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1
Kierasiński, Mariusz. "Sino-North Korean Ideological Relations in Face of 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China". HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 3, nr 2 (29.12.2022): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.33790.
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The aim of this paper is to analyze the most important aspects of the ideological relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the face of the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). The Policy Brief is divided into four parts: Reactions of the Workers' Party of Korea to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party CPC; Mention of Korea during the 20th CPC Congress; The role of CPC in People's Republic of China according to WKP and the Significance of Sino-North Korean ideological relations after 20th Congress of the CPC. The methodology included media and literature review, which were collected through Korean Central News Agency, Rodong Sinmun and documents of the 20th Congress of the CPC. This study makes evident the importance of ideological relations between China and North Korea.
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Husenicova, Lucia. "U.S. Foreign Policy Towards North Korea". International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, nr 1 (9.11.2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.05.
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The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People’s Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved governmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.
3
An, Jaehyung, Alexey Mikhaylov i Sang-Uk Jung. "The Strategy of South Korea in the Global Oil Market". Energies 13, nr 10 (15.05.2020): 2491. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13102491.
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The paper analyzes South Korea’s strategy in the global oil market. South Korean oil cooperation is characterized by the creation or termination of joint projects in the oil sector, as well as the Republic of Korea’s national project for the diversification of state-energy suppliers. Oil cooperation currently has great potential, and the conditions that have developed at the highest level allow open discussions about positive dynamics for short-term and medium-term prospects in the field of oil cooperation. The analysis presented here includes export and import connections in the oil market. The authorities of the current administration of the Republic of Korea have adopted a new political stance towards the north, in accordance with which the state is actively developing and establishing relations with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Russian Federation. In the coming years, South Korea aims to renew and revise potential projects in the field of oil cooperation. The main result of this is that the political climate of the Republic of Korea is currently concentrated on the development of an oil cooperation strategy.
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Jung, Giwoong. "Cuba: The Last Destination of the Republic of Korea’s Nordpolitik?" Social Sciences 12, nr 11 (19.11.2023): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12110638.
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This article analyzes the possibility of normalizing diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the Republic of Cuba (Cuba). It poses two main questions: Why does the ROK desire to normalize diplomatic relations with Cuba? Can diplomatic normalization be achieved, and if so, what policy measures are necessary to make it happen? To answer these questions, the article explores the ROK’s previous efforts and assesses the current state of bilateral relations between the ROK and Cuba. The strong relationship between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and Cuba is pointed out as an essential obstacle, and the article examines what policy actions could be taken to overcome it. Finally, the article draws on previous experiences and cases of Nordpolitik (Northern Policy) to suggest a direction for the ROK’s foreign policy toward normalizing diplomatic relations with Cuba.
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Park, Eugene Y. "THE PHANTASM OF THE WESTERN CAPITAL (SŎGYŎNG): IMPERIAL KOREA'S REDEVELOPMENT OF P'YŎNGYANG, 1902–1908". International Journal of Asian Studies 12, nr 2 (lipiec 2015): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591415000133.
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The Western Capital (Sŏgyŏng) project was of ideological, cultural, and strategic significance for the Empire of Korea (1897–1910) struggling for survival in the age of imperialism. This study argues that Imperial Korea's understanding of its place in the civilized world of the past, present, and future inspired redeveloping P'yŏngyang as the secondary capital. The advocates cited the history of the city in particular and of the nation in general to legitimize the project. Also, status-conscious specialistchungin(“middle people”), a newly prominent social group with loyalist members, played active roles. Moreover, responding to the deteriorating Russo-Japanese relations, Korea began preparing the nation's secondary capital, located within a neutral zone that Russia proposed to Japan. From the outset, the critics of the project highlighted funding constraints, a heavy tax burden on the local population, and rapacious officials exploiting the situation. The Japanese victory over Russia in 1905 effectively ended the project, but the memory of P'yŏngyang's status as the secondary capital outlived the Empire of Korea and the subsequent Japanese colonial rule before the city became the national capital of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, established in 1948.
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Sadakov, D. A. "Adapting to Détente: US Policy on Korean Unification in 1968-1973". MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, nr 1 (9.03.2023): 130–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-130-152.
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The article studies the history of the US foreign policy adaptation to détente that started in the late 1960s. By this time the Americans had strong military and political positions on the Korean peninsula. Washington managed to thwart DPRK attempts in 1966–1969 to destabilize the situation in the South. Americans saw growing inter-Korean contacts as a new challenge. With détente gaining momentum, this led to the obsolescence of some American foreign policy instruments in the region, including the US-controlled UN Commission on the Unification and Rebuilding of Korea. Another challenge for the Americans was the North Koreans' «diplomatic offensive,» which strengthened North Korea's position in the world. It tried to use the accumulated political weight to turn the annual debate on the Korean issue in the UN General Assembly from a formality to something real. At the same time, the military threat posed by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, for example, in the 1973–1975 conflict along the Northern Boundary Line, remained relevant.Nevertheless, in 1968–1973 the Americans succeeded in reshaping their policy toward Korea under conditions of a dramatic improvement in the international situation of the DPRK and settlement of US-Chinese relations. The Americans managed to eliminate the obsolete UN Commission on the Unification and Restoration of Korea with minimal losses. They ensured that the discussion of the Korean question in the United Nations would not have a destructive influence on the internal political life of the South. Under these conditions, the inter-Korean dialogue remained merely a political game of the regimes on the peninsula. Preserving the status quo in the region was the main result of US diplomacy’s manipulative techniques. Such approaches are still relevant for the modern US foreign policy – getting rid of international instruments, which have exhausted their purpose.
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Leonkin, A. D. "Relations between the Russia and China in the Field of Hydrouse of Joint Waterways". Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 44 (2023): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2023.44.61.
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The Amur River basin covers the territory of four countries – Russia, China, North Korea and Mongolia. But, since North Korea and Mongolia account for a small part, the pressure from the activities of these countries on the water arteries of the Amur basin is insignificant. At the same time, Russia and China cover 98% (54% and 44%, respectively) of the basin area, and the activities of these two states have the greatest impact on the Amur and its tributaries. The article deals with the problems of the different approach of the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in relation to the use of joint reservoirs, which are the border for the two countries – one of the longest in the world. The purpose of the material is to consider the evolution of the use of the Amur River basin by Russia and China, the emerging dangers for one of the largest rivers in the world (9th place), and the interaction of the two countries to reduce the detrimental impact of human activity in this territory. With the beginning of the process of development and industrialization of the Russian Far East (USSR) and the Northeast of China, pressure began on the ecological and hydrological spheres of these regions. This is especially true of the Chinese territory, where from the middle of the 20th century. the population of the population has grown significantly, exceeding 100 million people, and, accordingly, the process of industrialization of the region and the development of agriculture, including the cultivation of rice, which requires significant irrigation work, has significantly increased. The material touches upon the issues of the use of waterways for the extraction of biological resources, navigation, agriculture, bank protection works and the needs of industry, as well as the threat from emergencies at enterprises located in the basin of border rivers. In addition, the issue of preventing economic damage and protecting the ports of the Russian Primorye in the event of a change in the rules for using the Tumannaya (Tumangan) border river, which for the last 17 km before flowing into the Sea of Japan, separates the Russian Federation and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, thus excluding access to sea to Chinese ships from the port of Hunchun.
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Jiang, Luguang, Ye Liu, Si Wu i Cheng Yang. "Study on Urban Spatial Pattern Based on DMSP/OLS and NPP/VIIRS in Democratic People’s Republic of Korea". Remote Sensing 13, nr 23 (1.12.2021): 4879. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs13234879.
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In recent years, much attention has been given to the current situation and trend regarding economic development in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), of which urbanization is an important indicator. In the present study, (i) the urbanized area is estimated using DMSP/OLS and NPP/VIIRS, (ii) the current spatial pattern and the change characteristics of typical cities are revealed, and (iii) the scale and developmental stage of major cities in the DPRK are judged through comparison. Although the DPRK is relatively closed, the financial crisis in 2008 indirectly affected its economic development, and a large gap remains between the urbanization level of the DPRK and that of China and the Republic of Korea. The large cities in the DPRK are located mainly in its eastern coastal areas and western plains, and there has been no significant expansion in Pyongyang, Chungjin, and Hamhung in the past 28 years. Although economic construction has begun again recently in the DPRK, further reform and opening are required. As the DPRK’s relations with its neighbors and countries around the world improve, its economic development and urban construction will present a new pattern.
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Hymans, Jacques E. C. "Assessing North Korean Nuclear Intentions and Capacities: A New Approach". Journal of East Asian Studies 8, nr 2 (sierpień 2008): 259–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800005324.
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This article develops a novel assessment of the nuclear program of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Using a theory-driven approach rooted in comparative foreign policy analysis, the article undermines two common assumptions about the DPRK nuclear threat: first, that the North Korean leadership's nuclear intentions are a measured response to the external environment and, second, that the DPRK has developed enough technical capacity to go nuclear whenever it pleases. In place of these assumptions, the article puts forth the general theoretical hypotheses that (1) the decision to go nuclear is rarely if ever based on typical cost-benefit analysis, and instead reflects deep-seated national identity conceptions, and (2) the capacity to go nuclear depends not only on raw levels of industrialization and nuclear technology, but also on the state's organizational acumen. Applied to the case of the DPRK, these hypotheses suggest that it has long been strongly committed to the goal of acquiring an operational nuclear deterrent, but also that it has been finding it very difficult to successfully implement that wish. The article also demonstrates that these hypotheses are supported by the meager evidence available on this case.
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Choi, Hyung-mook. "A Theological Critique of the National Security Act from the Perspective of Universal Human Rights". Korean Society of Minjung theology 39 (30.06.2023): 165–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.58302/madang.2023.39.165.
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Freedom of thought and conscience are fundamental human rights and are guaranteed in a democratic society. The Constitution of the Republic of Korea states that “the state has the duty to affirm and guarantee the inviolable and fundamental human rights of individuals”(Article 10). However, in South Korean society, this common sense goes out the window the moment someone is labeled a “bbalgaengyi” (reds) or a “jongbukjueuija” (followers of North Korea). This is because the National Security Act legally supports a divided country with anti-communism at the forefront. When it was first enacted in 1948, it was seen as a temporary device to maintain authoritarianism under the divided system, but the reality was different. Even as political democratization has progressed and inter-Korean relations have improved, it has remained powerful as a device for restricting popular movements and unification movements and controlling ideas. It has not only restricted social movements but also controlled academic and artistic activities and regulated people’s inner worlds. The National Security Act has been controversial since the 1987 democratization, but it is still alive and well in 2023. For a long time, research on the National Security Act was a taboo subject that was not easily accessible because it could be considered a violation of the law. Adding to the difficulty of research was the lack of access to documentation of cases where the law was applied. With the democratization of 1987 and the development of the Northern Policy and inter-Korean relations in the early 1990s, the environment was ripe for rethinking the meaning of the National Security Act. Pioneering studies before and after 1990 and the Constitutional Court’s unconstitutionality review process, which began in 1990, led to a serious examination of its legal issues. Theological commentary on the National Security Act is scarce. Not only from the point of view of the church, which was responsible for integrating the public into the anti-communist ideology during the formation and development of the pro- American anti-communist state, but also from the point of view of Minjung theology. For theologians, too, it was not a simple matter to overcome the taboo of anti-communism. They were always conscious of the limits of that taboo, and when they crossed them, they were bound to face the swift blade of state power. In the absence of a theological response to the National Security Act, this article begins that discussion. Approaching it from a theological position is based on an awareness of universal human rights that can no longer be avoided as a theological task today. After articulating that position, this article briefly reaffirms the problems with the National Security Act and addresses the issues of the rule of law and human dignity.
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Burdelski, Marceli. "Relations between the Republic of Poland and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea". Pacific Focus 25, nr 2 (26.07.2010): 276–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.2010.01044.x.
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Song, Jiyoung. "The Right to Survival in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea". European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, nr 1 (2010): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517689.
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AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.
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Rasoulinezhad, Ehsan, Farhad Taghizadeh-Hesary i Naoyuki Yoshino. "Assessment of the Trade Integration Pattern Between the Russian Federation and East/Southeast Asian Economies Using the Panel Gravity Framework". Asian Economic Papers 19, nr 1 (kwiecień 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00745.
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This study is the first attempt to investigate the patterns of imports and exports between the Russian Federation and East/Southeast Asian economies, namely, the People's Republic of China; Hong Kong, China; Macau, China; Japan; the Republic of Korea; Mongolia; Cambodia; Lao People's Democratic Republic; Brunei; Indonesia; Malaysia; Myanmar; the Philippines; Singapore; Thailand; and Vietnam. To this end, a panel gravity trade model with series from 2001 to 2017 is provided to estimate the gravity variables in our models. The results reveal that GDP and income are more important in the export pattern from the Russian Federation to the East Asian region, meaning that the economic size and the income of the population in East Asian economies are more important in this pattern than other variables. Moreover, Russia's export pattern with the East Asian region follows the Heckscher–Ohlin hypothesis, while Russia's import pattern with this region is in line with the Linder hypothesis.
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Choe, Rye Sun, Kum Sik Han, Se Chan Kim, Chol U, Chol Ung Ho i Il Kang. "Late Pleistocene fauna from Chongphadae Cave, Hwangju County, Democratic People's Republic of Korea". Quaternary Research 97 (28.04.2020): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qua.2020.9.
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AbstractWe report on a diverse and abundant mammal fauna from Chongphadae Cave—Hwangju region in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). The cave sediments include many mammal fossils and consist of fluvial, cave clay, and calcareous deposits. During our field excavation 33 species were encountered: 9 species of rodents, 1 species of lagomorph, 1 species of insectivore, 8 species of carnivores, 4 species of perissodactyls, 9 species of artiodactyls, and 1 species of primates. Of these, perissodactyls and artiodactyls dominate the fauna in terms of diversity. The cave sediments include 15 layers. Radiocarbon dating showed that Layers 12 and 13 were formed from 34,770 to 27,800 cal yr BP and from 24,980 to 21,340 cal yr BP, respectively. Additional identification of various palyno-botanical remains including 25 families and genera of trees, 19 families and genera of grasses and herbs, and 10 families and genera of ferns provides a wealth of information on the past ecology of the Chongphadae Cave Site area. During the Late Pleistocene, the Chongphadae area was surrounded by luxuriant forests associated with hills and grasslands in a cool and humid temperate climatic environment.
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Hoare, Jim. "DOES THE SUN STILL SHINE? THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA'S POLICY OF ENGAGEMENT WITH THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF KOREA". Asian Affairs 39, nr 1 (marzec 2008): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068370701791998.
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Issraelyan, Evgenia. "Canada and the countries of the Korean Peninsula: opportunities and challenges". Russia and America in the 21st Century, nr 3 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760026339-9.
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The countries of the Korean Peninsula occupy a prominent place in Canada's Indo-Pacific Strategy. The article examines the results achieved in Canada's relations with the Republic of Korea and the problems arising from the nuclear ambitions of North Korea (DPRK). Canada's current relations with the Republic of Korea can generally be called good: trade and economic cooperation is developing especially successfully. At the same time, the modernization of the nuclear missile arsenal of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is a serious challenge for Canada as a member of the world community. It participates in the search for a solution to the North Korean problem at the multilateral and bilateral levels.
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Ji, S., S. Shin i Y. Lee. "Forest restoration policy in the North Korea based on the reforestation experience in South Korea". International Forestry Review 24, nr 4 (1.12.2022): 560–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1505/146554822836282536.
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In order to promote forest restoration in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), the research investigated the reforestation experience of the Republic of Korea (South Korea), promoted as part of the Saemaul Undong movement in the 1970s. The key success factors of reforestation in South Korea include the pan-national campaign, efficient governance for social resource mobilization, development of the alternative energy industry, food production enhancement and great international support. North Korea has also launched a pan-national campaign, mobilized social resources, is developing renewable energy industries, and has cooperated with international communities. However, because reforestation in North Korea is directly or indirectly connected to various factors such as food security, energy supply and demand, and climate change, an integrated approach is necessary as a model for cooperative development to achieve the desired outcomes of forest restoration policies. Further, comprehensive agricultural and rural development, especially agroforestry projects, are required to implement forest restoration policies in North Korea efficiently and effectively.
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Izotov, Dmitry. "The Small Economies of North-East Asia During the COVID-19 Pandemic: Mongolia and the DPRK". Regionalistica 8, nr 6 (2021): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14530/reg.2021.6.85.
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The purpose of the review is to determine the measures of Mongolia and the Korean People’s Democratic Republic government policy to support the economies in the face of containing COVID-19, as well as to identify the factors that determine the short- and medium-term prospects for their economic growth. It is shown that these two countries demonstrated a low level of COVID-19 spread, achieved by opposite measures of the policy. It has been established that Mongolia is implementing a large package of economic support measures, and the DPRK is taking measures of nationalization and indirect taxation of population income. It is determined that the main factor in the recovery of these economies is the expansion of trade relations with China
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Von Hippel, David F., Peter Hayes, James H. Williams, Chris Greacen, Mick Sagrillo i Timothy Savage. "International energy assistance needs and options for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK)". Energy Policy 36, nr 2 (luty 2008): 541–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.enpol.2007.09.027.
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Clapham, Christopher. "The constitution of the people's democratic Republic of Ethiopia". Journal of Communist Studies 3, nr 2 (czerwiec 1987): 192–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278708414865.
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Ermolaeva, Ekaterina. "Formation and development of foreign policy ideology of the Republic of Korea". Genesis: исторические исследования, nr 7 (lipiec 2020): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.7.33554.
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This article explores the process of formation of foreign policy ideology of the Republic of Korea. The object of this research is the national ideology of the Republic of Korea, while the subject is the ideological concepts of its foreign policy. Analysis is conducted on the historical background, cultural and sociopolitical context, which affected the formation of South Korean ideology. The article describes the foreign policy concepts of the Republic of Korea, using the example of ideological course of the administrations of Lee Myung-Bak, Park Geun-hye and Moon Jae-on. The author applies the comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods, as well as content analysis in examination of the texts of documents for determining conceptual grounds of foreign policy. The Russian Korean Studies do not feature comprehensive research on the topic of ideology in the sphere of foreign policy of the Republic of Korea, which defines the scientific novelty of this work. The following conclusions were formulated: 1) Historically, Korea was in a state of foreign policy dependency, which impacted the formation of nationalistic views among the political elite; 2) The peculiarities of development of the Republic of Korea led to the division of political forces into two main groups that vector the foreign policy within the framework of genera paradigm, characterized by nationalistic context and the strive to ensure sustainable development of the country and regional security; 3) The ideological concepts of political groups mark a number of differences in the attitude to the alliance with the United States and interaction with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. However, the implementation of foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Korea depends on a particular situation, thus the ideological course of foreign policy does not always reflect the real government actions. The ideological differences in foreign policy of the rightwing and leftwing forces become more conditional – the pragmatic objectives aimed at preservation of stable relations and balance of forces, as well as maintenance of regional security, come to the forefront.
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Mencel, Marian. "Konsekwencje spotkania Donalda Trumpa i Kim Dzong Una w Singapurze". Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XV (15.06.2019): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0395.
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As a consequence of the intensification of nuclear tests and long-range mis-siles, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has become the subject of debates and pressure from the international environment, which is mani-fested by the increasingly stringent sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council, complemented by diplomatic pressures and intensified political influence on Pyongyang by the United States and China. As a result of their application, the relations between the two Korean states were warmed up, and the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un, proposed to implement the process of denuclearization of North Korea and a direct meeting with the US President, Donald Trump. Why was there an unprecedented meeting and what are the consequences? How was the meeting perceived by the American regional allies? What is the position of China in connection with the events? What are the prospects for progress in contacts between North Korea and the United States, South Korea, China and Japan? Is it possible to fully denuclearise the Korean Peninsula? An attempt to answer these ques-tions has been made in this article.
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Choi, Yongjeon. "A Study on North Korean Administrative Law System and Contents". Korean Public Land Law Association 100 (30.11.2022): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30933/kpllr.2022.100.207.
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When North Korea adopted 'our-style socialism' in its constitution in 1992, it explicitly stated that it would strengthen 'socialist legal life', and granted the title of 'exemplary law compliance unit' to enterprises that practiced law-abiding life to realize socialist legal life. In addition, the legal commentator system emphasizes compliance with the law. And in North Korea, through the democratic centralization system, state institutions with the Supreme People's Assembly as the apex guide all the lives of the people, and the order of the market economy is being denied. Therefore, it is difficult to find a judicial realm in North Korea's legal order, and most of the legal order is a public legal realm, and it can be seen that it is composed of statutes corresponding to administrative law with the constitution as the apex. However, this principle, called democratic centralism or democratic centralism, is that the will of the citizens is democratically converged to the center and power is concentrated in the Supreme People's Assembly, and this principle is shown in the North Korean Constitution as it is. Therefore, the concept of administration, which started from the theory of separation of powers, which separates state power into three powers, legislative, judicial, and administrative, cannot be harmonized with democratic centralism. is also a contradictory ideology. In addition, looking at the types and names of administrative laws in North Korea, the statutes and decisions of the Supreme People's Assembly, the orders of the Chairman of the State Affairs Commission, the decrees, decisions and directives of the State Affairs Commission, the decrees, decisions and directives of the Supreme People's Committee Standing Committee, and the decisions and directives of the Cabinet And there are decisions and instructions of the provincial People's Committee. In addition, since 1998, there are ‘Sector Act’ and ‘Regulation’ that have been used instead of statutes. Among these regulations, the highest regulation would be the order of the chairperson, and this order sometimes functions as a superordinate norm of the constitution. In addition, there are statutes and ordinances that can be considered sectoral laws as sub-norms of orders, and regulations including decisions and instructions can be considered as sub-norms of sectoral laws. The administrative executive body in North Korea is the Cabinet, which also serves as the overall state management body, and the local People's Committee is the administrative executive body of local sovereignty. These administrative executive bodies are structured in a hierarchical structure with the Supreme People's Assembly, and furthermore, there is a restriction that they must operate under the leadership of the Workers' Party of Korea. These central administrative agencies are conducting administrative activities including administrative acts, and local administrative agencies are developing various resident administrative projects. In order to strengthen social rule of law in North Korea, declaring ‘socialist legal life’, explaining the law to North Koreans and emphasizing compliance is similar to South Korea’s rule of law. In accordance with the ‘Law Enactment Law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’ enacted and adopted in 2012, North Korea continues to carry out legislative reform, and is actively engaged in enactment and amendment of laws, claiming to aim for a ‘normal state’. This phenomenon can be seen as an activity close to South Korea's rule of law. This phenomenon can be seen positively in terms of the integration of the South and North Korean laws. However, North Korea's Administrative Law has improved a lot compared to the past, but the intentions of the Labor Party and the Chairman of the State Affairs Commission still have a superior effect. Therefore,
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Choi, Yongjeon. "A Study on North Korean Administrative Law System and Contents". Korean Public Land Law Association 100 (30.11.2022): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30933/kpllr.2022.100.207.
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When North Korea adopted 'our-style socialism' in its constitution in 1992, it explicitly stated that it would strengthen 'socialist legal life', and granted the title of 'exemplary law compliance unit' to enterprises that practiced law-abiding life to realize socialist legal life. In addition, the legal commentator system emphasizes compliance with the law. And in North Korea, through the democratic centralization system, state institutions with the Supreme People's Assembly as the apex guide all the lives of the people, and the order of the market economy is being denied. Therefore, it is difficult to find a judicial realm in North Korea's legal order, and most of the legal order is a public legal realm, and it can be seen that it is composed of statutes corresponding to administrative law with the constitution as the apex. However, this principle, called democratic centralism or democratic centralism, is that the will of the citizens is democratically converged to the center and power is concentrated in the Supreme People's Assembly, and this principle is shown in the North Korean Constitution as it is. Therefore, the concept of administration, which started from the theory of separation of powers, which separates state power into three powers, legislative, judicial, and administrative, cannot be harmonized with democratic centralism. is also a contradictory ideology. In addition, looking at the types and names of administrative laws in North Korea, the statutes and decisions of the Supreme People's Assembly, the orders of the Chairman of the State Affairs Commission, the decrees, decisions and directives of the State Affairs Commission, the decrees, decisions and directives of the Supreme People's Committee Standing Committee, and the decisions and directives of the Cabinet And there are decisions and instructions of the provincial People's Committee. In addition, since 1998, there are ‘Sector Act’ and ‘Regulation’ that have been used instead of statutes. Among these regulations, the highest regulation would be the order of the chairperson, and this order sometimes functions as a superordinate norm of the constitution. In addition, there are statutes and ordinances that can be considered sectoral laws as sub-norms of orders, and regulations including decisions and instructions can be considered as sub-norms of sectoral laws. The administrative executive body in North Korea is the Cabinet, which also serves as the overall state management body, and the local People's Committee is the administrative executive body of local sovereignty. These administrative executive bodies are structured in a hierarchical structure with the Supreme People's Assembly, and furthermore, there is a restriction that they must operate under the leadership of the Workers' Party of Korea. These central administrative agencies are conducting administrative activities including administrative acts, and local administrative agencies are developing various resident administrative projects. In order to strengthen social rule of law in North Korea, declaring ‘socialist legal life’, explaining the law to North Koreans and emphasizing compliance is similar to South Korea’s rule of law. In accordance with the ‘Law Enactment Law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’ enacted and adopted in 2012, North Korea continues to carry out legislative reform, and is actively engaged in enactment and amendment of laws, claiming to aim for a ‘normal state’. This phenomenon can be seen as an activity close to South Korea's rule of law. This phenomenon can be seen positively in terms of the integration of the South and North Korean laws. However, North Korea's Administrative Law has improved a lot compared to the past, but the intentions of the Labor Party and the Chairman of the State Affairs Commission still have a superior effect. Therefore,
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Sonnenberg, Stephan, i Patricia Goedde. "Accountability for Human Rights Crimes in North Korea: Jurisdictional Dilemmas in South Korea". Asian Perspective 47, nr 3 (czerwiec 2023): 513–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2023.a905236.
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Abstract: This article explores how claims alleging serious human rights violations or breaches of international criminal law that occurred in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) might unfold in the courts of the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea) under various differing jurisdictional theories. South Korea has legislation allowing for the exercise of universal jurisdiction, an increasingly widespread judicial mechanism for a national court to hold alleged perpetrators of serious human rights and humanitarian law violations accountable for their actions regardless of where the crime was committed and regardless of the victim's or the perpetrator's nationality. In South Korea, domestic criminal and civil jurisdiction can conceivably be "stretched" to encompass crimes perpetrated on the northern half of the Korean peninsula due to a constitutional provision that denies the existence of a separate North Korean sovereign nation. This article introduces and compares the feasibility and challenges of various jurisdictional approaches in South Korea that could address human rights crimes in North Korea, specifically (a) universal jurisdiction prosecution based on domestic law, (b) domestic criminal prosecution, and (c) civil cases in tort.
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Yablonskyi, Vasyl. "Formation and Transformation of Political Regime of the Ukrainian People’s Republic Directory at the End of 1918-1919". Kyiv Historical Studies 16, nr 1 (2023): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2023.18.
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The transformation of the political regime of the UPR Directory from the leading revolutionary insurgent body to the supreme state institution of the republic with special powers was analyzed. The transition process from the "labor principle" — the left-populist (bolshevik) model of the formation of central and local authorities — to the democratic principle of universal suffrage is studied. The transformation of the Ukrainian People's Republic Directory from a collective body with extraordinary powers to an exclusive body of the highest power with authoritarian features was examined. The influence of bolshevik ideology on domestic political relations in the Ukrainian People's Republic is shown. Relations between the Directory and political parties regarding the formation of government bodies are analysed. Significant qualitative changes in the essence of this form of Ukrainian statehood were considered. The way was passed from the de-facto bolshevik socio-economic slogans and "labor principle" to the implementation of liberal-democratic ideas: along with other forms of property private property was preserved, universal suffrage and guarantees for human rights were proclaimed. The cooperation between government institutions of the UPR and the nominally subordinated government of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic was described. The peculiarities of the first experience (often negative) (summer-autumn of 1919) of cooperation between the governments and armies of the Dnieper and the Dniestrer Ukraine were outlined. In this context, the attention was paid to the cooperation and confrontation between political parties of both parts of Ukraine. Taking into consideration the fact that the Directory did not reach its main goal — the strengthening and preservation of the independent Ukrainian state — it is possible to talk about the formal defeat of the Ukrainian liberation movements of 1917–1920. However, they were continued in exile (in emigration), where the traditions of the Ukrainian independent state were preserved in the form of the State Center of the Ukrainian People's Republic until 1992.
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Yurkovsky, Aleksei. "The Interests in the Constitutional Law of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Interests of Constitutional and Legal Regulation: An Estological Study". Academic Law Journal 23, nr 2 (12.07.2022): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/1819-0928.2022.23(2).125-134.
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The article contains the final materials of a comprehensive study conducted by the author in the field of the concept of constitutional and legal regulation in the Democratic People›s Republic of Korea using the latest author›s methodology and research technology (estological analysis of constitutional and legal regulation). The paper proposes a differentiated approach to the definition of system-structural and functional characteristics of interests in the constitutional law of the DPRK by subjects and objects. In addition to monitoring the subjects, owners of interests and objects of interest, the study attempts to state the patterns of existence of the interests of constitutional law and the interests of constitutional and legal regulation, as an independent social phenomenon. When conducting an estological study of the form and content of positive constitutional law, its legal and technical features in the state under consideration, the presence of a phenomenology of the interests of constitutional legal and general legal regulation is revealed. Signs of the interests of legal regulation differ from the political interests of subjects of constitutional law. These signs correspond to the signs of the most positive law and the signs of the mechanism of state power of the DPRK. The generalized materials allow us to consider constitutional values and anti-values in relation to each other, defining the interests of positive constitutional law, legal features of the development of the political system of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the mechanism of state power and objective signs of the mechanism and process of legal regulation in the state in question. When conducting an estological study, the presence of a phenomenology of the interests of constitutional and legal and legal regulation, corresponding to the signs of positive law and the mechanism of state power, is revealed. Signs of positive law determine the specifics of legal regulation and determine the features of the functioning of the mechanism of state power. The subjects and their interests, legalized in constitutional law, individualize the specifics of the objective legal and administrative reality of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, defining its unique outlines and manifestations.
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Sukhanov, I. A. "The impact of COVID-19 on the economy and international economic relations of the Republic of Korea". POWER AND ADMINISTRATION IN THE EAST OF RUSSIA 97, nr 4 (2021): 173–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1818-4049-2021-97-4-173-179.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has negatively impacted global trade in goods and services and has exposed weaknesses in the existing structures for international interaction within the global value chains in the Asia-Pacific region, including the United States of America, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The dependence of these economies on the People's Republic of China negatively affected the production processes of the largest industrial companies. To minimize the existing risks, countries are actively participating in and developing free trade agreements, which helps to diversify the geography of participants in global value chains and sales markets. The Government of the Republic of Korea has demonstrated its ability to effectively combat the COVID-19 pandemic by implementing its own strategy of preventive measures and economic stimulus measures. In addition, two new foreign economic initiatives were launched: the New Southern Policy and the New Northern Policy, which could be based on existing and new free trade agreements. Active involvement in global value chains and participation in free trade agreements allowed the Republic of Korea to increase its competitive advantages in the world market and develop its economic potential. The diversification of trading partners under free trade agreements had a positive impact on the country's economic performance during the pandemic and helped to minimize the negative impact of disruptions in foreign trade. The Russian Federation has the opportunity to integrate into new foreign economic trends in South Korea, and there are opportunities to increase the volume of mutual trade between the countries. One of the ways to achieve this goal may be the signing of a bilateral agreement of a free trade zone between the Republic of Korea and the Eurasian Economic Union.
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Yufan, Hao, i Zhai Zhihai. "China's Decision to Enter the Korean War: History Revisted". China Quarterly 121 (marzec 1990): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013527.
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Thirty-seven years have passed since the Korean War ended in July 1953. The Korean War, which was one of the most dramatic events of the cold war, resulted not only in huge casualties on the two sides, but also in a deep wound in Sino–American relations which took more than two decades to heal. Vast amounts of research have been done on the war, but one important aspect–the motivation behind the decision of the People's Republic of China to enter the war – remains mysteriously masked, or at least unconvincingly explained.Why did Beijing involve itself in a military conflict with the United States, the world's most powerful country, at a time when the newly established regime needed to be consolidated? What were the factors that led the Chinese to decide that they had to enter the war on behalf of North Korea? It has been generally accepted in the west that the Chinese were motivated by a combination of Chinese xenophobic attitudes, security concerns, expansionist tendencies and the communist ideology. To what extent is this perspective historically correct? What is the Chinese perspective on this issue?The purpose of this article is to try to explain from a Chinese perspective the motivation of China's leaders in making such a momentous decision, as revealed by Chinese sources recently released in China.Historical RootsChina's decision to intervene in the Korean War on behalf of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) had its historical roots. It was the natural result of gradually developed animosity between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and what it regarded as the foreign imperialist powers, especially the United States, and of the fear of a threat from the latter.
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Tran, Nguyen Toan, Myong Chon Jang, Yong Su Choe, Won Suk Ko, Hae Suk Pyo i Ok Suk Kim. "Feasibility, efficacy, safety, and acceptability of mifepristone-misoprostol for medical abortion in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea". International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics 109, nr 3 (4.03.2010): 209–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijgo.2010.01.012.
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Chestnut, Sheena. "Illicit Activity and Proliferation: North Korean Smuggling Networks". International Security 32, nr 1 (lipiec 2007): 80–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.1.80.
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Since public disclosure by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) of its uranium enrichment program in 2002 and the subsequent restarting of its plutonium reactor, policymakers and academics have expressed concern that the DPRK will one day export nuclear material or components. An examination of North Korea's involvement in nonnuclear criminal activities shows that the DPRK has established sophisticated transnational smuggling networks, some of which involve terrorist groups and others that have been able to distribute counterfeit currency and goods on U.S. territory. These networks provide North Korea with a significant amount of much-needed hard currency, but the DPRK regime's control over them has decreased over time. These developments suggest that North Korea has both the means and motivation for exporting nuclear material, and that concerns over nuclear export from the DPRK, authorized or not, are well founded. When placed in the context of the global nuclear black market, the North Korea case suggests that criminal networks are likely to play an increased role in future proliferation. In addition, it raises the concern that proliferation conducted through illicit networks will not always be well controlled by the supplier state. It is therefore imperative to track and curtail illicit networks not only because of the costs they impose, but also because of the deterrent value of countersmuggling efforts. New strategies that integrate law enforcement, counterproliferation, and nonproliferation tools are likely to have the greatest success in addressing the risks posed by illicit proliferation networks.
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Mazzeo, R., E. Joseph, V. Minguzzi, G. Grillini, P. Baraldi i D. Prandstraller. "Scientific investigations of the Tokhung-Ri tomb mural paintings (408A.D.) of the Koguryo era, Democratic People's Republic of Korea". Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 37, nr 10 (2006): 1086–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jrs.1592.
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Kang, Sangjun, Jinmu Choi, Hyejin Yoon i Woonsup Choi. "Changes in the extent and distribution of urban land cover in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) between 1987 and 2010". Land Degradation & Development 30, nr 16 (18.07.2019): 2009–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ldr.3396.
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Asmolov, Konstantin. "Presidential elections-2022 in the Republic of Korea". Problemy dalnego vostoka, nr 2 (2022): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120019649-4.
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The presidential race of 2022 was fought on the background of the uneasy legacy of President Moon Jae-in between the candidate of the ruling Democratic Party Lee Jae-myong and the representative of the conservatives, former Attorney General Yoon Seok-yeol. Each of the camps was represented by a person who was not a typical representative of his camp and has a difficult relationship with the "core of the party". Lee is a representative of the inner-party opposition, and not Moon's successor. Yoon has found himself in the conservative camp after the conflict with the Blue House due to the logic of factional struggle and the absence of a third force in the politics of the Republic of Korea. Lee was called the Korean Bernie Sanders because of the promise of unconditional basic income and other social programs, and in foreign policy he promised to continue inter-Korean rapprochement. Yun had to reflect conservative discourse and advocated a tougher policy towards the DPRK, an alliance with the United States and the restoration of relations with Japan. The elections turned out to be a record in terms of populist promises and black PR against candidates and their families. This led to a specific situation when, on the eve of the elections, both candidates had a high anti-rating and the final gap between them was less than one percent. In such a situation, the victorious Yoon Seok-yeol will have to face the split of society, the Democrats controlling the parliament, and the need to strengthen the unity of the party in the difficult international situation and internal problems.
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Zaikov, G. E. "State and Prospects of Research in the Field of High-Molecular Combinations in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea". Polymer-Plastics Technology and Engineering 31, nr 1-2 (styczeń 1992): 177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03602559208017738.
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Shin, Doh Chull. "Democratic Consolidation in Korea: A Trend Analysis of Public Opinion Surveys, 1997–2001". Japanese Journal of Political Science 2, nr 2 (listopad 2001): 177–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109901000226.
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The Republic of Korea (Korea hereinafter) has been widely regarded as one of the most vigorous and analytically interesting third-wave democracies (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). During the first decade of democratic rule, Korea has successfully carried out a large number of electoral and other reforms to transform the institutions and procedures of military-authoritarian rule into those of a representative democracy. Unlike many of its counterparts in Latin America and elsewhere, Korea has fully restored civilian rule by extricating the military from power. As is the case in established democracies of North America and Western Europe, free and competitive elections have been regularly held at all the different levels of the government. In the most recent presidential election, held in December 1997, Korea also established itself as a mature electoral democracy by elevating an opposition party to political power. In Korea today, there is general agreement that electoral politics has become the only possible political game in town.
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Clemens, Walter. "Negotiating to Control Weapons of Mass Destruction in North Korea". International Negotiation 10, nr 3 (2005): 453–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180605776087462.
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AbstractNegotiations to control and perhaps eliminate North Korea's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) appeared to achieve positive results in the 1990s. But these positive trends reversed direction in 2001–2004 under President George W. Bush. Why? This essay weighs six possible explanations. 1. progress in the 1990s as a mirage; 2. cultural differences; 3. distrust of international agreements; 4. perceptions regarding the utility of WMD; 5. internal divisions within each government and society; and 6. ulterior motives.The evidence suggests that the sixth explanation carries the most weight. Top leaders in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as well as in the United States had priorities other than arms control. Each side used arms control negotiations as an instrument to promote its political and economic agenda in other realms. Pyongyang demanded large and certain rewards to give up its main bargaining chips. North Korea's negotiating behavior suggested some willingness to freeze or eliminate WMD programs if the price were right. But Kim Jong Il's regime clearly saw its nuclear and missile capabilities as major assets not to be traded away except for very substantial security and economic rewards. For its part, the Bush White House probably worried that any accord with Pyongyang would impede Washington's larger political, military, and economic ambitions, including deployment of a national missile defense (NMD). There was also a subjective element: President Bush probably loathed Kim Jong Il and did not relish the prospect of making any compromises with evil incarnate. For enlightened self-interest to prevail, the parties could benefit from greater empathy and a quest for mutual rather than one-sided gain.
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Cho, Jae Hyun. "A Study on the Correlation between Changes in North Korea's Power Structure and Constitutional Amendments". Unification and North Korean Law Studies 29 (30.06.2023): 139–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31999/sonkl.2023.29.139.
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The Constitution of North Korea was enacted and promulgated on September 8, 1948 as the People's Democratic Constitution, and the Socialist Constitution of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea was newly adopted on December 27, 1972, including the 2019 Constitution, which did not guarantee basic human rights such as life, liberty, and property of all people, or operate as a norm to control and limit the supreme power of the state. From a legal normative perspective, North Korea's supreme authority exists beyond the constitution and is not bound by the law, and he has no real limits to the exercise of his constitutional powers. It can be said to be a state system in which the policies of the party and the state and the state's official governance system, such as the constitution, must coincide with the will of the leader, the sole leader. Likewise South Korean rulers in the past amended the Constitution with political intentions to prolong the regime, this paper attempted to examine what the political implications of the supreme power in North Korea's constitutional amendment there were, and find out what role the Constitution played in establishing the hereditary system leading to Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il, and Kim Jong Un. In addition, it was a question about the North Korea system, how it gave legitimacy to the power succession by using the constitutional normative power for the unique national hereditary succession by blood in the socialist system. For this purpose, in particular, this paper employed North Korea's 1992 constitutional amendment, Kim Jong-il's succession to power, Kim Il-sung's posthumous rule and 1998 constitution, and Kim Jong-il's posthumous Kim Il-sung--Kim Jong-il's constitution as the main subject of research. To understand the correlation between changes in the power structure of North Korea and the constitution, this paper tried to investigate first of all, what there are in the contents of the constitutional paving stone for the succession of Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong Un, and find out Kim Jong-il's posthumous rule developed after Kim Il-sung's death and the intention of constitutionalization work for the deceased Kim Il-sung, and examine how the constitutional acceptance of the newly emerged state guidance guidelines was along with the hereditary succession of state power, and what intention there was in the constitutional reflection of the governing philosophy by deleting the previous highest state position and changing the new state position. It was because of the political intention shown in the amendment of the North Korea Constitution and the desire to approach the practical legal and normative environment of North Korea.
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Ryu, Jisung. "A Study on Recent Legislative Changes in North-Korea". Unification and North Korean Law Studies 28 (31.12.2022): 235–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31999/sonkl.2022.28.235.
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This study aims to identify the implications for inter-Korean exchange and cooperation and the establishment of unification policy under the South Korean Constitution by observing changes in North Korean society based on the meaning and content of certain aspects of recently enacted or revised North Korean laws.
It was found that recent legislation in North Korea is in the process of forming a unique and special socialist rule of law state that is different from traditional socialist countries. In the early days of the establishment of political power in North Korea, laws were influenced by Marxism-Leninism before gradually evolving into the Juche ideology from the late 1960s onward during the Kim Ilsung regime.
During the mid-1990s under the Kim Jongil regime, North Korean laws fell under the influence of the military-first ideology, which is a de facto emergency system.
Furthermore, laws were frequently enacted by promoting law enactment project after Kim Jongun came to power in 2012, as the regime sought to “normalize the state” by revising the Socialist Constitution of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in 2019. Therefore, recent changes in North Korea's legal system raise certain implications when attempting to understand the current situation and forecast the future direction of change in North Korea. As North Korea is in a special situation, it is necessary to consider the special environment surrounding North Korea when attempting to understand changes in North Korea's legal system. In other words, to understand the ongoing changes in the legal system of North Korea, one must understand that the North has no choice but to pursue a policy of self-reliance, regime protection, and internal control due to the sanctions imposed against it, the blockade due to COVID-19, and the breakdown of the North Korea-US talks on denuclearization (the “Hanoi Talks”).…
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WON, CholGuk, KwangSik SO i SuHyang JON. "New Evidence for a Cretaceous Age for a Mesozoic Nonmarine Bivalve Assemblage from Paekto‐dong, Sinuiju City, The Democratic People's Republic of Korea". Acta Geologica Sinica - English Edition 93, nr 6 (grudzień 2019): 1607–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1755-6724.14378.
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Oyunsuren, S., i U. Zulbayar. "Mongolia’s Foreign Policy Implementation: A Case Study in the Middle East". Mongolian Diaspora. Journal of Mongolian History and Culture 1, nr 1 (1.03.2021): 127–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/modi-2021-010109.
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Summary The purpose of this article is to clarify Mongolia's foreign policy challenges and trends by studying the historical and current processes of Mongolia in relation to the Middle East in chronological order, using both primary and secondary sources. Relations between Mongolia and the countries of the Middle East can be chronologically divided into three different periods: the State of the Huns (Xiongnu), the Mongol Empire, and Modern Mongolia. The state of the Huns, at the peak of its power, successfully developed relations with the countries of the Middle East through the “Great Silk Road”. The Mongol Empire, including the Ilkhanate, the Golden Horde, the Chagatai Khanate, and the Yuan Dynasty made a significant contribution to the development of mankind and pioneered globalization processes within the concept of Pax Mongolica. In addition, it is clear that the Mongols and Muslims together played an important role in the development of the world during this period. The Mongols fell under the rule of the Manchu in 1691 and were close to extinction. However, in 1946, they restored the independence of Mongolia. During this period, there was no relationship between Mongolia and the Middle East. And with the accession of the Mongolian People's Republic to the UN in 1961, its foreign policy relations crossed to a new level. However, its political position was one-sided and stated that “Mongolia would develop relations with socialist-oriented countries” and it included Middle Eastern countries such as Egypt, Algeria, Democratic Yemen, Syria, Iraq, and Libya. During the 1990s, Mongolia's internal and external environment changed dramatically and it had moved to a democratic political system and market economy. And Mongolia determined the main guiding principle of foreign policy as “multi-based”. According to Mongolia's first foreign policy concept of 1994, its foreign policy towards the Middle East has been successfully implementing not only through bilateral relations but also through multilateral relations within international organizations and movements such as the United Nations, the Group of 77, and the Non-Aligned Movement. The renewed Mongolia Foreign Policy Concept of 2011 is aimed at establishing and expanding partnerships and cooperation with countries of the West and East, such as the United States, Japan, the European Union, India, the Republic of Korea, and Turkey within the framework of the “third neighbor” policy. One of the key motivations for Turkey as a third neighbor should be a historical link that binds the two peoples together as descendants of similar cultural heritage. In the near future, it is obvious that we will increase the number of our third neighbors with countries such as Kuwait, Israel, Iran from the Middle East.
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Ford, Glyn. "Korean Peninsula: is a turn from armistice to peace possible?" Soundings 80, nr 80 (1.05.2022): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.80.07.2022.
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This article explores the current prospects for peace on the Korean Peninsula. It argues that denuclearisation will be the final step in any peace process and cannot be seen as a precondition. There needs to be an understanding that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) sees nuclear deterrence as guaranteeing its survival as a country, which means that surrendering it will only be possible at the end of multilateral peace process with strong security guarantees. The rigour, robustness and resilience of the Iran Deal and its Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is seen as a model. The start of talks is likely to be bilateral, but security and economics will make the later stages collective. Obstacles along the way include a lack of understanding on both sides; President Biden's reversion to Obama's playbook and the potential difficulties of getting any agreement through Congress; and recent elections in South Korea, which have seen the election of a hawkish President. The only good news is that, since Fumio Kishida became president any initiative by China to return to Six Party Talks is no longer stymied by Japanese intransigence. As with any peace process, there is a need for recognition by both sides that the journey is as important as the destination; an 'End of War Declaration', to replace the armistice, would be a good starting point.
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Shnitser, Ihor. "THE PROBLEM OF CONSTITUTIONAL REGULATION OF CZECH-SLOVAK RELATIONS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA IN 1946 – 1948". Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, nr 2 (47) (20.12.2022): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(47).2022.267350.
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The article is devoted to the problem of the constitutional regulation of Czech-Slovak relations in Czechoslovakia from 1946 to 1948. The lower chronological limit of the publication is dictated by the adoption of the third Prague Agreement, which essentially turned Czechoslovakia into a unitary state with a strong central government, but at the same time preserved elements of an asymmetric administrative-territorial system. Adopting the new Constitution determines the upper chronological limit of the article on May 9, 1948, which proclaimed the Czechoslovak People's Democratic Republic as a single state of two equal peoples, Czechs, and Slovaks still failed to resolve the Slovak question. The research methodology in the article is based on general scientific and special scientific methods, which allowed the author to avoid inconsistency, imprecision, and detachment from the objective historical process during the research. The article analyzes the views and projects of the leading parties of the Third Czechoslovak Republic on the solution to the Slovak question in the state through the constitutional regulation of Czech-Slovak relations. The author states that the Czech (Czechoslovak) political parties advocated a return to the unitary system. At the same time, the Slovak Democratic Party in 1946-1948 remained a supporter of the reconstruction of Czechoslovakia on a federal basis. The article finds out that the usurpation of power by the communists due to the February coup d'état of 1948 was the decisive factor that influenced the constitutional settlement of Czech-Slovak relations in Czechoslovakia, based on Marxist-Leninist principles, the specific forms of the state system of the Czechs and Slovaks. Of course, under such circumstances, it was impossible to talk about the final solution to the Slovak question in Czechoslovakia.
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Mayzel, Jerzy. "Gwarancja". Studia Prawnicze / The Legal Studies, nr 1 (29.04.2023): 9–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37232/sp.1960.1.1.
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Autor artykułu przedstawia swoje rozważania nad instytucją gwarancji, w kontekście umów kupna-sprzedaży oraz o dzieło. Przemyślenia są także osadzone w szerszym kontekście, ponieważ autor zajmuje się instytucją gwarancji nie tylko z punktu widzenia stosunków pomiędzy organizacjami socjalistycznymi bądź stosunków organizacji socjalistycznych – obywatel, lecz ponadto w świetle pojęć używanych w orzecznictwie i literaturze niektórych krajów bloku zachodniego. Autor przedstawia etymologię oraz definicję terminu gwarancja. Przybliża funkcjonowanie klauzul gwarancyjnych, tj. opisuje ich rodzaje, stosunek klauzuli gwarancyjnej do przepisów o rękojmi ustawowej. Koncentruje swoją uwagę także na gwarancjach terminowych oraz fabrycznych. Ponadto przedstawia funkcjonowanie instytucji gwarancji w gospodarkach socjalistycznych, porównując obowiązujące przepisy w Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej, Niemieckiej Republice Demokratycznej i Czechosłowacji.
The author of this article presents his reflections on the institution of warranty, in the context of sale and purchase contracts and works contracts. The reflections are also set in a broader context, as the author deals with the warranty not only from the point of view of relations between socialist organisations or relations between socialist organisations and the citizen, but, moreover, in the light of concepts used in the jurisprudence and literature of some Western Bloc countries. The author presents the etymology and definition of the term warranty. He introduces the operation of warranty clauses, i.e. describes their types, the relationship of the warranty clause to the statutory warranty provisions. He also focuses on date-based and factory warranty. In addition, the functioning of the warranty in socialist economies is described, comparing the applicable legislation in the People's Republic of Poland, the German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia.
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Oh, Taek-hyun. "A Study on the Literature of Jeongneungsa Temple Site in Pyongyang". Institute for Historical Studies at Chung-Ang University 57 (30.12.2022): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46823/cahs.2022.57.39.
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Jeongneungsa Temple in Pyongyang, North Korea's state-owned No.173, was built during the Goguryeo period. According to an excavation report published by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the temple is the tomb of King Dongmyeong, located in front of it. However, the name and nature of the temple (Nungsa Temple) were confirmed through the literature excavated from the temple site, and it is unclear whether Jeongneungsa Temple was the tomb of King Dongmyeong.
An excavation report published in North Korea in 1964 focused on the tomb of King Dongmyeong, and the area around the tomb of King Dongmyeong was considered to be the tomb guarding the tomb of King Dongmyeong. Jeongneungsa Temple is also described as the tomb of King Dongmyeong. In addition, the fact that the scope of the temple is not symmetrical emphasizes its specificity as it is a combination of the temple and the ruins of the palace. This is an obstacle to understanding Jeongneungsa Temple.
In this article, I would like to mention the problems of research on Jeongneungsa Temple Site in Pyongyang and suggest the direction of future research on Jeongneungsa Temple Site. First, Jeongneungsa Temple is understood as a tomb group by dividing Dongmyeong Royal Tomb and Jeongneungsa Temple, and Jeongneungsa Temple has the characteristics of Neungsa Temple of the entire Jinpa-ri Ancient Tombs using the concept of family tombs. In addition, I would like to point out that the octagonal flag identified within Jeongneungsa Temple Site is emphasized as a characteristic of Goguryeo, and it is necessary to keep various situations in mind.
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., Saharuddin, Endang Larasati i Sri Suwitri. "Analyzing People's Silence Power and the Incumbent Local Party Regime in Aceh Province Regional Head Elections in 2017". International Journal of Research and Review 10, nr 3 (15.03.2023): 206–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/ijrr.20230324.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Simultaneous regional head elections aim to properly build democratization at the local level. It is related to the level of participation and the power relations that result from the principle implementation of people's sovereignty. Election results improve people's social, political, and economic circumstances. The purpose of this research is to determine why political dynamics of local and national parties occurred in the 2017 post-conflict local election in Aceh, as well as the influence of political dynamics of local and national parties on the Aceh post-conflict local election in 2017. This study was conducted in Aceh Province and used a descriptive qualitative research method. Primary data is obtained from the first source in the form of writing or written notes, whereas secondary data is obtained from existing sources. Basically, a political battle in general elections or regional head elections is a natural thing, the most important thing is how each candidate and his supporters are mature. This means giving political lessons that in a fight there must be a winner. Later when whoever wins will not influence the people not to stay away from the leader who becomes the winner. The journey of democracy teaches the winners in the sense that all people will honestly and fairly participate, even if they don't support it at first. What's more, we see that the battles that took place were dominated by former combatants of the Free Aceh Movement, who incidentally were comrades-in-arms. We can see the battle this time around in the democratic arena under the auspices of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia which has become a commitment between the Free Aceh Movement and the Republic of Indonesia. The response is that whoever our winners are still brothers, in the future we can join hands hand in hand to create prosperity and peace in Aceh. Keywords: Political Information, Positioning Strategy, Silence Power, Hegemony, and Regional Head Elections
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Kravchuk, Oleksandr. "T. G. Masaryk and the Ukrainian Question in the Documents of the Representation of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague". Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, nr 34 (2020): 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-92-99.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations.
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Voron, Nataliia. "History and Culture of Ukraine on the Pages of Periodicals of the Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society in Prague (in 1939-1945s)". Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, nr 34 (2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-100-109.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations.
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Belaia, E. K., i M. A. Kashina. "Comparative Analysis of South Korean and American Soft Power Practices in World Politics". EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics, nr 4 (23.12.2022): 106–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2022-04-106-120.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the 21st century, soft power has proved its effectiveness and expediency and has become one of the most important foreign policy instruments of strong, medium and small powers. The approach proposed by Joseph Nye is considered to be a classic example of soft power politics with the United States being the leading state in this field. However, considering the intensification of glocalization processes and the growth of anti-global and anti-American sentiments, the effectiveness of the US soft power is being called into question. On the contrary, the popularity of South Korean culture has been constantly growing all over the world in recent years, which proves the possibility of successful application of the soft power policy by a non-Western (Asian) state.Aim. The aim is to compare the South Korean and American approaches to the implementation of soft power policy.Tasks. The tasks include studying the elements of the US and South Korean soft power models (culture and way of life, values and ideologies, principles of foreign and domestic policy) and comparing them with each other.Methods. The methods of cross-cultural analysis and secondary analysis of data, including official sources, were used.Results. When implementing the soft power policy, both states use the same resources (elements) distinguished by Joseph Nye (culture and lifestyle, ideology and values, principles of domestic and foreign policy).Conclusion. The difference between national models of soft power lies in the content of these elements. The United States and the Republic of Korea convey different values and prioritize different elements of soft power. The United States, placing the main emphasis on ideology, promotes democratic values, while the Republic of Korea, relying on culture in the broadest sense, appeals to humanistic and Confucian values (love for oneself, caring for others, seeking harmony, cheerfulness). Directions for further research include the analysis of the origins and prospects of such a phenomenon of international relations as Asian waves (Japanese, Korean, Chinese, etc.).
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DANYLENKO, Lidia. "TRADITIONS AND VALUES OF PARLIAMENTARISM IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBAL CHANGES". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Public Administration 18, nr 2 (2023): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2616-9193.2023/18-4/14.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
B a c k g r o u n d . Global changes that have occurred in social relations in the world and in Ukraine recently, related to the environmental crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic, the full-scale war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, require the systematization of scientific knowledge about parliamentarism as a special system of public management, in which the priority role in the formation of state policy, the parliament is the only legislative body of state power. The purpose of the study is to substantiate the traditions of people's representation and the values of political and administrative leadership, political responsibility and innovative activity of the parliament as those that contribute to the democratic development of Ukraine in the conditions of global changes. Object of study is parliamentarism in conditions of global changes. M e t h o d s . A complex of general scientific and special scientific research methods was used for: formulating the main concepts and conclusions of the research (method of theoretical analysis); comparison of legislative acts (method of comparative analysis); forecasting ways to improve the quality of the activity of the parliament and parliamentarians in the conditions of global changes, taking into account the modern values of parliamentarism, such as ethical leadership and innovative activity in public administration (methods of observation, surveys, generalization). R e s u l t s . It was determined that the principles of people's representation and representative democracy are traditional for parliamentarism as a special system of public administration, on the basis of which representative bodies of state power have functioned on Ukrainian lands for many centuries, whose activity is characterized by electability and collegiality in making political and administrative decisions. Their varieties in different historical periods of the functioning and development of Ukraine (during the times of Kyivan Rus, the Lithuanian-Russian State, the Commonwealth of Nations, the Moscow State, the Cossack Republic, the Hetmanship as part of the Russian Empire, the Ukrainian People's Republic, the Ukrainian SSR, the Ukrainian SSR, and in modern Ukraine) and it was found that the majority of Ukrainians perceive them as a public value characterized by a higher level of legitimacy. It is noted that a special role among other representative bodies of state power is played by Councils, which are a custom (tradition) and passed from generation to generation, for which the Ukrainian people have been fighting fiercely against various interventionists at all times and now. The essence of the concept of "parliamentarism" and its structural elements, such as: institutions of the state (political and social) and institutions of democracy (election, publicity, equality before the law, distribution of power); considered the dual nature of the parliament as a state institution and an institution of democracy, which is a representative body of state power, has its own structure, forms, methods, management technologies and is responsible for creating an effective mechanism of interaction with internal structural elements and civil society. It is substantiated that in the conditions of global changes associated with the environmental crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic, a full-scale war with the Russian Federation, in Ukrainian society it is important to form a system of values in public administration, based on political and managerial ethical leadership, political responsibility, innovative activity. C o n c l u s i o n s . It is substantiated that in Ukraine, in the conditions of global changes related to the environmental crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic, a full-scale war with the Russian Federation, a system of values is being formed in public administration, in particular in parliamentary activity, related to political and administrative leadership, political responsibility, the innovative activity of the parliament and further development acquires a national tradition of people's representation, which contributes to the democratic progress of the state.