the Superpowers". Hungarian Studies 17, nr 1 (sierpień 2003): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/hstud.17.2003.1.5.
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Cable, James. "Britain and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956". International Relations 9, nr 4 (październik 1988): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788800900404.
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VARADI, Natalia. "THE HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION OF 1956 IN THE KGB DOCUMENTS: THE CASE OF TWO ARCHIVES". Contemporary era 10 (2022): 170–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-170-184.
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The article deals with the general analysis of documents on the history of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which are in the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine and the State Archive of Transcarpathian Oblast. It is the first attempt to show the documents about the deportation of Hungarian citizens to the Soviet Union and to present the reactions of the local Transcarpathian Hungarian nation to the events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, and it also highlights the actions of the authorities that were aimed at the purposeful total ideological control and thus influenced the formation of the general public’s opinion about the surrounding events. The main aim of the study is to show the deportations of the Hungarian revolutionists to the Soviet Union in 1956 through archival documents and to introduce the political leaflet distributor groups in Transcarpathia, which were formed during the Hungarian war of independence in 1956. There are archival documents containing different data about the behavior of the Hungarian population in Transcarpathia related to the Hungarian events. The documents also provide information about the punishments that concerned the Hungarian groups engaged in politics. These documents reveal that the political general headquarters in Uzhhorod had been operating for a long time after Hungary was invaded by the command of Moscow. It is possible to argue that the process of exploring the sources relating to the retaliation after the revolution of 1956 has not been finished yet, there are still hundreds of archival documents, mainly in Ukraine and in the former Soviet Union Archives, which still need to be explored. However, besides getting to know the real facts of the history of the Revolution in 1956, it is important to perceive that, despite the oppression, there were people in Transcarpathia too, who dared to be brave, to believe, and protest. And there were ones who paid with their lives for justice. Because of participating in the revolution, many people were arrested, sentenced, imprisoned, deported, and executed. Their truth and role should be clarified.
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Vidnyanskyj, Stepan. "The 1956 Hungarian Revolution in Ukrainian Historiography and Memoirs". Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, nr 26 (27.11.2017): 455–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.455.
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The article deals with Ukrainian historians’ scholarly contributions to investigate the events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, as well as the reflection of these historical and at the same time tragic events in memoir literature. The influence on the Ukrainian historical science of a new stage in the development of Hungarian and Russian historiographies of the 1956 October Revolution, which began in the late 1980s and early 1990s, is noted. Among the studies of domestic historians, the author highlights the monographs of I.Korol’, V.Luschaj and R.Pyliavets’, publications about echoes of the 1956 Hungarian events in Transcarpathia, as well as memoirs of the Ukrainian public-political and cultural figure, dissident and human rights activist L.Taniuk.
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DYE, ALAN, i RICHARD SICOTTE. "The U.S. Sugar Program and the Cuban Revolution". Journal of Economic History 64, nr 3 (wrzesień 2004): 673–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002931.
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This article argues that one contributing factor to the Cuban Revolution of 1959 was the 1956 revision of U.S. sugar quotas. Its significance has been overlooked because its real economic impact was programmed to occur after 1959. Combining a statistical simulation and an event study of sugar companies' rates of return on equity, we show that the revision had adverse long-run consequences for sugar exports, and that forward-looking investors anticipated them and incorporated them into their valuation of sugar-company stocks after 1953. Further evidence shows that the Batista regime and prominent insurgents understood the vital nature of Cuba's sugar import quota.
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Galambos, István. "Reflections on the Revolutionary Activities of László Iván Kovács". Ephemeris Hungarologica 2, nr 2 (2022): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.53644/eh.2022.2.59.
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László Iván Kovács, commander of Corvin passage between 25th of October of 1956 and 1st of November and then second-in-command until 4th of November, was one of the legendary figures of the Hungarian revolution of 1956. He proved to be an able commander, who did not forget humanity even while fighting. He transferred wounded Soviet soldiers to the Soviet Headquarters. He forbade arbitrary punishment even against suspected of being members of the ÁVH.2 He wanted to preserve the purity of the revolution. He consistently stood up for the independence of Hungary, for a multiparty political system, for free elections and for the removal of Soviet troops he was willing to accept the government of Imre Nagy until the next elections. László Iván Kovács’s activities after the 4th of November were perhaps as significant during the revolution of 1956. During the revolution, he planned to rescue the Minister of Defence, Pál Maléter. László Iván Kovács founded the Turul party. He planned to establish a new revolutionary national army. He embraced the idea of Hungary as a democracy based on an independent and multi-party political system. These ideas weighed as heavily in the eyes of his interrogators and judges as his armed activities during the revolution. He set an example both during and after the struggle. His execution made him a martyr of the revolution.
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Sisto, Michele. "Una rivoluzione simbolica nel campo letterario italiano. Il carteggio fra Cesare Cases e György Lukács (1953-1958)". L'ospite ingrato 15, nr I (18.07.2024): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/oi-16362.
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The correspondence between Cesare Cases and György Lukács includes around 160 letters written between 1953 and 1970. This essay focuses on the first period (1953-1958) and in particular on Cases’ attempt to bring about a change in the orientation of literary criticism and, consequently, of literary production in Italy, by translating some of Lukács’ key texts and adopting his peculiar critical method. In the letters, the “apprentice” and the “master” thoroughly discuss Cases’ position-takings in three main areas: 1) general theory of literature (along the model of Lukács book Il marxismo e la critica letteraria, 1953), 2) literary historiography (along the model of Breve storia della letteratura tedesca, 1956) and 3) militant criticism (along the model of Il significato attuale del realismo critico, 1957). By advocating Lukács’ Marxist aesthetics against the competing aesthetics of Croce, the Italian Communist Party, the existentialists, the phenomenologists, etc., Cases attempts what Pierre Bourdieu calls a “symbolic revolution” within the Italian literary field.
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Bykova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna, i Anna Olegovna Gridneva. "The Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and its impact upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations". Конфликтология / nota bene, nr 1 (styczeń 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.1.34784.
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This article is dedicated to the process of normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations, which took place on the background of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The goal consists in identification of causes for the absence of strong negative influence of the Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian events upon the relations between the Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using the analysis of a wide array of sources and systematic consideration of the international situation that formed in 1956, the authors characterize the dynamics and vector of Yugoslav-Soviet relations during this period, determine the degree of impact of the Yugoslav factor in all its manifestations upon the development of Hungarian events, as well as trace the influence of the Hungarian Revolution upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the analysis of direct and indirect participation of Yugoslavia in the conflict, which has been traditionally regarded as the conflict between the Soviet Union and Hungary alone. The conclusion is made that in 1956, the Soviet Union sought to unite the socialist countries on the background of tense foreign policy situation, trying to overcome the consequences of the conflict of 1948 and “attach” Yugoslavia to the bloc. Despite the fact that such intentions were jeopardized by the events of 1956 due to a range of controversial steps taken by Belgrade, Moscow did not immediately turn to public criticism of the Yugoslavs, as the mutual cooperation between the two countries was rather advantageous that the return to the situation of 1948 – 1953.
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Peterson, Richard A. "Why 1955? Explaining the advent of rock music". Popular Music 9, nr 1 (styczeń 1990): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000003767.
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At the time, 1929, 1939, 1945 and 1968 all seemed important turning points in the track of our civilisation. By contrast, as anyone alive at the time will attest, 1955 seemed like an unexceptional year in the United States at least. Right in the middle of the ‘middle-of-the-road’ years of the Eisenhower presidency, 1955 hardly seemed like the year for a major aesthetic revolution. Yet it was in the brief span between 1954 and 1956 that the rock aesthetic displaced the jazz-based aesthetic in American popular music. Frank Sinatra, Tommy Dorsey, Patty Page, Perry Como, Nat King Cole, Tony Bennett, Kay Starr, Les Paul, Eddie Fisher, Jo Stafford, Frankie Lane, Johnnie Ray and Doris Day gave way on the popular music charts to Elvis Presley, Chuck Berry, The Platters, Bill Haley, Buddy Holly, Little Richard, Carl Perkins and the growing legion of rockers.
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Matiash, Iryna. "Ukrainian Archival Sources on the History of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution". Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, nr 26 (27.11.2017): 465–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.465.
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The article deals with the general analysis of documents on the history of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which are kept in the Central State Archive of Public Associations of Ukraine and in the Sectoral State Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. The author investigates the sources that reflect the public mood and reaction of the Ukrainian SSR’ citizens to the events in Hungary, and also cover the authorities’ actions aimed at the purposeful ideological influence on formation of the general public’s opinion on the 1956 Hungarian Revolution.
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Némethy, Judith Kesserű. "Impact of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution in Argentina". Hungarian Cultural Studies 1 (1.01.2008): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2008.9.
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The outbreak of the Hungarian revolution in 1956 brought forth solidarity movements fromHungarian émigrés all over the world. In Argentina, the response was overwhelming. Hungarianémigré organizations formed a "Comité de Ayuda pro Hungría Libre" (Aid Committee for a FreeHungary), coordinating the strategies and actions aimed at providing moral and material supportfor the revolution. Supplementing and aiding these actions were those of the Argentinegovernment and population at large. The government named a special commission for refugees;and there was a tremendous outpour of sympathy and material support for Hungarians amongArgentines, with major press coverage for months to come. Of special importance is the literaryand press output following the revolution. These actions provoked fear and rejection from theEmbassy of the People's Republic of Hungary, and it accused the Argentine government of openlysiding with the émigrés. Upon the Hungarian Foreign Ministry's instructions, the Embassystrongly intensified the espionage on the émigré institutions and its prominent members for years.Relations between émigré organizations and the Hungarian Government remained nonexistent orstrained until the lifting of the Iron Curtain in 1990.
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Denis, Andy. "The revolution that did not happen: Terence Hutchison on the political economy of Jeremy Bentham". Cambridge Journal of Economics 45, nr 4 (17.05.2021): 771–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/beab009.
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Abstract The three-volume edition of Jeremy Bentham’s Economic Writings, edited by Werner Stark, was published between 1952 and 1954, and reviewed by Terence Hutchison in the Economic Journal in 1956. Based on the Stark edition, Hutchison argued that there had been a dramatic shift in Bentham’s views and policy recommendations between his earlier and later writings on political economy. With the benefit of a new, five-volume edition of Bentham’s Writings on Political Economy, edited by Michael Quinn, it can now be seen that the revolution in Bentham’s views on political economy proposed by Hutchison did not take place. On the contrary, an examination of Bentham’s treatment of fiscal and monetary policy in his principal general works on political economy, the Manual of Political Economy and the Institute of Political Economy, show a remarkable consistency, both in policy recommendations, and in the body of economic analysis in which they were based.
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Nyyssönen, Heino. "Time, Political Analogies and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution". KronoScope 6, nr 1 (2006): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852406777505237.
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AbstractThe paper focuses on one of the most debated events in Cold War Europe, the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, and how its memory has influenced Hungarian political thought. We follow the discussion until mid-1990s and study memory and analogy in politics. We examine analogy on the basis of the theory of new rhetoric and with the help of Reinhart Koselleck's writings. In new rhetoric, analogy is not an equality of two relations but belongs to associative strategies of argumentation. These strategies add together separate elements and construct arguments, which either increase of decrease the possibility of accepting the argument.For my approach I have separated two kinds of analogies: those, which contemporary political actors have made during the great moments of history, and those analogies found afterwards by different political actors. Finally, we discuss the temporal nature of the analogy itself. Although analogies depend on audiences, weak analogies also reveal a lack of political skills.The analogy of 1848 has been the most common in Hungary, but also other years, like 1919 and 1945, have been used in political argumentation. There is evidence, for example, of how Communists compared 1956 to 1919 to legitimize their political actions.
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Bekes, Csaba. "The 1956 Hungarian revolution and the great powers". Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 13, nr 2 (czerwiec 1997): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279708415344.
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Gyáni, Gábor. "Memory and discourse on the 1956 Hungarian revolution". Europe-Asia Studies 58, nr 8 (grudzień 2006): 1199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130600995731.
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Dreisziger, Nador F. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: The Legacy of the Refugees". Nationalities Papers 13, nr 2 (1985): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998508408022.
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The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 exerted a deep influence on the international communist movement and greatly affected the political and economic outlook in Hungary. A less well-known legacy of the uprising is what may be called the refugee experience, a momentous chapter in the history of human migration and resettlement. An examination of this experience reveals that the appearance of the Hungarian refugees in Western Europe and the New World greatly changed the development of Hungarian ethnic communities already in existence there, and that the refugees’ presence in the West continues to have lasting influence on relations between Hungary and the West.In the past, Hungary has been both a source of refugees and a refuge for them. Many times in her history has she offered refuge to persecuted minorities and fugitives driven out of their own countries by war or other calamities. She has also sent her own refugees to the four corners of the world, after such events as the Rákóczi Uprising of the early eighteenth century, the War of Independece of 1848-49, the revolutions of 1918-19, and the Second World War.
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Sárközy, Réka. "Diverging memory. Memory tradition of the 1956 Hungarian revolution". Soudobé dějiny 27, nr 2 (20.12.2020): 325–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.51134/sod.2020.017.
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Wagner, Jeffrey Charles. "A Hungarian Musician’s Memoir of Suffering, Survival, and Fate". Hungarian Cultural Studies 16 (6.09.2023): 224–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2023.501.
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Finding an aging manuscript written by a beloved teacher and musician, George Bánhalmi (1926–1935), led the author to investigate Bánhalmi’s detainment, as a Jew, in forced labor in Hungary during World War II, which was the focus of the manuscript. The author’s narrative in this article touches also on some of Bánhalmi’s accomplishments in life after surviving his time of forced labor: graduating with honors from Budapest’s famed Franz Liszt Academy; winning a top prize in the piano category in the 1956 Queen Elisabeth [of Belgium] Competition; concertizing in Eastern Europe and the United States; composing numerous musical works; and, and after settling in the United States in the wake of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, teaching several generations of young people, including the author. jeffwagner@aol.com
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Andreev, Alexandr Alexeevich, i Anton Ostroushko. "Russian surgeon and public figure, Academician Nikolai Nikolaevich BLOKHIN (to the 105th anniversary of birthday)". Vestnik of Experimental and Clinical Surgery 10, nr 1 (8.08.2017): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18499/2070-478x-2017-10-1-87.
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N. Blokhin was born in 1912 in the town of Lukoyanov in the Nizhny Novgorod region now. In 1934 he graduated from the Gorky medical Institute. From 1934 to 1937 – postgraduate, 1937 assistant Professor of the Gorky medical Institute. From 1941 to 1946 – the leading surgeon of evacuation hospitals. From 1946 to 1947, head of the clinic of the Gorky research Institute of reconstructive surgery, traumatology and orthopedics. From 1948 to 1951, Director of the Institute of reconstructive surgery, traumatology and orthopedics, Ministry of health of the RSFSR, and then from 1951 to 1952 – Director of the Gorky medical Institute. S. M. Kirov. At the same time from 1948 to 1950 – Professor, Department of surgery, University hospital and from 1950 to 1951 – head of the Department of General surgery of the Gorky medical Institute. S. M. Kirov. Since 1952 Director of the Institute of experimental pathology and therapy of the USSR Academy of medical Sciences. In 1953 N. N. Blokhin was elected a corresponding member, and in 1960 a full member, 1960-1968 from 1977 to 1987 and was the President of the USSR AMS. In 1966 N. N. Blokhin was elected President, since 1970, former President, since 1974 – life member of the Council of the International anticancer Union. Since 1975, academician N. N. Blokhin was Director of the all-Union oncological scientific center, Academy of medical Sciences of the USSR (now the Russian oncological scientific center named. N. N. Blokhin of the RAMS). In 1979 he was elected academician of the USSR. From March 1988 — honorary Director of the Russian oncological scientific center, Academy of medical Sciences of the USSR, since 1991 — the adviser of the Presidium of the USSR AMS. He died on 16 may 1993 in Moscow.
Blokhin – President of RAMS, academician of (1960) and the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (1979), RAS (1991), Honored scientist of the RSFSR (1975), Chairman of the Committee on international Lenin prize, President of the society "USSR – USA", honorary member of several foreign academies of Sciences and scientific societies, honorary citizen of the city of Gorky (1983), and Texas (1970), Hero of Socialist labor (1972), laureate of the State prize of the USSR (1982) and the prize of the Presidium of the Academy of medical Sciences of the USSR (1956), awarded with orders of red Star (1942), the Lenin (1961, 1962, 1972, 1982), the red banner of Labour (1969), the October revolution (1987), was a Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the seven convocations, a delegate to three congresses of the CPSU. Academician N. N. Blokhin is the author of over 300 scientific papers and several monographs. Under his leadership, has trained more than 60 doctors and candidates of Sciences.
The name of academician N. N. Rated Blokhin Russian cancer research center RAMS (1993), Diveevsky district Central hospital. A memorial plaque with his name was set on the buildings of the Nizhny Novgorod state medical Academy and Nizhny Novgorod scientific research Institute of traumatology and orthopedics.
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Balázs, Eszter, i Phil Casoar. "An emblematic picture of the Hungarian 1956 Revolution: Photojournalism during the Hungarian Revolution". Europe-Asia Studies 58, nr 8 (grudzień 2006): 1241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130600995822.
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Vasile, Cristian. "The Impact of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution on Institutional Censorship in Communist Romania". Caietele Echinox 39 (1.12.2020): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cechinox.2020.39.07.
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"The aim of this article is to tackle the evolution of the censorship mechanisms in communist Romania under the impact of the 1956 Hungarian revolution, mainly by examining documents issued by the institutional censorship (DGPT). It attempts to give an accurate picture of the Romanian-Hungarian cultural-political relations mainly after October-November 1956 by analyzing the exchange of publications between Romania and Hungary, the regulations that stipulated the import of books, the subscriptions to periodicals, the press, as well as the dynamics of the circulation of ideas between the two countries, especially between the intellectual milieus, preeminently around 1956."
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Moise, Edwin E. "Recent Accounts of the Vietnam War—A Review Article". Journal of Asian Studies 44, nr 2 (luty 1985): 343–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055928.
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AbstractsThe Public Broadcasting Service series Vietnam: A Television History is generally sound, and commendably willing to present opinions and judgments on controversial issues.Stanley Karnow's Vietnam: A History presents important new information but gives inadequate attention to some fundamental issues; James Harrison's The Endless War contains less original material but deals better with fundamental issues, including the nature and sources of Communist strength in Vietnam.R. B. Smith, Revolution versus Containment, 1955–1961, volume 1 of An International History of the Vietnam War, tries to cover too much in a short book. Some of the conclusions are not adequately proven.Ronald Spector's Advice and Support: The Early Years, 1941–1960 (the first volume of the United States Army's official history of the Vietnam War) is useful, especially for the periods 1944–1945 and 1956–1960. It slightly exaggerates the speed with which Communist guerrilla warfare developed in South Vietnam between 1957 and 1960.
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Csonta, Istvan. "Hungarian Refugee Students in Belgium after the Revolution of 1956: The Leuven Case". Exile History Review, nr 1 (15.11.2022): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/ehr.14615.
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Students played a prominent role in the Hungarian revolution of 1956 and after its bloody suppression, many of them emigrated to the West from November of the same year to save their lives. This article presents the fate of a small Hungarian refugee community of the 1956 revolution, focusing especially on those students who arrived in Leuven, Belgium. Since the Catholic University of Leuven gave an outstanding opportunity to those refugee students who intended to pursue their already started studies in Belgium, it is not a coincidence that many have chosen Leuven deliberately. The present article discloses the different institutes and prominent persons who contributed considerably to the success of the refugee students.
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Baráth, Magdolna. "János Kádár’s Government and the Refugees of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956". Exile History Review, nr 1 (15.11.2022): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/ehr.14613.
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During and following the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, approximately 200,000 people fled the country, the majority of them to Austria and others to Yugoslavia. After the suppression of the Revolution, the Hungarian authorities targeted the refugees with two simultaneous measures: on the one hand, they sought to persuade those who were willing and those whom the official propaganda considered as “misguided” to repatriate; and on the other hand, the said authorities did everything in their power to compromise “hostile” emigrant circles and persons, thereby weakening their influence among the refugees. In order to encourage and facilitate the repatriation, Hungary proclaimed amnesty and established a Hungarian–Yugoslav joint committee as well as a repatriation office in Vienna; however, the widespread repatriation propaganda of the Hungarian government was largely unsuccessful. Moreover, those returning after 31 March 1957 were meticulously screened and many repatriation requests were rejected, mostly for fear that Western intelligence might have planted spies among the applicants and repatriates. Initially, Hungarian leaders regarded the emigration of 1956 as a threat for fear that Western propaganda might use the migrants to influence Western public opinion and the foreign policy of other governments towards Hungary; they only changed their stance in the summer of 1958, when the Political Committee of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party established a commission in charge of emigration affairs, which was to pay particular attention to financially supporting the repatriation of certain categories of 1956 emigrants. In 1960, “consular passports” were introduced to enable the relatives of “dissidents” to go abroad for family visits, and under certain conditions, “dissidents” were also allowed to visit Hungary. In 1963, the Hungarian repatriation policy reached a turning point with János Kádár’s proclamation of a general amnesty. From that period onward, maintaining relations with Hungarian emigration became an integral part of government policy, and the political system made concessions with regard to the perception and treatment of emigration circles, which were also showing signs of division.
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Szabari, Vera. "The Reorganization of Hungarian Sociology after the 1956 Revolution". Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Social Analysis 13, nr 1 (1.10.2023): 98–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/aussoc-2023-0007.
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Abstract The history of Hungarian sociology in the state-socialist period can certainly be described in terms of a general Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) historical model, the most important feature of which is the undivided power of the Communist Party. Under such conditions, the Soviet Union and local political power holders had a direct influence on the institutionalization and functioning of sciences, including sociology. The study contributes to understanding the social impact of the 1956 revolution, particularly its crushing effect on the development of Hungarian sociology in relation to the general model. Firstly, the early development of sociology in the Soviet Union and most state-socialist countries in the 1950s was blocked in Hungary by the 1956 revolution. The trauma of the 1956 revolution made all groups of society, including the intelligentsia, realize that the system could not be changed in the long term. At the same time, it made it clear to the political authorities that the system could not be maintained in the long run with methods of the past. As a result, Kádár’s consolidation relied heavily on a compromising intelligentsia, needed for its expertise (in this case, modern sociological expertise) and legitimizing the system. Consequently, sociology in Hungary started developing and became institutionalized in the early 1960s. In this situation, sociology represented both a critical point of view opposing the system and, at the same time, a tool of its – covert or overt – legitimation.
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Kerkhof, Jasper van der. "Indonesianisasi of Dutch economic interests, 1930-1960 : The case of Internatio". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 161, nr 2 (2009): 181–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003707.
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This article looks in detail into the process of indonesianisasi at Internatio, a major Dutch trading firm in Indonesia. I draw on Dutch archival records and the voluminous Dutch and international literature on the changing environment for Dutch private business in Indonesia in the 1950s. Internatio’s case is particularly instructive for the following reasons: – Internatio was a leading trading firm in Indonesia and regarded as a ‘trendsetter’ among the so-called ‘Big Five’, the leading Dutch import houses in the archipelago. – Successive Indonesian cabinets considered import trade crucial in the process of indonesianisasi, and for this reason the sector was targeted for policies aimed at wresting control from Dutch firms and encouraging the development of indigenous ones. – Internatio had a pivotal role in the Indonesian economy due to its extensive interests, not only in import trade but also in exports, estates, manufacturing, shipping, and insurance. The article is chronologically structured, distinguishing five periods: depression and diversification (1930-1940); the end of Dutch supremacy (1940-1945); revolution and rehabilitation (1945-1950); adjusting to new realities (1950- 1956); confrontation and nationalization (1956-1960).
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Sardica, José Miguel. "Political Readings of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution in Portugal". Hungarian Historical Review 10, nr 4 (2021): 768–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2021.4.768.
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The 1956 Hungarian revolution had a resonant echo in Western Europe, gaining large attention and media coverage. This article explores how the small, peripheral Atlantic country of Portugal, on the other side of the European continent (Lisbon lies more than 3,000 kilometers from Budapest), which was under the rightwing conservative dictatorship of António de Oliveira Salazar’s New State at the time, became interested in the Hungarian events, allowing them to be written about in the most influential newspapers. The article begins with a discussion of the basic context of the Hungarian revolution of 1956 and of the Portuguese political context in the mid-1950s (the Salazarist regime and the bulk of the oppositional forces) and then offers an analysis of articles found in seven important Portuguese newspapers. Essentially, it presents a survey of the coverage of the Hungarian Revolution in the Portuguese press and explores how those events were interpreted and how they had an impact on the ideological readings and positions of the government, the moderate opposition, and the radical opposition of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP). The 1956 revolution merited extensive coverage in the Portuguese papers, with titles, pictures, and news boxes on the front pages sometimes continuing into the next pages of a given paper or on the last page. The stories were narrated, for most part, in a lively, fluid, sentimental, and apologetic language. The New State in particular, but also moderate publications which were oppositional to Salazar, endorsed the Budapest revolutionaries and criticized and denounced orthodox communism in the form of Soviet repression, either in the name of Christendom, national independence, and the Western European safeguard against communism (in the case of Salazarism), or in the name (and hope) of a democratic surge, which would usher in strident calls for civil liberties (in the case of oppositional voices). With the exception of the press organ which voiced the official position of the Portuguese Communist Party, supporting the Soviet response against the Hungarian insurgents (and thus was in sharp contrast with the larger share of public opinion), there was a rare convergence, despite nuances in the language, in the images, narratives, messages, and general tone of the articles in the various organs of the Portuguese press, which tended to show compassion and support for the insurgents in Budapest because their actions targeted communism and tended to decry the final bloody repression, which exposed the Soviet Union as a murderous regime.