Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Revolution (Hungary : 1956) fast

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  1. Artykuły w czasopismach
  2. Rozprawy doktorskie
  3. Książki
  4. Części książek

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Revolution (Hungary : 1956) fast”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024
Data aktualizacji: 31 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Revolution (Hungary : 1956) fast"

1

Derzhaliuk, M. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: Causes, Effects and Lessons (Part 1)". Problems of World History, nr 3 (16.05.2017): 109–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-3-6.

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Objective and subjective, interior and international causes of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, its drivers and consequences are highlighted in the article. The author pays attention to the fact that the major goal of the uprising was not to overthrow, but to improve the socialist order, turn down Matyas Rakosi’s personality cult, correct hard mistakes and bring perpetrators to justice. The article shows that democratic forces of Hungary gave rise to peaceful removal of Stalin’s state structure and to formation of the democratic socialism with national features. The author states that provocations and military interference of the USSR into home affairs of Hungary were the principal cause of mass uprising of civil population. He also underlines that the Revolution leaders took into account interests of the USSR, they were constantly holding talks with Soviet management, and avoided involving power structures (army, police, security forces), except some certain commanders and units into combat actions against occupation of Hungary. The author points out that not a single country in the world stood up to defend and support Hungary, and stresses that the Revolution ideas were put into practice in evolution way during 70-80s of the XX century.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: Causes, Effects and Lessons (Part 2)." Problems of World History, nr 4 (8.06.2017): 110–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-8.

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Objective and subjective, interior and international causes of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, its drivers and consequences are highlighted in the article. The author pays attention to the fact that the major goal of the uprising was not to overthrow, but to improve the socialist order, turn down Matyas Rakosi’s personality cult, correct hard mistakes and bring perpetrators to justice. The article shows that democratic forces of Hungary gave rise to peaceful removal of Stalin’s state structure and to formation of the democratic socialism with national features. The author states that provocations and military interference of the USSR into home affairs of Hungary were the principal cause of mass uprising of civil population. He also underlines that the Revolution leaders took into account interests of the USSR, they were constantly holding talks with Soviet management, and avoided involving power structures (army, police, security forces), except some certain commanders and units into combat actions against occupation of Hungary. The author points out that not a single country in the world stood up to defend and support Hungary, and stresses that the Revolution ideas were put into practice in evolution way during 70-80s of the XX century.
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Bykova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna, i Anna Olegovna Gridneva. "The Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and its impact upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations". Конфликтология / nota bene, nr 1 (styczeń 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.1.34784.

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This article is dedicated to the process of normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations, which took place on the background of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The goal consists in identification of causes for the absence of strong negative influence of the Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian events upon the relations between the Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using the analysis of a wide array of sources and systematic consideration of the international situation that formed in 1956, the authors characterize the dynamics and vector of Yugoslav-Soviet relations during this period, determine the degree of impact of the Yugoslav factor in all its manifestations upon the development of Hungarian events, as well as trace the influence of the Hungarian Revolution upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the analysis of direct and indirect participation of Yugoslavia in the conflict, which has been traditionally regarded as the conflict between the Soviet Union and Hungary alone. The conclusion is made that in 1956, the Soviet Union sought to unite the socialist countries on the background of tense foreign policy situation, trying to overcome the consequences of the conflict of 1948 and “attach” Yugoslavia to the bloc. Despite the fact that such intentions were jeopardized by the events of 1956 due to a range of controversial steps taken by Belgrade, Moscow did not immediately turn to public criticism of the Yugoslavs, as the mutual cooperation between the two countries was rather advantageous that the return to the situation of 1948 – 1953.
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RAINE, JÁNOS M. "Submerging or Clinging On Again? József Antall, Father and Son, in Hungary after 1956". Contemporary European History 14, nr 1 (luty 2005): 65–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304002152.

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The aim of this case study of the two Antalls, father and son (the latter became the first Hungarian prime minister after the free elections in 1990) is to present and analyse the period that coincided with the post-1956 development of the Kádár system. Its apparent success, efficiency and partial, surrogate, legitimacy has often been explained by the so-called ‘compromise’ of the Kádárist leadership with Hungarian society after 1956, particularly the ‘old intelligentsia’ or ‘old middle classes’. In fact, while there was an obvious continuity in institutions and ideology between the classic Stalinist regime and that of Kádár, the societal and political practice of the system gradually changed. The Antalls were representative of the inter-war upper middle class (the father) and the participants in the 1956 revolution (the son). Discrimination according to their social background, prevalent in the early 1950s, diminished at the turn of the 1960s, so that someone descended from the former Christian middle class, like the younger József Antall, could be recruited into the intelligentsia.
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Péteri, Lóránt. "National Icon and Cultural Ambassador: Zoltán Kodály in the Musical Life of State Socialist Hungary". Polski Rocznik Muzykologiczny 19, nr 1 (1.12.2021): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/prm-2021-0011.

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Abstract In my paper, I wish to raise questions pertinent to the changing position of the composer, ethnomusicologist and musical educationalist Zoltan Kodály in the musical and cultural life of the Stalinist and post-Stalinist periods of Hungarian state socialism. Owing to his folkloristic and conservative musical style, and also his identity as “an educator of the people,” Kodály established his status as a fellow traveller of statesocialism in the early 1950s. The easiest way in Hungarian composition to satisfy the expectations of the political power, as inspired by Zhdanov’s aesthetics, was to follow the style of Kodály. At the same time, Kodály sustained his reputation as a “genuine” national icon whose music was capable of expressing, even if in riddle form, anti-Stalinist sentiments in the eyes of various political and cultural circles, especially after 1953. In spite of the fact that Kodály did not take any active part in the political struggles in the revolution of 1956, he was named as a candidate for head of state by important revolutionary forces. Following the suppression of the revolution, the restored state socialist political power revised its practices in the field of art. The fact that the new cultural policy gave up the idea of a unified Hungarian art which is “national in form and socialist in content,” resulted in a temporary weakening of Kodály’s position. Kodály’s status was precarious, subjected to a challenge by avant-garde trends in composition and competing paradigms of musical education. From the early 1960s, however, when both the Western and Eastern political systems proposed strategies for long-term coexistence, Kodály gained a new function from the perspective of the political power. In Western cultural circles Kodály sustained a reputation as one of the great European humanists, and his music educational method generated a strong professional interest globally, and particularly in the usa. My paper also examines the cultural political impact of Kodály’s visit to Moscow in 1963. Kodály seems to have functioned as a mediator across the political divide. He had achieved great personal successes during his tours to the political West, and this reinforced his position in Hungary.
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Antypova, Olena. "The 1956 Hungarian Revolution Echoes in Poland". Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, nr 30 (1.11.2021): 342–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.342.

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The article highlights the reaction of Polish society and government to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. It is emphasized that the history of Poland and Hungary was closely intertwined in 1956 and reflected in the course of political events of that time. Poznan workers' uprising in June 1956 caused a great resonance in Hungary and the Hungarian authorities intended to use the events in Poznan as a pretext for resolving the political crisis in Hungary. Hungarian protesters, expressing solidarity with the Polish people and supporting change in Poland, demanded a "Hungarian path to socialism". The Hungarian revolution, which had a bloody and tragic character, had a lively response in Polish society. The activity of Polish information publications and the ways in which information about the Hungarian revolution reached Poland are described. It is emphasized that the speeches and publications of journalists had a significant impact on the attitude of Polish society to the Hungarian Revolution. The activity of the new Polish government in search of like-minded people and allies among the countries of "people's democracy" is analyzed. It is noted that the Polish leader V. Gomulka, proclaiming the "Polish road to socialism", took into account the analogies and similarities between the events and changes that took place in Poland and Hungary. The Polish authorities realised the catastrophe from which their country and the party, which managed to resolve the socio-political crisis in a bloodless way, escaped. Gomulka was convinced that only by resolving the Polish-Soviet problems it was possible to avoid a repeat of Poznan and Budapest. The process of providing humanitarian aid to Hungary by Poland is analyzed. It is noted that the greatest assistance to the Hungarians during the revolution was provided by Poland. The position of the radio station "Free Europe" and the editorial board of "Voice of Free Poland" is revealed. It is noted that the RWE editorial board felt responsible for the accuracy of the information provided, and deeply understood the impact of its broadcasts on the mood of Polish society. It is emphasized that the events of 1956 in Poland and Hungary marked the beginning of the collapse of pro-Soviet totalitarian regimes in Europe
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Albert, Zoltán Máté. "Short History of the so-called Kossuth Coat of Arms after 1956". Ephemeris Hungarologica 3, nr 2 (2023): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.53644/eh.2023.2.5.

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The so-called Kossuth coat of arms (together with the national flag with a hole in the middle) became the symbol of the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1956. Although the Soviet Union repressed the Hungarian Revolution on 4 November 1956, the Kossuth coat of arms remained the symbol of the state from late 1956 to early 1957. Moreover, a peculiar version of it (the second field of the coat of arms changed from red to blue) appeared. At the time of the fall of communism in Hungary, an important question was which version of the historical forms of the Hungarian coat of arms would become the state symbol. For the Hungarians, the Kossuth coat of arms is the symbol of the revolution, while the coat of arms with the Holy Crown of Hungary symbolizes the thousand- year-old statehood. The proclamation of the Republic of Hungary was on 23 October 1989 (on the 33rd anniversary of the Revolution of 1956) and the Kossuth coat of arms was also very popular. Finally, the ‘full form’ of the Hungarian coat of arms (with the crown) became official, expressing that the Holy Crown is a symbol of the Hungarian statehood, regardless of the form of government.
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Tunç, Bilal, i Orsolya Falus. "Relations Between Turkey and Hungary in the Democratic Party Period (1950–1960)". Politics in Central Europe 17, nr 2 (27.07.2021): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0015.

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Abstract The decennium historical process in Turkish political history between 1950 and 1960 is called the Democratic Party (DP) era. During this period, important issues took place in Turkish foreign policy. Our aim is to reveal the political, commercial and social relations between Turkey and Hungary in the light of archive documents within the scope of important events in Turkish foreign policy. The aim of this article is to emphasise how the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 affected the relations between the two countries and to prove with documents that Turkey supported Hungary during the revolution. This study has been created by benefiting from archive documents, national newspapers and copyrights from both target countries. The study also commemorates the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which erupted 65 years ago this year. Finally, this article entitled Relations between Turkey and Hungary during the Democratic Party Period (1950–1960) is a qualitative study prepared using the document analysis technique.
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Dreisziger, Nador F. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: The Legacy of the Refugees". Nationalities Papers 13, nr 2 (1985): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998508408022.

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The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 exerted a deep influence on the international communist movement and greatly affected the political and economic outlook in Hungary. A less well-known legacy of the uprising is what may be called the refugee experience, a momentous chapter in the history of human migration and resettlement. An examination of this experience reveals that the appearance of the Hungarian refugees in Western Europe and the New World greatly changed the development of Hungarian ethnic communities already in existence there, and that the refugees’ presence in the West continues to have lasting influence on relations between Hungary and the West.In the past, Hungary has been both a source of refugees and a refuge for them. Many times in her history has she offered refuge to persecuted minorities and fugitives driven out of their own countries by war or other calamities. She has also sent her own refugees to the four corners of the world, after such events as the Rákóczi Uprising of the early eighteenth century, the War of Independece of 1848-49, the revolutions of 1918-19, and the Second World War.
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Galambos, István. "Reflections on the Revolutionary Activities of László Iván Kovács". Ephemeris Hungarologica 2, nr 2 (2022): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.53644/eh.2022.2.59.

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László Iván Kovács, commander of Corvin passage between 25th of October of 1956 and 1st of November and then second-in-command until 4th of November, was one of the legendary figures of the Hungarian revolution of 1956. He proved to be an able commander, who did not forget humanity even while fighting. He transferred wounded Soviet soldiers to the Soviet Headquarters. He forbade arbitrary punishment even against suspected of being members of the ÁVH.2 He wanted to preserve the purity of the revolution. He consistently stood up for the independence of Hungary, for a multiparty political system, for free elections and for the removal of Soviet troops he was willing to accept the government of Imre Nagy until the next elections. László Iván Kovács’s activities after the 4th of November were perhaps as significant during the revolution of 1956. During the revolution, he planned to rescue the Minister of Defence, Pál Maléter. László Iván Kovács founded the Turul party. He planned to establish a new revolutionary national army. He embraced the idea of Hungary as a democracy based on an independent and multi-party political system. These ideas weighed as heavily in the eyes of his interrogators and judges as his armed activities during the revolution. He set an example both during and after the struggle. His execution made him a martyr of the revolution.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Revolution (Hungary : 1956) fast"

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Gémes, Andreas. "Austria and the 1956 Hungarian revolution: between solidarity and neutrality /". Pisa : Edizioni Plus, Pisa University Press, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9788884925596.

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Csipke, Zoltan Pal. "The 1956 revolution and the politics of history and memory in post-communist Hungary". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.526835.

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Calkin, Rachael. ""Cracking the Stalinist crust" : the impact of 1956 on the Australian Communist Party /". Saarbrücken : VDM-Verl, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017394864&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Lytwyn, Alexander. ""The Love of America is on Move:" Victimization, Cold War Consensus, and the Hungarian Revolution, 1956-1957". Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/265734.

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History
M.A.
On November 4, 1956, Soviet forces brutally suppressed the Hungarian Revolution in Budapest. Although Nikita Khrushchev had attempted to "repair" the Soviet Union's image by denouncing Stalin's crimes, the Soviet invasion of Hungary damaged the Soviet Union's legitimacy in the international community. This thesis examines the popular and religious press' coverage of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. By publishing anticommunist editorials and letters to the editor, the popular press furthered the phenomenon known as Cold War Consensus. Historians have looked at Cold War Consensus as a conscious political project created by a number of individuals and institutions. This thesis emphasizes the role of the popular and religious press as agents in the solidification of the Cold War Consensus. Most notable was the popular and religious press' use of the victimization narrative. By portraying the Hungarian freedom fighters as victims of the Soviet system, the popular and religious press condemned the Soviet Union's actions while extolling "American values" such as democracy, freedom, and charity. The popular and religious press' treatment of Soviet brutality also built a sensationalized image of Hungarian refugees. The emphasis on Soviet savagery and narrative centered on incoming Hungarian refugees as heroes strengthened anticommunist rhetoric that was typical during the 1950s.
Temple University--Theses
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Toth, Ibojka Maria. "Borderland American - Hungarian video installation /". [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1165764619.

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Thesis (M.F.A)--Kent State University, 2006.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 27, 2008). Advisor: Martin Ball. Keywords: American - Hungarian Video Installation, 1956 Hungarian Revolution, Budapest, Hungary, Documentary - Style Production Process, Fragmented Memories of Time and Place, American - Hungarian Struggles with Personal and Cultural Identities, Discourse about Mul.
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Hein, Rodger W. "Australian responses to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956". Thesis, 1999. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32975/.

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This thesis examines the varying responses by different sections of the Australian community to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The hypothesis of this work argues is that the different responses were predictable, given the backdrop of Cold War thinking of the time, community attitudes, and the political mix in Australia in 1956. The responses accurately reflected Australian social, political and religious attitudes in the 1950s.
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APOR, Balazs. "Methods of cult-building and cult-dismantling in communist Hungary : the case of Mátyás Rákosi, 1945-1956". Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6594.

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Defence date: 29 September 2006
Examining board: Prof. Arfon Rees (Supervisor) ; Prof. László Bruszt ; Prof. Robert Service ; Prof. Árpád von Klimo
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Colucci, Lamont Cary. "Liberation tested U.S. Foreign policy--involvement and reaction to the 1953 uprising in East Germany and the 1956 revolution in Hungary /". 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20863909.html.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1989.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-95).
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Adamec, Jan. "Maďarsko 1956: od reformy socialismu k národnímu povstání". Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350091.

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Jan Adamec, Hungary 1956: from a reform of socialism to a national uprising Dizertační práce Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Filozofická fakulta, Ústav světových dějin, Praha, 2015 Abstract The theses aims to analyze the crisis of the Hungarian Communist regime in 1956. It begins with the internal party struggle between Prime Minister Imre Nagy and First Secretary Matyás Rákosi in 1953-1955. Khrushchev's destalinisation initiative in 1956 triggered a new wave of conflicts. The crisis within the Communist Party was then deepened by the demise of Rákosi and the installation of Ernő Gerő as his successor in July 1956 and the emotionally charged reburial of László Rajk. The crisis coincided with grave economic shortages and rising dissatisfaction in the countryside. Encouraged Hungarian students organized demonstrations on 23 October 1956 that grew into mass riots against the regime. New agents that then played a key role in the events in question entered the political arena. Firstly, the Soviet army intervened on behalf of the Hungarian Communist leadership; however, it failed to restore order or suppress the mass movement. Secondly, dozens of guerrilla-like insurgent groups fought enthusiastically against the Soviets. Khrushchev contemplated postponing the use of military force for a brief period of time;...
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Książki na temat "Revolution (Hungary : 1956) fast"

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Gadney, Reg. Cry Hungary!: Uprising 1956. New York: Atheneum, 1986.

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Pal, Maleter, i Międzyzakładowa Struktura Solidarności, red. Pal Maleter, rewolucjny generał. Warszawa: Międzyzakładowa Struktura "Solidarności,", 1985.

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Andersen, Morten Bendix. Ungarnsopstanden 1956: I dansk erindringshistorisk perspektiv. Copenhagen?]: Schønberg, 2007.

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Gerbicz, Ottó. Az 1956-os forradalmat és szabadságharcot, hadüzenet nélküli háborút követő megtorlások Budapesten a Kádár korszákban. Budapest: [publisher not identified], 2019.

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Bálint, László. Forradalmi hamisságok: (és más tanulmányok). Hungary]: Bálint László, 2019.

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Péteri, Lóránt. 1956 és a zenei élet: Előzmények, történetek, következmények. Budapest: Liszt Ferenc Zeneművészeti Egyetem, 2019.

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Pérez Sánchez, Guillermo A., author i Szilágyi István 1950 author, red. Luchadores por la libertad: La Revolución húngara de 1956. San Sebastián de los Reyes: Actas, 2016.

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Közép- és Kelet-európai Történelem és Társadalom Kutatásáért Közalapítvány, red. A pesti Rambo: Esettanulmányok az 1956-os forradalom és szabadságharc történetéből. Budapest: Közép- és Kelet-Európai Történelem és Társadalom Kutatásáért Közalapítvány, 2018.

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Géger, Melinda. Emlékezet: 56-an '56-ról. Budapest: Magyar Festők Társasága, 2016.

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editor, Csurka Dóra 1973, red. Ötvenhat lövészárkai. Budapest: Kairosz, 2016.

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Części książek na temat "Revolution (Hungary : 1956) fast"

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Czetz, Balázs, Gyöngyi Farkas, Gergely Krisztián Horváth, Csaba Káli, József Ö. Kovács i Róbert Rigó. "The Revolution of 1956 and the Second Wave of Forced Collectivization (1959–1961)". W The Sovietization of Rural Hungary, 1945-1980, 84–108. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003305781-4.

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Bencsik, Péter. "Nagy Imre Gerő Ernő "tiszta lap" politikájáról". W Fontes et Libri, 13–21. Szeged, Hungary: Szegedi Tudományegyetem, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/btk.2023.sje.2.

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In July 1956, the situation of Mátyás Rákosi became untenable in Hungary, and he had to resign as first secretary of the Hungarian Working People’s Party (HWPP). He was succeeded by the second man of the regime, Ernő Gerő, who, like his predecessor, was rejected by the Hungarian society. The HWPP made a serious mistake from points of view: not only by appointing Gerő as the head of the party, but also by failing to restore Imre Nagy’s party membership and reinstate him as head of government. (He had been removed from office in the first half of 1955 and expelled from the party in December 1955.) The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union created a new situation in which even Gerő, previously a committed Stalinist, became an advocate of reform himself. Against all expectations, Gerő, although his rule lasted less than a hundred days, announced and even began to implement significant reforms. In this paper, I examine three questions. Firstly, I compare Imre Nagy’s reforms, the ‘new course’ announced in 1953 with Gerő’s programme, the ‘clean sheet’ policy three years later. Secondly, I will review how Imre Nagy’s request for the reinstatement of his party membership was handled by the old-new party leadership. Finally, I would like to know how Imre Nagy himself assessed the ‘clean sheet’ programme in the late summer and early autumn of 1956, and to what extent his assessment of it changed afterwards, following the 1956 revolution.
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"HUNGARY BEFORE THE REVOLUTION". W The 1956 Hungarian Revolution, 1–190. Central European University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.7829/j.ctv10tq5rq.9.

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"HUNGARY IN THE AFTERMATH". W The 1956 Hungarian Revolution, 364–553. Central European University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.7829/j.ctv10tq5rq.11.

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"A revolution of intellectuals: Hungary, 1956". W The CIA and the Congress for Cultural Freedom in the Early Cold War, 162–68. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315669847-22.

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Cash, John Joseph. "Commemoration and Contestation of the 1956 Revolution in Hungary". W Comparative Hungarian Cultural Studies, 247–58. Purdue University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt6wq7fz.22.

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"Chapter 4. POST-1956 HUNGARY: REPRESSION, REFORM, AND ROUNDTABLE REVOLUTION". W The Dilemmas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe, 109–54. Central European University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9786155211164-007.

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Luka, Dániel. "Land Policy in Hungary 1944–1967". W Economic and Social Changes: Historical Facts, Analyses and Interpretations, 115–22. Working Group of Economic and Social History, Regional Committee of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Pécs, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/seshst-01-13.

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The topic of this study is land legislation and its implementation in Hungary between 1944 and 1967. In the paper, the different types of communist land policy methods were analysed, focusing on abolishing private land ownership and private land use. In this context, the fundamental elements and development of land legislation, furthermore basic trends and changes in land structure are assessed. The land law was not codified in the communist dictatorship, but the attempts of such codification are explored in the paper, which occurred during the “new course” (1953/1954–1955), started around the revolution in the autumn of 1956, and a third in 1962 after mass collectivization. As a result of political change and the aftermath of the revolution, private farmers received twice land back in private ownership and private use. The analysis points out that strengthening private land ownership had a better chance in the “new course” than after the revolution in 1956. Land transfer and lease were restricted from 1948 but increased between 1953 and 1955, and again between 1956 and 1959 during the relaxed agrarian policy. The regulations were implemented in a radical fashion between 1948/1949 and 1953 generally, and legislation on land use, land consolidation, and “waiver” multiplied efforts to abolish private farms. Because of this reason, the idea of the gradual transformation of the countryside was abandoned, “kulaks” were discriminated and their estates liquidated. Imre Nagy and others recognized the paradox situation and initiated corrections, which paved the way and did result in a whole new economic policy in July 1953. On the other hand, after 1956, the new regime set a new upper limit of private farms and started another wave of expropriation. The records indicate that the main method of taking private land in state ownership was “waiver” of land and expropriation until 1967. Private land ownership was finally abolished by creating cooperative ownership. The study can be considered a case study to the account of the legal, economic, and social history of the communist dictatorship.
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"12 Towards a Social History of the 1956 Revolution in Hungary". W From the Vanguard to the Margins: Workers in Hungary, 1939 to the Present, 276–91. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004270329_014.

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Breslauer, George W. "Diversity and Defiance within the World Communist Movement". W The Rise and Demise of World Communism, 151–55. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197579671.003.0022.

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As Soviet leaders worked to manage the contradictions they had unleashed, they faced a wide range of responses from within the world communist movement: worker rebellions in Eastern Europe; revolution in Hungary in 1956; near revolution in Poland; and criticism or ambivalence from Yugoslavia, China, and nonruling communist parties in the wake of de-Stalinization and the crushing of the Hungarian revolution.
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