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1
Sayed-Ahmed, Mohamed. "US-Egyptian relations from the 1952 revolution to the Suez Crisis of 1956". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1987. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28539/.
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If the late 1940s and early 1950s were a period of close and friendly relations between the United States and Egypt, the late 1950s and early 1960s mark the deterioration in those relations. US-Egyptian relations from the 1952 revolution to the Suez crisis resembled to some extent a game of chess between Nasser of Egypt, and Secretary John Foster Dulles of the US. The Free Officers' rise to power in Egypt in July 1952, raised the hope of the American policy-makers in the establishing of closer and, moreover, cordial relations with Egypt. They felt that it was to their advantage to deal with the military officers who were not associated with the corrupt ancien regime of politicians. Moreover, the Free Officers did not have any political commitment nor a predetermined position in foreign policy. Therefore the Eisenhower administration, especially Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, expected that Egypt under Nasser and his military colleagues would help achieve objectives of American strategy in the area, such as the containment of Soviet penetration, and peace between the Arab states and Israel. These hopes or aspirations, however, could not be easily translated into practical policy. Dulles looked to Nasser for support of US initiatives, without appreciating problems Nasser might face. Nasser's policy was soon to clash with American strategy in the Middle East and Egypt's foreign policy would be marked to a great extent by recurrent clashes with the US, especially from 1955 onwards. Nasser saw US policy becoming reflexively pro-Israel and he felt that Washington was jeopardising his leadership of the Arab world, especially after the formation of the Baghdad Pact in February 1955. The honeymoon between the Free Officers' regime in Egypt and the US was now over. Nasser felt he had to confront the US and the Western powers on their own terms, in a more forceful and radical way. Nasser found the Soviet Union a willing partner in furthering his aims, even though he still left his options open regarding his relations with the US. As for the Eisenhower administration, the turning-point came in mid-March 1956 when Secretary of the Navy Robert Anderson returned from his mission to promote peace between Egypt and Israel empty-handed. Dulles was determined to show Nasser how tough he could be. Events then moved rapidly to the Suez crisis. The documentary and other evidence proved that Nasser's ambitions for a regional leadership of the Arab Middle East were in conflict with those of the US as a global power in the Middle East, The Eisenhower administration, for its part, had hoped and intended to contain Nasser's influence in the area and not to promote him into a major Third World leader, but in vain. The American policy turned Nasser from a local Arab leader of Egypt into the charismatic leader of the Arab world and a major political figure in the Third World. This research mainly depends on American documents which were declassified during the past two years.
2
Beard, Cynthia C. "Opera at the Threshold of a Revolution: Francis Poulenc’s Dialogues des Carmélites (1953-1956)". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc103288/.
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Francis Poulenc’s three-act opera Dialogues des Carmélites (1953-1956) depicts the struggles of the novice nun Blanche de la Force during the Reign of Terror of the French Revolution. The use of Latin liturgical music at critical points in the opera conveys the ritualistic nature of Catholic worship. The spiritual message of mystical substitution, along with the closely related notion of vicarious suffering, imbue the opera with a spirituality that offers a sharp contrast to earlier operatic settings of Catholic texts, particularly during the age of grand opera. Marian devotion also plays an important role in the opera. The final tableau of the opera stages the execution of Blanche and her sisters, complete with the sound of a guillotine, with the nuns singing the Salve Regina as they proceed to the scaffold. The multivalence of the final tableau highlights the importance of voice and its absence. While the nuns, onstage spectators, and the guillotine are audibly present in the scene, the priest participates solely through gesture. The surfacing of the Lacanian Real in the silent moment of traumatic shock that follows the guillotine’s first fall allows for intertextual references to the opera in Poulenc’s Sonate pour Flûte et Piano (1957) to function as a work of remembrance.
3
Zhu, Dandan. "Double crisis : China and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2998/.
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The 1956 crisis in Hungary had a profound impact on China's international affairs and domestic politics. The Chinese Communist Party leadership - party chairman Mao Zedong in particular - had by the end of mid-1950s begun to conceive of "a great Chinese revolution", which would largely take the form of large-scale industrial modernization. At the same time, China's awareness that it could develop into a leading player in the international socialist camp led Mao and his colleagues actively to intervene on the East European scene, posing an implicit challenge to the Soviet dominance in the bloc. The apparent desire of the Hungarian people to break free from Stalinist socialism, and the real risk, as Mao saw it, of the bloc foundering, convinced the Chinese Party that only reverting to a Stalinist pattern of inter-state socialism could keep the camp intact. In the domestic context, the Hungarian events likewise played a formative role in the evolution of Chinese social policy as top officials critically reviewed the Soviet experience of collectivization. Intellectuals and statesmen began to doubt the efficiency of the party's rule, while Mao rejected meaningful reforms of institutional socialism in favour of "soft" means of conscripting the intellectuals and "remolding" popular thought. Having opened up to party to criticism from outside, Mao cited the risk of domestic opponents fomenting a Hungarian-style crisis in China in terminating the Hundred Flowers campaign and moving to a program of ideological purges and massive economic stimulation. By 1958 China was definitively set on the course of the Great Leap Forward and the break with the Soviet Union.
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Caplán, Raúl. "La revolution cubaine dans le roman latino-americain (1959-1995)". Paris 3, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA030165.
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La revolution cubaine apparait dans les romans latino-americains soit comme un fait ponctuel, soit comme un long processus. Au-dela de ce clivage, ces romans sont avant tout des oeuvres de vulgarisation qui reduisent la revolution a un nombre limite de jalons et a quelques changements paradigmatiques : le passage vers le communisme, les nationalisations, la reforme agraire, la question raciale, l'exil. La re volution devient une explication totalisatrice, fournissant la these qui structure le discours ideologique des oeuvres et instaure une bipolarite plus ou moins marquee. Concus a partir de la rencontre entre l'ecrivain et la revolution, ces romans sont proches de l'autobiographie, du temoignage ou de la chronique, brouillant les frontieres entre ces genres. La reflexion a propos du role de l'intellectuel est au centre de ces oeuvres, mais elle reste superficielle. Ceci est du au fait que la revolution a ete rapidement codifiee avec une grande precision, de sorte que sa presence dans un roman a instaure un programme narratif auquel les ecrivains se sont en general plies. La reduction des romans a la fonction d'armes de combat leur a paradoxalement ote leur force et leur portee, le roman soi-disant "revolutionnaire" se contentant le plus souvent de revenir a des normes caduquesThe cuban revolution is perceived in latin-american novels either as a punctual fact, producing radical changes in a restricted period, or as a process towards perfection or degradation. Apart from this distinction, these novels mainly remain popularizing works ; they reduce the revolution to a limited number of historical ranging-poles and to seve ral paradigmatic changes : the transition to communism, the nationalizations, the land reforme, the racial issue, the exile. The revolution becomes a worldwide explanation, providing the thesis which structures the ideological discourse and establishes a more or less marked bipola rity. These novels are closed to autobiographies, testimonies or chronicles, mixing up all these various genres. The thinker is at the centre of the work, but the reflection on his own role usually remains su perficial. This is due to the fact that the revolution was rapidly codified with extreme precision ; thus, this revolution established a narrative programme which novelists adopted with few changes. Reducing these novels to mere weapons has paradoxically undermined their power and impact, in such a way that, most of the time, the alleged "revolutionary novel" contented itself with coming back to obsolete norms
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Gémes, Andreas. "Austria and the 1956 Hungarian revolution: between solidarity and neutrality /". Pisa : Edizioni Plus, Pisa University Press, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9788884925596.
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Tindell, Ted P. "The Cultural and Collective Memory of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2360.
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Lytwyn, Alexander. ""The Love of America is on Move:" Victimization, Cold War Consensus, and the Hungarian Revolution, 1956-1957". Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/265734.
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HistoryM.A.
On November 4, 1956, Soviet forces brutally suppressed the Hungarian Revolution in Budapest. Although Nikita Khrushchev had attempted to "repair" the Soviet Union's image by denouncing Stalin's crimes, the Soviet invasion of Hungary damaged the Soviet Union's legitimacy in the international community. This thesis examines the popular and religious press' coverage of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. By publishing anticommunist editorials and letters to the editor, the popular press furthered the phenomenon known as Cold War Consensus. Historians have looked at Cold War Consensus as a conscious political project created by a number of individuals and institutions. This thesis emphasizes the role of the popular and religious press as agents in the solidification of the Cold War Consensus. Most notable was the popular and religious press' use of the victimization narrative. By portraying the Hungarian freedom fighters as victims of the Soviet system, the popular and religious press condemned the Soviet Union's actions while extolling "American values" such as democracy, freedom, and charity. The popular and religious press' treatment of Soviet brutality also built a sensationalized image of Hungarian refugees. The emphasis on Soviet savagery and narrative centered on incoming Hungarian refugees as heroes strengthened anticommunist rhetoric that was typical during the 1950s.
Temple University--Theses
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Csipke, Zoltan Pal. "The 1956 revolution and the politics of history and memory in post-communist Hungary". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.526835.
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Calkin, Rachael. ""Cracking the Stalinist crust" : the impact of 1956 on the Australian Communist Party /". Saarbrücken : VDM-Verl, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017394864&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Barkaoui, Miloud. "The New York Times and the Algerian revolution, 1956-1962 an analysis of a major newspaper's reporting of events /". Thesis, Online version, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.330200.
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Takriti, Abdel Razzaq. "Revolution and absolutism : Oman, 1965-1976". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527397.
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Knight, John Marcus. "Our Nation’s Future? Chinese Imaginations of the Soviet Union, 1917-1956". The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu149406768131314.
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Oliveira, Sergio Luiz Santos de. "Caminhando com os próprios pés: a formação política e teórica da ORM-POLOP (1956-1967)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-16012018-124833/.
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O objetivo da presente tese de doutorado é analisar a formação política e teórica da Organização Revolucionária Marxista Política Operária (ORM-POLOP), a partir das três organizações que lhe serviram de base. Os três grupos a formar a sigla em estudo foram: A Liga Socialista Independente, articulada em São Paulo, sob a liderança de Hermínio Sacchetta, militante veterano oriundo do campo trotskista. Outra agremiação a servir de base a ORM-POLOP foi a Juventude Socialista da PSB, organizada no Rio de Janeiro, mas com ramificações em outros estados. Por fim, a terceira força a formar o grupo em estudo foi Mocidade Trabalhista do PTB, nosso foco se dará sobre a seção mineira desta agremiação, visto ter saído de Belo Horizonte o núcleo que aderiu a ORM-POLOP. Temos por meta apresentar e discutir cada uma das três linhas de força supracitadas, entender seus pressupostos teóricos, até que ponto foi possível se conciliar as distintas posições políticas, e como tais diferenciações contribuíram para a cisão da sigla. Nosso recorte histórico abrangerá o período que vai de 1956, ano em que se iniciam as atividades da LSI, até 1967, ano em que a ORM-POLOP se cinde em diversos grupos.My objective in this doctoral thesis is to analyze the political and theoretical formation of the Organização Revolucionária Marxista Política Operária(The Revolutionary Marxist Organization Workers Politics, ORM-POLOP) based on the three organizations which composed the base of the group. The three groups that formed the orghanization were: the Liga Socialista Independente (Independent Socialist League, LSI) based in São Paulo under the leadership of Hermínio Sacchetta, a veteran Trotskyist activist. Another group in the base of ORM-POLOP was the Juventude Socialista da PSB (Socialist Youth of the Brazilian Socialist Party, PSB), organized in Rio de Janeiro, but with influence in other states. The third force that formed the groups base was the Mocidade Trabalhista do PTB (Labour Youth of the Brazilian Labour Party, PTB). My focus on this last group will be on its section in the state of Minas Gerais since the group that adhered to ORM-POLOP came from Belo Horizonte, the capital city of the state. My aim is to present and discuss each of these three groups, understand their theoretical presuppositions, the possibilities for the conciliation of these distinct political positions and, finally, how such differences contributed to the split in the organization. The study covers the period from 1957 when the LSI initiated its activities until 1967 the year in which ORM-POLOP split into diverse groups.
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Lachmann, Hannes Verfasser], Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] [Wünsch, Volker [Akademischer Betreuer] Zimmermann i Dirk [Akademischer Betreuer] Uffelmann. "„Ungarische Revolution“ und „Prager Frühling“ : Staatssozialistische Reformversuche zwischen 1956 und 1968 als Gegenstand einer ungarisch-tschechoslowakischen Verflechtungsgeschichte / Hannes Lachmann ; Thomas Wünsch, Volker Zimmermann, Dirk Uffelmann". Passau : Universität Passau, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1136785078/34.
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Cushion, Stephen. "Organised labour and the Cuban revolution, 1952-1959". Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2013. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/4901/.
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The standard historiography sees the working class as a passive bystander in the insurrectionary phase of the Cuban revolution, assuming that the real struggle was conducted by a rural guerrilla army. However, an examination of the archival evidence contradicts this view and shows that workers played a much more active role in the defeat of the Batista regime than they are normally given credit for. At the start of the 1950s, Cuba was suffering a crisis in profitability as the world price of sugar declined. This led the employers to conduct a productivity drive backed by the full repressive force of the Cuban state. Going on strike in a dictatorship is a life or death decision and workers need to feel some confidence in their chances of survival and in the possibility of successfully gaining a result that would be in their political and economic interests. Thus, following the defeat of a wave of militantly organised strikes in 1955, significant numbers of working class militants felt of the need for armed support to enable them defend their wages and conditions. Starting from the city of Guantánamo and spreading to cover most of the island, these activists constructed an impressive, clandestine, working class organisation in alliance with the rebel army which, after several failed attempts, proved capable of calling a successful general strike in January 1959. This strike was crucial to the rebel victory. This thesis, based on primary source material found in archives and private collections in Havana, Manzanillo, Guantánamo and Santiago de Cuba, will re-examine working class participation in the Cuban insurrection of the 1950s, concentrating on organised labour rather than the role of individual citizens.
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Nottingham, Christopher John. "The state and revolution in Britain 1916-1926". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1985. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14836/.
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The thesis is an examination and discussion of the responses of British governments to developments in labour and socialist organisations between 1916 and 1926. The first chapter is concerned with the growing recognition of the increased power of labour under the conditions of modern war. Yet governments, it is argued, failed to develop a coherent labour policy and often acted in a confused and contradictory manner. The second chapter begins with an analysis of the post war crisis when many politicians began to regard revolution as a real possibility. They developed two agencies, the Special Branch and the Supply and Transport Organisation in order to deal with the situation. It is argued that in its original form the latter was not only costly but politically dangerous and ineffective. Later developments were not only cheaper but based on a more sophisticated understanding of the political strengths of a modern state. The third chapter is concerned with the responses of British socialists to the state. It includes some discussion of theoretical influences, an examination of the attempts of the Communist Party to implement Lenin's teachings on state and revolution, and a discussion of the first Labour Government in respect of the implications for socialist strategies with regard to the state. The final chapter is concerned to argue that while superior organisation and resources played their part in the Government's victory in the General Strike, it was Baldwin's political manoeuvres which were the most important element of the campaign. In conclusion there is some discussion of attempts which have been made to characterise the development of the British state in this period. The reality, it is argued, was far more prosaic than many accounts would suggest. Politicians achieved the stability they sought but they did so not by dramatic innovation but by constant political endeavor based on marginal readjustment and this reapplication of traditional themes and structures.
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Haig, Fiona. "Reactions to the Soviet interventions in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, amongst French and Italian Communist Party members in the shipbuilding towns of La Seyne and Monfalcone". Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2011. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/reactions-to-the-soviet-interventions-in-the-hungarian-revolution-of-1956-amongst-french-and-italian-communist-party-members-in-the-shipbuilding-towns-of-la-seyne-and-monfalcone(4474b879-de77-4cd9-acce-1b92e6d6ad11).html.
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1956 was punctuated by a series of events that shook the world, and is seen as having been not only a watershed for the international communist movement but also a turning point in the Cold War. This thesis is an in-depth study of a specific and under-researched aspect of French and Italian communism i.e. the responses of ordinary Communist Party members of what were the two largest and most important non-ruling Communist Parties to these historic events. Its aim has been to recover thoughts, feelings and responses of those 'on the ground' to these events via a series of personal interviews supported by national, regional and local archive evidence in a multiple case study.
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Weatherston, Kristine T. "Nonfiction, Documentary and Family Narrative: An Intersection of Representational Discourses and Creative Practices". VCU Scholars Compass, 2014. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3602.
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Nonfiction, Documentary, and Family Narrative:
An Intersection of Representational Discourses and Creative Practices explores the role of personal memory, family history, and inter-generational storytelling as the basis for making a nonfiction film. The film, American Boy, tells the story of my mother’s immigration to the United States after the failed Hungarian Revolution of 1956, opening a discussion of four generations of my family life in the context of historical events, exile, self re-invention, and identity formation. As a media producer and nonfiction author, I narrate my understanding of these events to my infant son, as a way of communicating my grandfather’s role in the revolution, my mother’s childhood, and my own mediation of my family’s trauma. Through the use of archival footage including newsreels and commercials, as well as my own archive of family photos and documents, I re-construct the existing materials to build my own associations concerning time, memory, and place. The film, as my creative practice, leads to a theoretical analysis of representational discourses which inform the work. This deconstruction of nonfiction and meta-analysis includes my study of several practitioners in the craft of non-fiction: Kati Marton, Robert Root, Primo Levi, Eva Hoffman, Patricia Hampl, Dinty W. Moore, Peter Balakian and others.
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Bush-Howard, Harold. "Coming to terms with Castro : Britain and the Cuban Revolution 1958-1965". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267871.
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This thesis aims to examine and interpret Britain's relations with Communist Cuba, Britain's attitude towards the Castro regime, and Britain's perception of the role Castro played in the Cold War between 1958 and 1965. In broader terms, it attempts to set British policy towards Cuba in the context of Anglo-American relations, and British opinion on how to deal with Cold War issues and how to contain Soviet expansion into the Third World. Although Castro made strenuous efforts to improve Anglo-Cuban relations, these were not devoid of friction. After 1960, in the context of US anti-Castro attitude, relations between Havana and London remained lukewarm but firm. Following the US embargo in 1961, Castro needed Western European diplomatic and economic connections both as a security against Soviet shortfalls, and as a means of countering Soviet dominance. While America remained hostile to Castro, Britain adopted a conciliatory attitude and wanted to establish a working relationship with the Cuban leader. This situation developed as Cuba strengthened her link with the Soviet Bloc. This was because Britain began to regard US Cuban policy as exacerbating East-West tension, and because London gave Cuba's Communist regime the same treatment granted to the Sino-Soviet Bloc. The British considered that US policy allowed Cuba to slip into the Soviet camp, and that it denied the West the opportunity to regain its lost influence in Cuba. London felt confident that the West still had a chance for influence in Cuba because-particularly after the Cuban Missile Crisis-Castro wanted improved relations with Western Europe, and had shown signs of being unhappy with the Soviet arrangement. The British held hopes that Castro could become a Latin American Tito. For the British, therefore, US policy appeared counterproductive and short-sighted. Disagreement between London and Washington surfaced as early as 1959, but policy conflict only became serious in 1964-as a result of Britain granting export credit to Cuba following an improvement of Cuba's balance of payments situation. This occurred at a time when Washington was celebrating the economic dislocation its embargo was having upon Cuba. Both London and Washington, however, succeeded in suppressing their quarrel, although British trading policy towards Cuba continued to be subject to market conditions, and diplomatic relations continued much as they always had been. A detailed examination is made of the reasons why Britain was interested in a working relationship with Castro. This interest came about as the result of domestic issues, of British opinion on how to deal with nationalist leaders in a Cold War context, and of the nature of Anglo-Cuban and Anglo-American relations. The main value of this dissertation, apart from its intrinsic value, is the attempt to fill a serious gap in the literature on Cuban- European connections following Castro's nationalist-turned-Communist revolution in 1959.
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Lu, Bohua. "The politics of cinematic realism during the Chinese Cultural Revolution, 1966-1976". Thesis, Curtin University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/1675.
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This thesis explores the politics of cinematic realism during the Chinese Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976. It examines the presentation and representation of the films produced and shown at that period to determine how they served the needs of the Communist Party and China, and examines the influence of the political leaders on film production. The thesis reveals the impact of the politics of cinematic realism in film production and the representation of historical events.
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Enoa, Barban Olga Lidia. "Las cubanas y los nuevos desafíos societales del siglo XXI". Thesis, Limoges, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LIMO0068.
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Dans le domaine des conquêtes obtenues par les femmes, la Révolution Cubaine depuis 1960, réalise des progrès remarquables. La Fédération des Femmes Cubaines (FMC), fondée en 1960, jouera un rôle essentiel en faveur de l’émancipation féminine, de l’insertion des femmes cubaines dans le monde du travail et de leur participation active à la construction de la nouvelle société socialiste. Cependant, ces progrès obtenus dans le cadre d’un processus idéologique et d’une volonté gouvernementale d’une participation forte des Cubaines dans la construction de la nouvelle société socialiste, cohabitent et se heurtent encore à des croyances propres à une culture machiste et patriarcale, laquelle aujourd'hui, à côté de la crise économique et des changements actuels que connaît le contexte cubain, montrent que la construction de la «nouvelle femme» n’est pas tout à fait aboutie et risque même de menacer les victoires obtenues par les Cubaines au sein de la société et en matière d’égalité des droits. L'analyse de la situation des Cubaines au XXIe siècle, leur rôle dans la construction « d’une société plus ouverte sur le monde » et la création de « nouvelles façons de penser le quotidien cubain » dans la lutte en faveur de l'équité du genre, nous permettra d’étudier les nouveaux défis sociétaux auxquels elles se sont confrontées et les solutions envisagées pour les résoudreFrom the first years of the Cuban Revolution, the respect and the defense of the women's rights constituted a priority for the Cuban authorities. The Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), founded in 1960, will play an essential role in the feminine emancipation, the insertion of the Cuban women in the working world and their active participation in the construction of the new socialist society. Nevertheless, serious challenges remain that render the progress made fragile and liable to setbacks. The analysis of the situation of the Cuban Women of the 21st century, her role in the creation of a “society more opened for the world” and in the conception of “new ways of thinking the daily cuban life”, it will allow us to understand the new societal challenges that this arduous mission imposes them
Desde los primeros años de la Revolución Cubana, el respeto y la defensa de los derechos de la mujer constituyeron una prioridad para las autoridades cubanas. La Federación de Mujeres Cubanas (FMC), fundada en 1960, desempeñará un rol esencial a favor de la emancipación femenina, de la inserción de las cubanas en el mundo laboral y de su participación activa en la construcción de la nueva sociedad socialista. Sin embargo, después de una larga trayectoria de lucha en la que han conocido avances y retrocesos, las cubanas de hoy se enfrentan a una realidad plagada de preceptos, normas y comportamientos dictados por una cultura patriarcal que perdura y se manifiesta cada día más en la cotidianidad cubana. La misma, junto a la crisis económica y las transformaciones actuales por las que atraviesa el contexto cubano, hacen que la construcción de “la nueva mujer” continúe siendo una tarea pendiente para la Revolución. El análisis de la situación de las cubanas del siglo XXI, de su rol en la creación de una “sociedad más abierta al mundo” y en la formación de “nuevas formas de pensar la vida cotidiana cubana”, nos permitirá comprender los nuevos desafíos societales que esta ardua tarea les impone
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Sutley, Stewart K. "Losing a revolution : the PKI versus the army in Indonesia, 1949-1965". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64101.
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Yang, Lan. "Characterisation and lexical style in Chinese novels of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976)". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/21621.
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Around 130 novels were officially published during the Cultural Revolution (CR). Among them, 24 novels which concern agriculture under the People's Republic occupy a prominent place. The investigation presented in this dissertation concentrates on these CR agricultural novels. Chapter I is the introduction, which discusses the theoretical foundation of CR novels through surveying the Chinese Communist Party's policies on literature and the arts. The tenets of Mao's 'Yan'an Talks' and the slogan 'Combination of Revolutionary Realism and Revolutionary Romanticism', along with the newly established principles generalised from the model theatrical works receive special emphasis. Chapter II is literary analysis, which concentrates on exploring the characterisation of the main proletarian heroes in a comprehensive (ideological, cultural, literary and aesthetic) perspective. It analyses six aspects with regard to the heroes: personal background physical qualities, ideological qualities, temperamental and behavioural qualities, the nature of the temperamental and behavioural qualities, and the prominence given to them. Chapter III is linguistic analysis, which focuses on vocabulary. The analysis is based on 10 sample novels (3 pre-CR novels and 7 CR novels). Twelve stylistic categories have been established through statistical analysis: vulgar expressions, ideological words and expressions idioms proverbs, xiehouyu, classical views, 'bookish', 'colloquial', dialectal words, military items in metaphorical use, meteorological items in metaphorical use, and inflated items. The investigation presents the density and distributions of the stylistic items concerning narrators and different types of characters, the general fictional language style, the relation between the general style and the authors' individual language style, and the similarities and differences between the pre-CR novel language style and CR novel language style. Chapter IV is the conclusion, which, after highlighting some significant findings, indicates that the position of CR novels in the history of contemporary Chinese literature cannot be ignored. These novels comprehensively tested the Party's orthodox literary and artistic principles in fictional creation. They not only carried forward the radical direction of the pre-CR novels but also indirectly determined the deviation of the post-CR fiction from its predecessor. By focusing on the detailed analysis of literary and linguistic aspects of CR fiction, the thesis corrects common errors in generalisations about the literature and language in the Cultural Revolution.
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Shao, Yanju, i 邵艳菊. "The formation of revolutionary habitus: an inquiry into the narratives of the 1966-1976 primary schoolstudents". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50533848.
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This narrative study examines the consequence of the Cultural Revolution experience for the 1966-1976 primary school students, who are labeled as Little Red Guards. They retrospectively identify both gains and losses from their schooling experience during the Cultural Revolution, which contrasts with the traditional victim image of the Red Guard generation. This study focuses on the coexistence of their positive and negative voices, specifically asking how are the positive and negative voices formed in the narratives of the former Little Red Guards, and what are the perceived gains and losses over time.
The field work was conducted in Beijing in 2009 and 2010. Data was collected through oral histories and analyzed relying on the method of personal narrative analysis. Forty-nine informants participated, and twenty-six cases were selected as major data sources. Given the range in participants’ ages, selected cases are classified into three groups: 1966 senior primary school students (Group-A), 1966 junior primary school students (Group-B), and students who enrolled in primary school in the 1970s (Group-C). Furthermore, due to their subjective voices, the narratives are also divided into four sub-categories: positive, negative, neither (neither-positive-nor-negative) and both (both-positive-and-negative) voices. The oral data is presented with impressive moments, events, and episodes (at the factual level), and their reflections and self-generalizations (at the interpretative level).
Data analysis suggests that the positive and/or negative voices are closely linked with students’ past position in school, which involved three roles: activists, students with a bad label, and ordinary participants. The activists basically hold positive points due to their student leader experiences as well as the beneficial social practices they engaged in. The labeled students tend to put forward totally negative accounts because of excluded experiences, characterized by alienation, discriminations, and frustrations. The ordinary participants, on one hand, assign negative comments to the meaningless social practices they participated; on the other hand, also highlight untended positive consequences for their later life.
The findings reveal two determining themes within the diverse narratives: involvements in the political activities and participation in social practice. The two themes indicate two significantly hidden tissues: ideological awareness (IA) and practical awareness (PA).Working as the internalized predisposition, IA and PA expose the embodied history of the former Little Red Guards and a historically embedded process of their self-construction. Concerning the revolutionary context of the 1966-1976 education reform, this study combines and integrates IA and PA as constituting a revolutionary habitus (RH).The positive accounts relating to IA and PA display an elaborative meaning of RH; whereas the negative narratives concerning IA and PA demonstrate the restrictive meaning of RH. Therefore, the potential gains lie in the attainment of strong confident leadership and pragmatic social practice; while the losses refer to the formation of a pervasive sensitivity to political issues and a destructive recognition of the practical-oriented education. The finding of RH also stimulates more reflective thinking about the legacy of the 1966-1976 radical education reform, from the perspective of former Little Red Guards.published_or_final_version
Education
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
25
Leung, Terence Man Tat. "French May '68, "China," and the dialectics of refusals in film and intellectual cultures since 1960s". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2014. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/94.
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One of the most fashionable impressions about the legacies of French May ’68 lurking in our capitalist society nowadays is perhaps the view that this historic episode has greatly inspired a chain of sexual liberations and anti-authoritarian lifestyle revolts within the realm of modern Western cultures. However, without actually questioning the ideological implications behind this liberal-libertarian ethos, the above convenient historical verdict may still help perpetuate the predominant logic of late capitalism and the concurrent status quo. Historically speaking, during the heyday of the worldwide leftist insurrections of the 1960s, the events of ’68 were never simply an isolated First-World phenomenon. Deeply entangled with the empirical lessons of the Maoist Cultural Revolution, May 68 in France has radically invoked and manifested many profound social queries and contestations against both the capitalist universality and the emerging Soviet revisionist thinking for two decades. In this dissertation, my primary research focus is precisely to call into question, through the optics of their inherent “Chinese connections,” the dominant narratives about the movements of May ’68 as merely a smoothening agent of massive “cultural reforms” in the capitalist West, instead of a continuous response toward the Maoist egalitarian principles that keeps incessantly catalyzing genuine political transformations in the sphere of global communitarian and quotidian practices. By analyzing and rehistoricizing a variety of cultural texts that include travel writings, memoirs, novels and films in relation to the subversive spirits of ’68, this study aims to reopen their heavily forsaken sociopolitical significances in order to recast some of the truly alternative historical imaginations of this epoch. Unlike the predominant methodologies of historiography and intellectual histories which usually marginalize cinematic texts as largely “illegitimate” data for the serious investigations of the sixties, this thesis particularly emphasizes the extensive study and critical reexamination of many insufficiently discussed or widely misinterpreted filmic representations of “China” that were produced by a large group of Western filmmakers such as Bertolucci, Godard, Antonioni, Casabianca, Viénet, and Yanne, under the adoptions of different art forms and genres between the 1960s and the 2000s. While the overreliance on European cinematic representations of China may potentially risk becoming a blind repetition of many contemporary capitalist stereotypes about the Maoist influences in May ’68 at the expense of those greatly innovative and dialectical Sino-Western encounters during the same period, this thesis also seeks to cautiously retain and reinscribe the latent heterogeneous, antagonistic, and historical Chinese characters long pertaining to the ensemble of the so-called “French Theory” advanced by Barthes, Kristeva, Lacan, and others since 1968, so as to retrieve certain unrealized revolutionary potentialities of the latter beyond the reigning ideological confines of neoliberalism today. I argue that this seemingly “redundant” or “generic” gesture of constantly delinking the multiple creative novelties adhering to the aforementioned Western cultural representations of “China” from the unique intellectual innovations of ’68 is highly crucial here, insofar as such excessiveness of negativity and refusal may nonetheless offer us a chance to persistently (re)search for some even better forms of emancipatory possibilities to come.
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Santos, Renata Belzunces dos. "A assessoria economica da Presidencia da Republica : contribuição para a interpretação do segundo governo Getulio Vargas (1951-1954)". [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/285524.
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Orientador: Ligia Maria Osorio SilvaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
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Resumo: O presente trabalho assume como tema a Assessoria Econômica do Segundo Governo Vargas e tem como objetivo contribuir para a interpretação do segundo período em que Vargas esteve na chefia máxima do país. Dentre as questões levantadas pela historiografia do período detivemo-nos sobretudo na questão do projeto para a nação presente nesse período através da figura de Vargas. A primeira parte do trabalho dedica-se à reconstrução da constituição da Assessoria Econômica e seu funcionamento dentro do aparelho de Estado. A segunda parte analisa a historiografia do período e busca localizar a Assessoria Econômica em meio às diversas interpretações existentes. A terceira parte analisa os principais projetos elaborados pela Assessoria Econômica: Petrobrás e Eletrobrás, e identifica nos mesmo elementos do projeto de Vargas para o capitalismo no Brasil.
Abstract: The present work focuses on the Economic Advisory during the second presidency of Getulio Vargas, and it aims at contributing to the interpretation of the second time Vargas held the highest office in the country. Among the issues raises by the historiography of the period, this work is centered on the nation-building aspects of Vargas¿ administration. The first part deals with the reconstitution of the Economic Advisory and its role in the State apparatus. The second part analyses the available historiography and how the Advisory emerges from different interpretations. The third part analyses the main projects elaborated by the Advisory (Petrobras and Eletrobras), identifying within them the core elements of Vargas¿s project for capitalism in Brazil
Mestrado
Historia Economica
Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico
27
Hulett, Elizabeth McLenigan. "Elizabeth Drinker's Revolution". Thesis, This resource online, 1996. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11072008-063430/.
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Green, David Alexander. "The Czechoslovak Communist Party's revolution, 1986-1990". Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2014. http://digitool.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=24879.
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This thesis argues that the Czechoslovak Communist Party (KSČ) and its policies precipitated the course of Czechoslovakia’s 1989 revolution. It draws upon both opposition and Communist Party documents across twenty-five state, regional and local archives in the Czech and Slovak republics, as well as secret police reports, interview testimony, audiovisual materials and newspaper reports to offer a comprehensive reappraisal of both Czechoslovakia’s 1989 revolution, and the last few years of Communist rule which preceded it. This thesis analyses the responses of grassroots, district and regional Communist Party committees to the KSČ leadership’s own version of perestroika, known as‘přestavba’ (restructuring), between 1986 and 1989. In contrast to Michal Pullmann’s (2011) work, which focussed only on the Party ‘elite’, the contention presented here is that the KSČ leadership used přestavba to put more responsibility onto local officials,whilst simultaneously preventing reform of the top Party structures. Local Party minutes show how this led to increased resentment and distrust among the Party membership,which affected the extent to which přestavba’s policies were implemented. The instability which přestavba caused also manifested itself in the official Socialist Youth Union (SSM). Newspaper reports, interviews and Party minutes show how přestavba caused tensions within the SSM membership as it tried to remain both relevant and representative of young people, and at the same time maintain its loyalties to the KSČ.Secret police and local opposition reports show that, after 17 November 1989, the SSM not only opposed the KSČ’s reaction to the emerging political crisis, but that in doing so spread news of the revolution and encouraged strike action. The KSČ’s own responses during the revolution, never subject to any serious historical analysis, are also offered here. Mirroring the approach taken by James Krapfl (2009), who studied Czechoslovakia’s revolution from the perspective of the ‘winners’ and drew extensively on local and regional opposition documents, this thesis looks at the losing side by drawing on equivalent regional and local Communist Party sources. The tensions přestavba caused affected the Party’s ability to handle the demands made on it during November and December 1989. And having been encouraged to find their ownsolutions to the crisis, local functionaries and the Party grassroots decided instead to reject both the Party leadership and přestavba itself.
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Weekley, Kathleen. "From vanguard to rearguard : the Communist Party of the Philippines, 1969-1993". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1996. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27565.
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This dissertation is a study of the rise and decline of the Communist Party of the Philippines (1969 to 1993), with emphasis on the role of theory. Against the prevailing notion - in both academic and political literature - that the CPP has been ‘dogmatic in theory but flexible in practice,’ it is argued here that its very failure to develop strategy and tactics in theory ofien inhibited flexible practice. Reasons for the lack of theoretical development include not only
the often undemocratic responses of the leadership, but also a number of conditioning factors present from the Party's founding and sustained by internal Party culture and external exigencies. These include the nature of the CPP's break from the pre-existing communist party; the hegemonic position held by the CPP within the Philippine left as a
whole; and the very success of the Party's armed struggle in the countryside.
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梁淑雯. "文革後小說中的瘋癲書寫 = Madness in the novels of post-Cultural Revolution". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2009. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1050.
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李芷昕. "香港 : 小說「文革」 = Hong Kong : narrating "the Chinese Cultural Revolution"". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/801.
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Garutti, Gérald. "Antonin Artaud et Bertolt Brecht : la révolution infinie : philosophies, mythologies et dramaturgies de la révolution". Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100122.
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Contemporains capitaux, mythifiés de leur vivant, Artaud et Brecht sont morts en ignorant tout l’un de l’autre. Ce tandem imaginaire s’est néanmoins vu érigé en grand antagonisme de l’avant-garde. Au dualisme théâtral Cruauté vs Distanciation se sont superposées les confrontations esthétiques (performance vs brechtisme), politiques (situationnistes vs staliniens), idéologiques (transgression libertaire vs totalisation marxiste), philosophiques (critique postmoderne vs rationalisme occidental).Par-delà cette réduction instrumentale à deux machines de guerre théoriques adverses, un enjeu essentiel unit pourtant Brecht et Artaud : comment changer le monde ou la vie ? De cette Révolution infinie dont le théâtre n’est qu’un aspect, cette thèse explore les sens par la comparaison de leurs œuvres complètes en croisant littérature, philosophie et politique. Au-delà d’options divergentes, Artaud et Brecht partagent des problèmes, des rejets, des axes. I. Mythologies. Artaud et Brecht traquent la Révolution en brûlant ses mythes : embraser la terre (destruction, dégénérescence, décadence) ; changer la vie (paganisme, anarchismes, avant-gardes) ; transformer le monde (marxisme, indianisme). II. Pathologies. Pour éradiquer la contre-Révolution et canaliser la flambée des masses, ils attaquent la diversion religieuse, l’abrutissement par l’emprise (sexuelle, occulte, idéologique), et la domination (de l’inertie à la fureur fasciste). III. Philosophies & Dramaturgies. Dans le creuset du théâtre, sur deux scènes ontologiques, Brecht et Artaud forgent leurs Révolutions comme saut, dépassement, renversement et commencement. De leur géniale traversée, reste le brasier révolutionnaire de l’œuvreArtaud and Brecht, contemporaries transformed into mythological figures during their own life-times, died without having any knowledge of one another. They became, however, an imaginary couple, as it were, the two great antagonists of the avant-garde. The duality they represented —theatre of cruelty vs. theatre of alienation— acquired further meanings: aesthetic (performance vs. brechtian), political (situationist vs. stalinist), ideological (libertarian transgression vs. Marxist totalisation), and philosophic (post-modernist critique vs. western rationalism).Nevertheless, beyond the polemics, one essential concern united Brecht and Artaud: How to change the world and life? This thesis explores the meanings of that infinite revolution of which the theatre is but one aspect, by comparing their oeuvre as literature, philosophy, and politics. Their positions differed, but Artaud and Brecht shared the same problems and terms of discussion, and rejected the same solutions.I. Mythologies: Both of them pursued revolution while attacking its myths: setting the world alight (destruction, degeneracy, decadence); changing life (paganism, anarchism, the avant-gardes), transforming everything (Marxism, indianism).II. Pathologies: in order to resist Counter-Revolution and focus the ardour of the masses, they attack religion as a diversion; sexual, occult and ideological brutalisation; and all forms of domination (from passivity to fascist frenzy).III. Philosophies and dramaturgies: It is in the theatre that Artaud and Brecht forged their revolutions in the form of great leaps forward, reversals and new beginnings.What remains of their work is its incandescent revolutionary core
33
Jordan, M. Roberto. "The Bolivian National Revolution of 1952 : a contemporary perspective". Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9855.
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Carey, Michael Stephen. "British socialism and the emotions of revolution, 1884-1926". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/49681/.
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Spurred by recent developments in the history of emotions, this thesis looks at the place of emotion and irrationality in socialist political philosophy. I give particular attention to the shifting ways that socialists depicted the emotions of revolution. I argue that socialists had a complicated understanding of human nature, drawing on various philosophical discourses and scientific theories to grasp the ‘irrational’ and to relate it to the socialist project. Building on philosophies of ‘the passions’ developed by G.W.F. Hegel and Charles Fourier, Karl Marx sought to grasp the multi-faceted emotional forces of human nature and critique the primacy of acquisitiveness in liberal thought. During the British ‘socialist revival’ of the 1880s and 1890s, theorists like William Morris and E. Belfort Bax sought to follow Marx’s critique of self-interest. They pushed the passion known as ‘sympathy’, ‘solidarity’ or ‘fellowship’ to the fore as an integral and universal source of socialist feeling, which drove the struggle against inhuman conditions of late-Victorian capitalism. Darwinian thinking about the instincts and emotions challenged this ethical conception of ‘the passions’, and socialists sought to reframe the critique of capitalism around biological categories. They emphasised such concepts as the ‘social instinct’ of Karl Pearson and William Trotter’s ‘herd instinct’ to account for the natural need for sociability and the damaging artificiality of economic egoism. The industrial ‘Great Unrest’ of 1910-14, the First World War, and the Russian Revolution of 1917 spurred socialists to an examination of the emotions driving struggle between classes and nations. In the years after the Russian Revolution, the theories of Leninism, instinct theory, and Freudian psychoanalysis shared a moment of intense interest among British socialists. Both opponents of the Bolshevik regime like Bertrand Russell, and defenders of the Soviet state in the new Communist Party of Great Britain like Cedar and Eden Paul, drew on the so-called New Psychology to understand the meaning of 1917, to predict the direction of the revolution, and to inform their own approaches to socialism.
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Wu, Guande. "RE+FLECT1966-1976 The Silence of the Cultural Revolution". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1491306920321301.
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Carter, Clay Carleton University Dissertation Journalism. "The CBC radio revolution 1964-1976, a re-examination". Ottawa, 1990.
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Lebel, Béatrice. "Boquen, 1965-1976 : entre utopie et révolution dans le catholicisme français". Thesis, Brest, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BRES0026.
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Située dans les Côtes d’Armor, Boquen est en 1965 une abbaye cistercienne de la commune observance. En 1976, les Petites Sœurs de Bethléem s’y installent avec un objectif précis : y rétablir une vie monastique après la décennie mouvementée que vient de vivre Boquen. L’abbaye s’était en effet métamorphosée en un haut lieu de la contestation catholique en France, voire en symbole de cette contestation.Cette étude se propose d’analyser, sur un mode chronologique, les éléments qui ont concouru à transformer cette petite abbaye en caisse de résonance des attentes de milliers de chrétiens. Elle met ainsi en lumière l’importance du contexte socioreligieux des sixties et des seventies dans l’évolution de Boquen mais aussi le rôle majeur joué par Bernard Besret, le très charismatique prieur de Boquen puis leader de la Communion. Celui-ci a initié un projet communautaire original, la Communion de Boquen, qui allie monachisme, œcuménisme et esprit des sixties. Le 20 août 1969, Bernard Besret prononce une conférence retentissante qui entraine sa destitution. Dès lors, la sanction draine vers l’abbaye toute l’aile contestataire chrétienne qui va de la gauche à l’extrême gauche. A l’automne 1970, Boquen a pris le leadership des chrétiens en recherche. Les deux années qui suivent confirment son succès. Mais qu’est-ce que Boquen ? En 1973, le déclin s’amorce. Il est aggravé par le départ de Bernard Besret en octobre 1974. A l’automne 1976, cette expérience utopique dans les murs de Boquen s’achève avec l’expulsion de la Communion et de la communauté des résidents qui s’y était établieBoquen, located in “ Côtes d’Armor”, is in 1965 a Cistercian abbey of the common observance. In 1976, the Little Sisters of Bethleem settle there with the precise purpose of re-establishing monastic life after the agitated decade that has just come to an end at Boquen. For the abbey had indeed been turned into a prominent place of the catholic protest in France, if not its very symbol. This study proposes an analysis, in a chronological mode, of the elements that have contributed to the transforming of this small abbey into a sounding board for the expectations of thousands of Christians. It thus brings to light the importance played by the socio-religious context of the sixties and seventies upon the evolution of Boquen, and also the major role played by Bernard Besret, the very charismatic Prior of Boquen and later leader of the “Communion”. He initiated an original community project, the Communion of Boquen, which combined monasticism, ecumenism and spirit of the sixties. On August 20th 1969 Bernard Besret gives a resounding conference which brings about his dismissal. From that day, that sanction attracts to the abbey all the christian anti-establishment wing, ranging from left to far left. By the autumn of 1970 Boquen has taken the leadership of the Christians in spiritual quest. The next two years confirm its success. But what is Boquen? In 1973, it starts declining. Things get worse with Bernard Besret’s departure in October 1974. By the autumn of 1976, that utopic experiment within the walls of Boquen comes to an end with the expulsion of the Communion and of the community of residents who had settled there
38
Gordon-Nesbitt, Rebecca. "To defend the Revolution is to defend culture : the cultural policy of the 1959 Cuban Revolution". Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2012. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=16826.
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This study examines the centrality of culture to the 1959 Cuban Revolution, which led to a creative vocation being supported by the revolutionary government, with artists, architects, writers and fi lmmakers being welcomed back from exile and their work redefi ned as part of the production that would be essential to transforming society. Tracing the formal evolution of policy by the Consejo Nacional de Cultura (CNC), from 1961 onwards, this research outlines the priorities that led tens of thousands of art teachers to train at special schools and disseminate their newly learnt creative skills to a large proportion of the population. It also follows the dark shadow of socialist realism that threatened to impose itself upon aesthetic discussions. In the process, it exposes the sectarianism that was perpetuated by certain defi ned factions, congealing into a stifl ing dogmatism that was only overcome when the CNC was disbanded in favour of a Ministry of Culture in 1976. At the same time, departing from popular top-down conceptions of Cuban policy-formation, this account prioritises the contribution of artists and writers to emerging ideas. In examining congresses and confl uences from the 1950s onwards, it establishes the close involvement of the country’s creative intellectuals in the defi ning the parameters that would infl uence their praxis. The specifi c role that was adopted by, and advocated for, creative producers, is also examined, from the consolidation of national culture to a critique of the same. Overall, this thesis is framed as a counterpoint to the cultural policy that has been developed under neoliberalism, giving primacy to emancipatory understandings of cultural appreciation and participation. In isolating the main tenets of Marxist-humanist cultural policy, as evinced in postrevolutionary Cuba, this forms the basis of a consideration of the value of art in terms that go beyond those of the marketplace.
39
Cicero, Michelle Elizabeth. "Rocketing into your daily life : Life magazine, the postwar advertising revolution, and the selling of the United States space program, 1957-1966 /". Electronic version (PDF), 2007. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2007-3/cicerom/michellecicero.pdf.
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Whidden, James Neil. "The Egyptian revolution : politics and the Egyptian nation 1919-1926". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298207.
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Alexopoulou, Maria. "Zwischen Tradition und Revolution die Nationale Jugendorganisation Griechenlands (1936 - 1941) /". [S.l. : s.n.], 2001. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB8986372.
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Cakars, Janis Kent. "Media, revolution, and the fall of communism Latvia, 1986-1991 /". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3330779.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Journalism, 2008.Title from home page (viewed on Jul 20, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-10, Section: A, page: 3789. Adviser: Owen V. Johnson.
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Silva, Júnior José Antonio Ferreira da 1987. "Retórica americana : temas e ideias político-culturais em Casa de las Américas (1965-1976)". [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279654.
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Orientador: José Alves de Freitas NetoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho procura levantar e mapear discussões e debates político-culturais da segunda metade do século XX em Cuba, nas primeiras décadas da Revolução Cubana. A difusão de periódicos e impressos contribuiu para uma circulação diferenciada de ideias e discursos, envolvendo sujeitos históricos em diferentes dinâmicas entre o político e o cultural. Os intelectuais encontraram nesse tipo de meio de comunicação um espaço de expressão e engajamento com o processo revolucionário. A revista cubana Casa de las Américas se constituiu como centro de uma rede intelectual, a partir da qual se construiu e se difundiu um discurso revolucionário. Nossa proposta é partir desta revista, como objeto e fonte histórica, para aproximarmo-nos das ideias e noções conformadas entre intelectuais relacionados com o imaginário esquerdista da América Latina nos anos 1960 e 1970. Um dos nossos temas principais é a conformação de discursos identitários na revista. Defendemos que as identidades construídas discursivamente por Casa fazem parte da concepção que a própria revista tinha sobre sua atuação no processo revolucionário. Também, a questão em torno do papel do letrado é aqui analisada por nós. A publicação deu suporte para a formação de um discurso que valorizou e favoreceu uma estética e uma concepção de intelectual específicas para cumprir o que era visto como revolucionário. Devido à importância e à vigência que Casa estabelece para José Martí (1853-1895), as formas de discussão e apropriação da vida e obra deste letrado cubano figuram também em nossa argumentação, destacando mecanismos discursivos e formas de apropriação da história de Cuba. Dessa forma, passando por alguns temas político-culturais da revista, pretendemos abordar a história da esquerda latino-americana e da conformação de seu imaginário
Abstract: This work discusses and analyses the political and cultural debates during the first decades of the Cuban Revolution in the second half of the 20th century. In this context the dissemination of printed journals had contributed for the exchange of ideas and discourses, allowing the historical subjects to be immersed in a variety of political and cultural dynamics. Intellectuals found a space for expression and engagement with the revolutionary process in this type of media. The Cuban cultural journal Casa de las Américas was the center of an intellectual network from which the revolutionary discourse was built and spread. With the analysis of this journal we intend to get closer to the ideas and concepts that were being created and used by the Latin American leftist intellectuals of the 1960s and 1970s. One of our main themes is the conformation of identity discourses in the journal Casa de las Américas. The importance of the figure of the intellectual is another focused subject. We argue that the identities constructed discursively by this cultural journal are part of the design that the magazine itself had on its performance in the revolutionary process. The publication gave support to the formation of a discourse that valued and promoted a specific aesthetic and conception of intellectual which would fulfill what was seen as revolutionary. The important role that was reserved for José Martí (1853-1895) in Casa justifies our analysis of how his life and works were discussed and presented in the journal, emphasizing the discursive mechanisms and the different forms of appropriation of Cuban history. Thus, with the analysis of some political and cultural themes from Casa we intend to study the history of Latin-American left and the conformation of its imaginary
Mestrado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Mestre em História
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Willetts, Kheli Robin. "Images of Black Power, 1965--1975: A visual commentary on revolution". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Lovell, Stephen. "The Russian reading revolution : society and the printed word, 1986-1995". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266400.
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McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
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Valde-Ugalde, Jose Luis. "Intervening in revolution : the US exercise of power in Guatemala, 1954". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2484/.
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This thesis attempts to develop an understanding of US policy in Latin America. This effort is carried out in light of the examination of the political and cultural roots that have shaped the character of the United States as a nation and thus US strength in world affairs. These characteristics have been reflected in the geopolitical approach adopted when the US has drawn up (and constructed) its foreign policy priorities. This is particularly the case when a response to revolution and socio-political change is required to guarantee US national security. Hence the importance of exploring both the need to impose US power in the region and the rationale for it. The thesis analyses US foreign policy towards Latin America in the context of the Guatemalan revolution of 1944-1954. It does so from the point of view of the revolution itself and the events of the early Cold War years. These are important years since it was at this time that President Eisenhower and Secretary of State, J.F. Dulles, under the rationale of the defence of US interests, developed a militant anticommunism. The result of this policy was the US-supported intervention in Guatemala which became the first of the US's cold war laboratories in Latin America. This intervention crystallised in 1954 in US support for a coup against President Jacobo Arbenz, which dissolved the democratic order in Guatemala. The subject is approached by taking the following into consideration: a) the immediate background of the domestic political culture - which is most clearly reflected in insularity - as an important element in understanding the US stand on revolution and foreign policy, that is the domestic dimension, b) the geopolitical axioms about supremacy that were behind the US formal position of a defense of national security, which brought about the need to carry out a construction of a continental reality meant to match strategic principles, c) an interpretation of socio-political change in Central America as the key to an understanding of the roots of US interventionist ardour and, d) the problematic association between socio-political change, intervention and authoritarianism, as well as the implications that such an association, especially in the context of US-Latin American relations, has had for democracy in general.
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Bar, Lionel. "La communication politique et culturelle de la revolution sandiniste (1959-1979)". Paris 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA030157.
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La communication politique et culturelle de la revolution sandiniste est un parcours dans le nicaragua de la fin de l'ancien regime, periode dictatoriale pendant laquelle a germe, evolue et pris forme, sous la direction du front sandiniste de liberation nationale, un projet alternatif de societe mu par un processus alternatif de communication. Mais dans le cadre d'une lutte contre un pouvoir dictatorial, le f. S. L. N. , organisation hors-laloi, a du creer et developper, a chaque etape de sa lutte, ses propres moyens de liaison et de communication pour diffuser ses idees, organiser la resistance au somozisme et liberer la patrie, le sens de la communication politique et culturelle de la revolution sandiniste a donc pour origine la migration d'un front sandiniste, groupusculaire et clandestin,vers le peuple dont il entend racheter l'honneur et la dignite et, pour aboutissement, la participation du peuple a une insurrection generale dont il existe peu d'exemples dans l'histoire de l'amerique latine. C'est ce long chemin, cette lente sortie de l'anonymat que nous avons essaye de mettre en lumiere en adoptant une demarche communicationnelle qui apporte, dans un contexte determine, des elements de reponse sur le passage d'une volonte minoritaire et clandestine a une force nationale hegemonique qui parvient a renverser une dictature au terme d'une marche collective, massive et organisee, qui foule aux pieds les valeurs et les fondements de l'ancien regime et creuse les sillons d'une nouvelle nation et d'un nouvel etat.
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Moya, Fabregas Johanna Inés. "The reconfiguration of gender identities in the Cuban revolution, 1953-1975". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3358935.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Feb. 8, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-05, Section: A, page: 1756. Adviser: Arlene Diaz.
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Jalaei-Pour, Hamidreza. "The Iranian revolution mass mobilization and its continuity during 1976-96 /". Thesis, Online version, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311633.
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